VIDEO: Happy Birthday Roy Ayers

ROY AYERS

Happy birthday to Roy Ayers, born September 10, 1940!

Ayers is a jazz-funk legend, a vibraphone player who helped pioneer new sounds in the 70s through work ranging from the soundtrack for the Pam Grier movieCoffy to Ayers' seminal hit "Everybody Loves the Sunshine."

Ayers continues to perform around the world to this day.

 

.

__________________________

 

 

VIDEO: Hip Hop On Trial

Watch:

Hip-Hop On Trial:

Hip-Hop Doesn't

Enhance Society,

It Degrades it

(1st Global Debate

on Hip Hop)

 

BY COURTNEY
JUNE 29, 2012 

I'd been waiting to watch this.

Jesse JacksonKRS-OneQ-TipEstelle?uestloveTouréMichael Eric DysonTricia Rosedream hamptonP. J. O'RourkeJaron Lanier, and some 10 other rappers, poets, academics and pundits came together in London on June 26th, just 3 days ago, to debate the motion, "Hip-Hop on Trial: Hip-Hop Doesn't Enhance Society, It Degrades it," chaired by the BBC's Emily Maitlis, and moderated online by Jemima Khan.

Presented by Intelligence Squared and Google+, it was the third in their new joint debate series, Versus

Watch the 2 hour global debate below; a little something for when you've got some time over the weekend:

__________________________

 

Ill Doctrine:

Why Is Every

Hip-Hop Debate

So Annoying?

Why debates about hip-hop culture are a bad influence on society. 

 

<p>Ill Doctrine: Why Is Every Hip-Hop Debate So Annoying? from ANIMALNewYork.com on Vimeo.</p>

>via: http://vimeo.com/44960395

 

 

PUB: New Issues Poetry & Prose Contests

New Issues Poetry & Prose - WMU

Poetry Prizes

New Issues Poetry & Prose offers two contests annually. The Green Rose Prize is awarded to an author who has previously published at least one full-length book of poems. The New Issues Poetry Prize, an award for a first book of poems, is chosen by a guest judge. Past judges have included Philip Levine, C.K. Williams, C.D. Wright, and Campbell McGrath.

The press accepts hard copy submissions sent to: New Issues Poetry & Prose, 1903 W. Michigan Ave., Kalamazoo, MI 49008-5463, or electronic submissions through submittable.

New Issues does not read manuscripts outside of our contests. Graduate students in the Ph.D. and M.F.A. programs of Western Michigan University often volunteer their time reading manuscripts. Finalists are chosen by the editors. New Issues often publishes up to two additional manuscripts selected from the finalists.

Please visit the AWP website for guidelines to submit to the AWP Award Series in the Novelcontest.

*Download Guidelines

Submission Guidelines

The 2013 Green Rose Prize

$2,000 and publication for a book of poems by an established poet

Guidelines:

  • Eligibility: Poets writing in English who have already published one or more full-length collections of poetry. We will consider individual collections and volumes of new and selected poems. Besides the winner, New Issues may publish as many as three additional manuscripts from this competition.

  • Please include a $25 reading fee. Checks should be made payable to New Issues Press.

  • Postmark Deadline: September 30, 2012. The winning manuscript will be named in January 2013 and published in the spring of 2014.

The 2012 New Issues Poetry Prize

$2,000 and publication for a first book of poems
Judge: David St. John, author of The Face: A Novella in Verse

Guidelines:

  • Eligibility: Poets writing in English who have not previously published or self-published a full-length collection (48+ pages) of poems.

  • Please include a $20 reading fee. Checks should be made payable to New Issues Press.

  • Postmark Deadline: November 30, 2012. The winning manuscript will be named in April 2013 and published in the spring of 2014.

General Guidelines:

  • Submit a manuscript at least 48 pages in length, typed on one side, single-spaced preferred. Photocopies are acceptable. Please do not bind manuscript. Include a brief bio, relevant publication information, cover page with name, address, phone number, and title of the manuscript, and a page with only the title.

  • Enclose a stamped, self-addressed postcard for notification that the manuscript has been received. For notification of title and author of the winning manuscript enclose a stamped, self-addressed envelope. Manuscripts will be recycled.

  • A manuscript may be submitted that is being considered elsewhere but New Issues should be notified upon the manuscript’s acceptance elsewhere.

Send manuscripts and queries to:

The New Issues Poetry Prize
(or) The Green Rose Prize
New Issues Poetry & Prose
Western Michigan University
1903 West Michigan Ave.
Kalamazoo, MI 49008-5463

>via: http://www.wmich.edu/newissues/sub-guide.html

PUB: Brittingham and Pollak Poetry Prize

BRITTINGHAM AND POLLAK POETRY PRIZE SUBMISSION GUIDE

The University of Wisconsin Press awards the Brittingham Prize in Poetry and the Felix Pollak Prize in Poetry. Each winning poet will receive $2,500 ($1,000 cash prize and $1,500 honorarium to cover expenses of reading in Madison). Prizes are awarded annually to the two best book-length manuscripts of original poetry submitted in an open competition. Each manuscript submitted will be considered for both prizes. There are no restrictions on the kind of poetry or subject matter, although translations are not acceptable. The winners will be announced and the prizes awarded in February of each calendar year, with publishing contracts to follow soon thereafter.

Submission Guidelines

SUBMISSION PERIOD:

Manuscripts postmarked September 1 through September 30 each calendar year will be considered. Manuscripts postmarked before September 1 or after September 30 will be discarded.

MANUSCRIPT FORMAT:

  • All submissions must be unbound (no binders, clamps, etc., please), typed on 8 1/2 x 11 paper, and should be 60–90 manuscript pages in length. Pages should be numbered.

  • Manuscripts must be typed single-spaced with a double space between stanzas.

  • Clean photocopies are acceptable.

  • Manuscripts should have two title pages: one with the title of the manuscript only; and one with the title, poet's name, mailing address, email address, and telephone number.

  • The manuscript must be previously unpublished in book form. Poems published in journals, chapbooks, and anthologies may be included but must be acknowledged.

  • No changes in the manuscript will be considered between submission and acceptance.

OTHER REQUIREMENTS:

  • $25.00 non-refundable reading fee must accompany each manuscript, and covers entry to both prizes. Please make check or money order payable to "The University of Wisconsin Press." Do not send cash or stamps. Foreign entries: please remit reading fee in U.S. funds drawn on a U.S. bank.

  • Manuscripts will not be returned. Please do not enclose return packaging.

  • Submissions must include a stamped, self-addressed business-size envelope for notification of results (no postcards please).

  • First Class or Priority Mail is preferred. It is not necessary to send your manuscript via a Federal Express service.

  • Simultaneous submissions to other contests are permitted provided the poet agrees to inform the Press of the manuscript's acceptance for publication elsewhere.
SELECTION PROCEDURE:

Qualified readers appointed by the Press will screen all manuscripts. The final selections will be made by a distinguished poet who will remain anonymous until the winner is announced in mid-February.

SEND CORRESPONDENCE AND MANUSCRIPTS TO:

Brittingham and Pollak Poetry Prizes
c/o Ronald Wallace, UW Press Poetry Series Editor
Department of English
600 N. Park Street
University of Wisconsin
Madison, WI 53706
E-mail : rwallace@wisc.edu

>via: http://uwpress.wisc.edu/poetryguide.html

PUB: The Second Aqsa Syarif International Prisoners Literary Contest ($200 top prize | worldwide) > Writers Afrika

The Second Aqsa Syarif

International Prisoners

Literary Contest

($200 top prize | worldwide)


Deadline: 1 December 2012

In cooperation with Aqsa Syarif-Malaysia, CPDS is organizing the second International Contest to support Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails. All, regardless of nationality, can take part in this contest. The goal is to encourage creative efforts that support Palestinian prisoners and further their cause locally and internationally.

TOPICS:

  • Prisoners' sufferings and incarceration conditions.

  • Psychological, physical, and social impact of imprisonment on prisoners.

  • Efforts exerted to support prisoners.

  • Exposing the practices of Israeli occupation against prisoners especially veteran and ailing prisoners.

  • Conveying the plight of prisoners' families
CATEGORIES:
  • Literature (short story, poetry, and sketches) and News Features.

  • Artistic works: collection of (a) pictures, (b) cartoons, (c) designs, (d) video clips, (e) short documentaries, (f) songs/ Nasheed, and (g) musical works.

  • Social Media: Best (a) blog, (b) YouTube channel, (4) twitter account, (5) Facebook page. The account can be solely or partly dedicated to prisoners.

  • Publicity proposals: campaigns and/or activities that mobilize more effort to achieve the goal of this contest.
CONTEST TERMS:
  • All people, regardless of age and/or nationality, can participate in the contest

  • Entries should be done for this contest

  • More than one entry in the same category is welcome

  • Team work i.e. entries made/written by two or more (like songs) is also welcome

  • Pieces should all be submitted in English

  • Deadline is absolute.
  • CPDS has the right to publish the entries, with reference to the author

  • Full name of the participant, title of the entry, email and cell-phone number should be provided
AWARDS:
  • Literature: First award: $200, runner-up: $100, third award: $50 in addition to symbolic awards.

  • Artistic works: First award: $300, runner-up $150, third award: $100, in addition to symbolic awards.

  • Social media: First award: $300, second award: $150, third award $100, in addition to satisfactory awards.

  • Publicity proposals: First award: $150, second award: $100, third award: $50, in addition to satisfactory awards.
Entries will be assessed by a professional team.

CONTACT INFORMATION:

For queries/ submissions: thisispalestine@gmail.com or prisonerscontest@gmail.com

Website: http://www.aqsasyarif.org.my/

 

 

 

 

 

HEALTH: Not Ready To Die But Wanting To Die: Depression, Hip Hop And The Death Of Chris Lighty

Chris Lighty

Friday, August 31, 2012

Not ready to die
but wanting to die:
Depression, Hip Hop and
the death of Chris Lighty


Disclaimer: No cause of death for Chris Lighty has been officially released.

By Rosa Clemente

“We need a very serious and healing discussion on depression for the Hip Hop generation. As one who suffers from depression myself, it breaks my heart to see those lose this very difficult and often lonely battle.”  8/30/12 my Facebook status after hearing of Chris Lighty’s death

Right now I should be finishing a paper for my independent study. But I just heard the news about Chris Lighty’s death. Though I never meet him, being part of the Hip Hop village, I always heard good things about him. Reading my sister, Joan Morgan’s, one word post on Facebook, "devastated", I broke down and thought, another possible suicide in our village.  Why is this happening? All of us living and breathing are dealing with a myriad of challenges, especially financial ones, so what is it that makes one want to kill themselves? And why is there so much silence in communities of color? We all grew up hearing about suicides, and for a long time I believed that only white kids killed themselves. When I was in high school, there was a rash of suicides that I heard about, read about. I would say to my friends, “white kids are crazy”, little did I know that I myself might have been a little bit "crazy".

It was not until 2005 that I was diagnosed with Bipolar disorder and depression.  I was 34 and after a very hard pregnancy, in which I suffered from a rare disease, hyper-emesis, along with postpartum depression, did I finally admit to myself that I had been suffering with depression since my mid-twenties and I desperately needed help.  Depression manifests itself in many ways.  For me, it manifested as manic episodes of high energy, no sleep, compulsive cleaning and bursts of anger. As I look back at my life I recall encounters in which I acted irrationally, impulsively and destructively, sometimes publicly. I recall episodes of manic states in which I would stay up for days, clean and write like a fiend. When the panic state ended I would shut down and isolate myself for days in my room and cry myself to sleep, thinking of death. In the subsequent 7 years since my diagnosis I have sought treatment that includes medications, talk therapy, acupuncture and tried more holistic techniques. I have great days and some very dark ones but I believe I am better and as I continue to live I have come to truly understand this disease. One of the hardest things was telling friends who would then tell me all the evils of these meds and urge me to drink this tea, do this exercise, eat this food or just go out and take a walk, it’s just the blues. As well-meaning as my friends were they just did not get it.  Too many times those of us who deal with issues of mental health are silenced, ignored or told, “everything will be all right”  “you’re strong” and often we want to scream back at them and say, “How do you know everything will be all right? I am sick of being strong!” When we hear that it makes us shut down even more and retreat into that corner. When we see that look in your eye we wish we never would have told you. No matter how many friends you have, how many people tell you they love you, these things do not cure depression. Some of us need medications, some of us cannot meditate or exercise our way out of it.  Most of us inherited this and because of the silence in our families we may never truly know the extent to which this is passed down. I worry every day that my daughter has inherited this from me. Every time she cry’s or shows signs of anxiety or stress I am terrified that my little girl has “the gene.”

I turned 40 this year and I told myself I would live my life in my truth. Every day I wake up and I know that as much as I want to have a great day the slip back into a depressive state lurks around the corner.  Unfortunately, so many do not have the information, the networks or the support systems I do. Damn, so many are not privileged enough to have health insurance that covers mental health services.  In one of my recent sessions with my therapist she reminded me that there is no cure for depression, there is living with depression.  Hip Hop and the larger community of Black and Brown, progressive, radical, social justice activists must figure out a way to begin a dialogue, to not just break the silence around depression, but to stop the shaming of those who suffer this disease. Often times I feel that if I had an ailment that was physical or one that people could actually see people that their hearts and minds would be more open to that disability then to my mental health disability.

Today my silence stops. My shame ends. I am going to say the one thing you are never ever ever supposed to say; I wanted to die. Some of us reach this point, and it is the most frightening thing to say and feel. That day in April 2005, living in Brooklyn, I felt that feeling. The sick nauseating, head spinning, heart pounding feeling of wanting to die, visualizing how I would die and who would find me. As I lay on my bedroom floor ravaged with pain and tears, hoping to get the strength to walk to the 7 on Parkside and Prospect all I could feel is that soon this would be over, this monster inside of me would finally be gone and so would I. At the moment a bit of light broke through and I did the one thing so many cannot and do not do, I picked up the phone; I called my best friend who called my mother who called my aunt who called a friend who is a psychiatrist.  She stayed on the phone with me until my husband came home from work and the next morning I was in a doctor’s office.  Since that dark day in Brooklyn and until the day I am SUPPOSED to leave this world, I will be living with and battling this disease. 

As I said, I never meet Chris Lighty, but I keep imagining the movement he put that gun to his head, the pain and despair he must have felt is unfathomable. The thought of it makes me physically ill. As many write about his death, some will say he did not commit suicide, some will say that he showed no signs that he was depressed; some will blame his financial issues, some will be angry; some will ask themselves what could I have done and unfortunately, some will pass judgment and some will never be able to admit that he lost his fight. The despair he must have been in might not have been noticeable even to those closest to him. Maybe no one knew. That’s the thing about depression; it’s a disease that is often suffered in silence, alone, behind a closed door, in the corner of a dark closet, under the covers of a bed. I have often said that Hip Hop saved my life; now we need Hip Hop to do what it does best; tell the hard truth, bring people together to create the means to battle whatever ails us and try to save lives. For those of us in this Hip Hop village suffering from this wretched debilitating disease we must Break the Silence, we must Stop the Shame. We must do it for those that are still living and in remembrance of those like Chris who did all they could to survive but lost their battle to this demon.

Rosa Clemente is Hip Hop Scholar and Activist, 2008 Green Party Vice-Presidential Candidate. Currently she is a doctoral student in the W.E.B. Dubois department at UMASS-Amherst and can be reached on Facebook, Twitter @rosaclemente or via email at clementerosa@gmail.com

Please share this letter with your networks, feel free to post and below are links to some great mental health resources that focus on people of color.


TURKEY: Turkish descendants of African slaves begin to discover their identity > The National

Afro-Turk children at this year's Dana Bayrami. Piotr Zalewski for The National

Turkish descendants

of African slaves

begin to discover

their identity

 

 

 

 

 

No one knows how many Afro-Turks there are but, in a country that's beginning to acknowledge its great diversity, they're beginning to unearth their forgotten history.

 

In 1961, Ertekin Azerturk, a Turkish businessman from Istanbul, placed a long-distance call. The voice of the switchboard operator who answered - a woman's voice, sweet and crisp, like a singer's - must have made his head spin. Must have, because from that day on, Azerturk insisted on speaking to the same operator each time he picked up the phone. During one call he found the gumption to ask his mystery girl out on a date. Her reply was as surprising to him as his request was to her. "No way," Tomris, the operator, told Azerturk. "You won't like me," she explained, "because I'm dark."

But Azerturk didn't back down and Tomris eventually gave in. When they met, he was dumbstruck. He had understood Tomris was dark, but had never figured she would be black. (He had never previously met or even heard of a Turk who was.) Tomris was, like her voice, striking, and Azerturk was smitten. Over the Azerturk family's objections, the pair married.

 

 

Azerturk and Tomris didn't live long enough to see their children grow up, says Muge, the couple's daughter, retelling the story half a century later.

Orphaned, Muge and her brother went to live with Azerturk's white parents in Istanbul. Theirs wasn't an easy childhood. "They wouldn't allow us to play in the street," Muge, now 49, says of her grandparents. "Because we were dark-skinned, they were afraid we'd have problems with the other kids."

As a child, Muge could not fully grasp why her skin was the colour it was - or why it should matter. She finally learnt, and understood, the truth in her teens. She and her brother were descendants, three generations removed, of black slaves.

•••

Afro-Turk women at a village near Izmir. Piotr Zalewski for The National

 

According to Hakan Erdem, a Turkish historian, for the better part of the 19th century an average of 10,000 black slaves arrived in the Ottoman Empire every year, including 1,000 in what is now Turkey. Most were used as domestic workers, cooks or nannies, and although some worked on farms very few - if any - were forced into American-style gang labour.

Slavery did not disappear from Ottoman lands overnight. While an 1857 decree, issued by Sultan Abdulmecid I under pressure from the European powers, abolished the slave trade, it did not delegalise slavery as such. As a result some households, particularly in Istanbul and near the Aegean coast, were to retain black slaves until as late as the early 1900s.

The exact number of their descendants - sometimes called Afro-Turks - is anyone's guess. Erdem floats a figure of 10,000-20,000 but admits that the real number might be much higher. While emancipated slaves in villages near the Aegean and Mediterranean coast usually married within the community, he explains, their counterparts in cities like Istanbul often did not. Several generations and many mixed marriages down the line, many Turks descended from black slaves may not even realise they have African blood in their veins. This is known to have produced a few surprises. "Sometimes, all of a sudden, you have a black baby born into a Turkish family," says Erdem. "And only after intense questioning of the elders do they remember that a grandmother could have been black."

It goes to show, says Erdem, that dark-skinned Afro-Turks might be just "the tip of the iceberg". A few years ago Erdem made the same point during a conference on the subject - and immediately caught flak from a few Turkish nationalists in the audience. "And then this guy gets up," he recalls, "with curly blond hair and blue eyes and points to a [nearby] photograph of a black man, pitch-black, and says: 'That's my uncle.' I thought: 'Well, I rest my case.'"

•••

For decades, Turkey's leaders, from the Young Turks to Ataturk to the early inheritors of his Republic, endeavoured to shape a homogeneous nation out of the remains of the Ottoman Empire. The country's Armenian and Greek populations, though assigned minority status, were almost entirely driven out. Groups like the Laz, the Assyrians, the Kurds, and the Circassians were subjected to assimilation measures, the government going so far as to ban their languages or, as with the Kurds, deny their existence outright. Loyal citizens of the Republic - and too few to matter - Afro-Turks could hardly pose a challenge to Turkish identity. Even if they adopted all the vestiges of local culture, however, their skin colour doomed them to being different, with all the consequences this entailed. (According to a story related to me by Erdem, a black civil servant from Izmir was once handed his marching orders after Ataturk, in town for a visit, complained that "he was not what he expected from a Turk".)

In a country that was almost entirely white, matching the Turkish founding fathers' image of a model citizen was often as difficult as it was traumatic. Fitting in, for some, meant having to forget. When she was little, Alev Karakartal remembers, she would look around her family table and think, "My dad is black, my auntie's black, I'm black. Why are we different?" Knowing it would annoy her father, she rarely asked out loud. "Whenever I'd do so, he'd say, 'Forget it, we're Turkish, we're Muslim, there's nothing to talk about.'" Karakartal, now in her mid-40s, eventually found the answers to her questions, but had to do so entirely on her own. "We didn't have any photos, any souvenirs, any information," she says. "My father destroyed them all."

Whatever discrimination Afro-Turks faced wasn't a matter of state policy, however. The terms of republican Turkey's sacred covenant were clear - identify as a Turk, and you will be accepted as one. Flawed as the formula would turn out to be, it delivered some notable results, leaving no room for laws like "separate but equal." Many black Turks fought in the Turkish war of independence against Greece. In 1927, 20 years before Jackie Robinson suited up for the Brooklyn Dodgers, Vahap Özaltay became the first black man to play for Turkey's national football team. A black Turk, Esmeray, was one of the country's most popular singers in the 1970s.

•••

Mustafa Olpak, author and Afro Turk activist. Piotr Zalewski for The National

 

Whether they were forcefully assimilated (as Karakartal insists) or successfully integrated (as others say) into Turkish society, today next to nothing, aside from skin colour, remains of the black Turks' African past. None of the Afro-Turks I interviewed knew their ancestors' language. Most did not even know where their ancestors had come from, or how.

Lately, however, with Turkey slowly reconciling itself to its diversity and its past, and with other ethnic groups claiming a more visible place in society, some Afro-Turks have begun to reclaim part of their heritage. Many have drawn inspiration from Mustafa Olpak, a grandson of Kenyan slaves, who in 2005 published a memoir detailing his family's journey from the Horn of Africa to Turkey, via Crete.

Three years ago, Olpak, 58, tried to present a copy of his book to Barack Obama in Turkey. He made it to the airport in Istanbul by the time Air Force One touched down, he says, but never caught so much as a glimpse of the president. He is still counting on a few minutes of Obama's time, he says, "whenever the occasion presents itself."

Olpak will always remember spring 2007 as the Afro-Turks' coming out party. It was then that he and a handful of associates revived the Feast of the Calf, a holiday celebrated by black slaves in Ottoman times and subsequently banned by the Turkish authorities.

"We were three buses full of black people going to Ayvalik, where the celebrations were taking place," Olpak recalls, chuckling. "We were passing a police checkpoint. The first bus passed and the police did a double take. The second bus passed and they did another double take. When the third started to pass, they stopped all of us. They thought we were refugees," he says. "They checked all our IDs, but they couldn't find even a single foreigner. All of us were Turks, all of us with names like Ayse, Fatma, Abdurrahman."

•••

Earlier this year I travelled to Cirpi, a small village 30 miles south-east of Izmir, to attend Dana Bayrami, as the Feast of the Calf is known in Turkish. In Ottoman times, the holiday would have lasted several weeks and, true to its name, involved the sacrifice of a cow. The Feast's modern, blood-free edition, I was told, would feature a panel discussion and a concert. But Olpak, whom I met in the village's leafy central square - he was wearing a checked shirt, a wispy moustache, and the expression of a man who'd rather melt into a crowd than be picked out of one - had a surprise in store. In previous years, he told me, the festivities had featured a mix of local Turkish and Roma musicians. This time around, he had invited a group of Nigerian, Congolese and Sierra Leonean artists from Istanbul. It was to be the first Dana Bayrami to feature live African music. Hundreds of people from neighbouring villages turned up to watch.

The outcome was a dance riot. While some of the more risqué parts of the African dance show elicited giggles and gasps, the performance as a whole went down a storm. Less than halfway into the show, the local villagers, most of whom had never previously heard African music, much less witnessed a black man wearing face paint, a dress and a feather-topped skullcap perform an elaborate tribal dance, flooded the stage. A few black Turkish women, one of them clad in a turquoise kaba and gele, joined in a conga line; a pair of local teenagers challenged the Africans to a dance-off; and a group of bubbly Roma girls began to bump and grind with Koko, the Congolese lead performer.

The siblings Mumin and Mumune Arapi. Piotr Zalewski for The National

 

Mumin and Mumune Arapi, brother and sister (he 72, she 74), had arrived here from Haskoy, a nearby village. This was their first-ever Dana Bayrami, they told me. "It's very nice to see so many people of our colour in one place," Mumin said, taking in the scene. "It's like a family feeling." Mumin pointed to a group of Nigerian exchange students who had come from Izmir to attend the festivities. "They remind me of my father," he said. His father, he explained, had grown up a slave to a Muslim family in Thrace, in Ottoman-controlled Greece. He escaped (exactly when is not clear), married a white Turkish woman and, in 1941, crossed into Turkey, bringing along his wife and two small children. "My father always wanted his kids to know who they were and where they came from," said Mumin. "He told me, 'If anyone asks, tell them my story.'"

Mumin and Mumune seldom experienced any problems on account of race, they said. It echoed what I had heard from others. In villages where Afro-Turks have lived side-by-side with ethnic Turkish families for generations, reports of prejudice are remarkably rare. Few Turkish villagers seem to question that their black neighbours are anything other than what they claim to be - fellow Turks.

For their part, most black villagers - even if they take it for granted - don't see their African heritage as a significant part of their identity. "Afro-Turk, Mafro-Turk," a young girl from Haskoy told me, poking fun at a label that, as she rightly observed, only came into being during the last decade. "We're Turkish, and that's that."

•••

In the cities, however, and in inland Anatolia, where few people have ever come into contact with people of a different race, ignorance and prejudice are sometimes very pronounced. It isn't so much the exaggerated interest they arouse, ranging from benign curiosity to finger-pointing and name-calling, that bothers urban Afro-Turks. It's the incredulity that a black man or woman could be Turkish.

"I'm fed up having to explain where I come from," Kivanc Dogu, a 24-year-old from Istanbul, told me as we sat on a pair of plastic chairs on the edge of Cirpi's village square. Because he was so often taken for a foreigner, Dogu said, he felt "neither Turkish nor Afro-Turk," even if he welled up whenever he heard the Turkish national anthem.

Dogu, who works as a fashion model, has probably come as close as anyone to testing the boundaries of what it means to be - or at least to look - Turkish. Those boundaries may have become more flexible, Dogu said, but they are far from gone. "If I go to 10 job interviews, three times they'll take me, and seven times they won't," he said. "People say they would hire me, if not for my skin colour. Because I don't fit the image of an average Turk."

As dusk began to fall on the square, Kivanc was joined by a friend of his, Kerem. Among dozens of black men in woollen flat caps, black women in headscarves and baggy shalvars, Kerem decidedly - and, it seemed, deliberately - stood out, wearing dark sunglasses, a silver chain, and a black T-shirt emblazoned with images of American rappers from Lil Wayne to Chuck D. (The right sleeve had been pulled all the way up to reveal a Tupac tattoo.) "I'm not Turkish," Kerem told me, "because people don't see me as Turkish." He had never felt like he belonged, he said. "Even when I was born, the doctor told my mother I was a zenci, or n****r." Still, he insisted, "there is no racism in Turkey, only ignorance".

Dogu, I saw, was nodding in agreement. When he was little, he said, other kids would sometimes call him names. But, he said, "they didn't know any better." When a group of foreigners called him a "n****r", as once happened to him in Izmir, that was something else. "They actually knew what it meant."

Later that night, I caught up with Hayri Esenerli, a Turk whom I had met a day earlier, and a few others at a cafe in Bayindir, a short drive from Cirpi. "I had never heard of black Turks until I went to college," Esenerli, who is white, confessed when I brought up Kerem's remarks. "I saw black people speaking Turkish in Izmir, but I thought they were Turks who'd been working too much in the sun," he said. "I didn't make the connection."

It was fitting, perhaps, that the girl Esenerli would fall in love with and later marry, should turn out to be Muge, the phone operator's daughter. They met in college. "I never thought she could be of black origin until she told me," Esenerli said of Muge, who has dark, slightly greying hair, brown skin and caramel eyes. The news came as a shock to Esenerli - as did the realisation that Muge was descended from slaves. "I cried the first time she first told me about slavery," he said.

Esenerli also got all choked up earlier that day, he said, when he saw Stephan, one of the African performers, sing and dance at Dana Bayrami. "When the other Afro-Turk women began to dance with him," he said, "I felt so sorry that their culture, their heritage had been destroyed."

"We are a small community," said Alev Karakartal, who had been sitting beside him, obscured by clouds of cigarette smoke. "We don't want anything from the state: no territory, no special treatment." But, she said, "we want recognition of who we are, and where we came from".

Piotr Zalewski is a freelance writer based in Istanbul.

>via: http://www.thenational.ae/news/world/middle-east/turkish-descendants-of-afric...

TURKEY: Turkish descendants of African slaves begin to discover their identity > The National

Azerturk and Tomris didn't live long enough to see their children grow up, says Muge, the couple's daughter, retelling the story half a century later.

Orphaned, Muge and her brother went to live with Azerturk's white parents in Istanbul. Theirs wasn't an easy childhood. "They wouldn't allow us to play in the street," Muge, now 49, says of her grandparents. "Because we were dark-skinned, they were afraid we'd have problems with the other kids."

As a child, Muge could not fully grasp why her skin was the colour it was - or why it should matter. She finally learnt, and understood, the truth in her teens. She and her brother were descendants, three generations removed, of black slaves.

•••

According to Hakan Erdem, a Turkish historian, for the better part of the 19th century an average of 10,000 black slaves arrived in the Ottoman Empire every year, including 1,000 in what is now Turkey. Most were used as domestic workers, cooks or nannies, and although some worked on farms very few - if any - were forced into American-style gang labour.

Slavery did not disappear from Ottoman lands overnight. While an 1857 decree, issued by Sultan Abdulmecid I under pressure from the European powers, abolished the slave trade, it did not delegalise slavery as such. As a result some households, particularly in Istanbul and near the Aegean coast, were to retain black slaves until as late as the early 1900s.

The exact number of their descendants - sometimes called Afro-Turks - is anyone's guess. Erdem floats a figure of 10,000-20,000 but admits that the real number might be much higher. While emancipated slaves in villages near the Aegean and Mediterranean coast usually married within the community, he explains, their counterparts in cities like Istanbul often did not. Several generations and many mixed marriages down the line, many Turks descended from black slaves may not even realise they have African blood in their veins. This is known to have produced a few surprises. "Sometimes, all of a sudden, you have a black baby born into a Turkish family," says Erdem. "And only after intense questioning of the elders do they remember that a grandmother could have been black."

It goes to show, says Erdem, that dark-skinned Afro-Turks might be just "the tip of the iceberg". A few years ago Erdem made the same point during a conference on the subject - and immediately caught flak from a few Turkish nationalists in the audience. "And then this guy gets up," he recalls, "with curly blond hair and blue eyes and points to a [nearby] photograph of a black man, pitch-black, and says: 'That's my uncle.' I thought: 'Well, I rest my case.'"

•••

For decades, Turkey's leaders, from the Young Turks to Ataturk to the early inheritors of his Republic, endeavoured to shape a homogeneous nation out of the remains of the Ottoman Empire. The country's Armenian and Greek populations, though assigned minority status, were almost entirely driven out. Groups like the Laz, the Assyrians, the Kurds, and the Circassians were subjected to assimilation measures, the government going so far as to ban their languages or, as with the Kurds, deny their existence outright. Loyal citizens of the Republic - and too few to matter - Afro-Turks could hardly pose a challenge to Turkish identity. Even if they adopted all the vestiges of local culture, however, their skin colour doomed them to being different, with all the consequences this entailed. (According to a story related to me by Erdem, a black civil servant from Izmir was once handed his marching orders after Ataturk, in town for a visit, complained that "he was not what he expected from a Turk".)

In a country that was almost entirely white, matching the Turkish founding fathers' image of a model citizen was often as difficult as it was traumatic. Fitting in, for some, meant having to forget. When she was little, Alev Karakartal remembers, she would look around her family table and think, "My dad is black, my auntie's black, I'm black. Why are we different?" Knowing it would annoy her father, she rarely asked out loud. "Whenever I'd do so, he'd say, 'Forget it, we're Turkish, we're Muslim, there's nothing to talk about.'" Karakartal, now in her mid-40s, eventually found the answers to her questions, but had to do so entirely on her own. "We didn't have any photos, any souvenirs, any information," she says. "My father destroyed them all."

Whatever discrimination Afro-Turks faced wasn't a matter of state policy, however. The terms of republican Turkey's sacred covenant were clear - identify as a Turk, and you will be accepted as one. Flawed as the formula would turn out to be, it delivered some notable results, leaving no room for laws like "separate but equal." Many black Turks fought in the Turkish war of independence against Greece. In 1927, 20 years before Jackie Robinson suited up for the Brooklyn Dodgers, Vahap Özaltay became the first black man to play for Turkey's national football team. A black Turk, Esmeray, was one of the country's most popular singers in the 1970s.

•••

Whether they were forcefully assimilated (as Karakartal insists) or successfully integrated (as others say) into Turkish society, today next to nothing, aside from skin colour, remains of the black Turks' African past. None of the Afro-Turks I interviewed knew their ancestors' language. Most did not even know where their ancestors had come from, or how.

Lately, however, with Turkey slowly reconciling itself to its diversity and its past, and with other ethnic groups claiming a more visible place in society, some Afro-Turks have begun to reclaim part of their heritage. Many have drawn inspiration from Mustafa Olpak, a grandson of Kenyan slaves, who in 2005 published a memoir detailing his family's journey from the Horn of Africa to Turkey, via Crete.

Three years ago, Olpak, 58, tried to present a copy of his book to Barack Obama in Turkey. He made it to the airport in Istanbul by the time Air Force One touched down, he says, but never caught so much as a glimpse of the president. He is still counting on a few minutes of Obama's time, he says, "whenever the occasion presents itself."

Olpak will always remember spring 2007 as the Afro-Turks' coming out party. It was then that he and a handful of associates revived the Feast of the Calf, a holiday celebrated by black slaves in Ottoman times and subsequently banned by the Turkish authorities.

"We were three buses full of black people going to Ayvalik, where the celebrations were taking place," Olpak recalls, chuckling. "We were passing a police checkpoint. The first bus passed and the police did a double take. The second bus passed and they did another double take. When the third started to pass, they stopped all of us. They thought we were refugees," he says. "They checked all our IDs, but they couldn't find even a single foreigner. All of us were Turks, all of us with names like Ayse, Fatma, Abdurrahman."

•••

Earlier this year I travelled to Cirpi, a small village 30 miles south-east of Izmir, to attend Dana Bayrami, as the Feast of the Calf is known in Turkish. In Ottoman times, the holiday would have lasted several weeks and, true to its name, involved the sacrifice of a cow. The Feast's modern, blood-free edition, I was told, would feature a panel discussion and a concert. But Olpak, whom I met in the village's leafy central square - he was wearing a checked shirt, a wispy moustache, and the expression of a man who'd rather melt into a crowd than be picked out of one - had a surprise in store. In previous years, he told me, the festivities had featured a mix of local Turkish and Roma musicians. This time around, he had invited a group of Nigerian, Congolese and Sierra Leonean artists from Istanbul. It was to be the first Dana Bayrami to feature live African music. Hundreds of people from neighbouring villages turned up to watch.

The outcome was a dance riot. While some of the more risqué parts of the African dance show elicited giggles and gasps, the performance as a whole went down a storm. Less than halfway into the show, the local villagers, most of whom had never previously heard African music, much less witnessed a black man wearing face paint, a dress and a feather-topped skullcap perform an elaborate tribal dance, flooded the stage. A few black Turkish women, one of them clad in a turquoise kaba and gele, joined in a conga line; a pair of local teenagers challenged the Africans to a dance-off; and a group of bubbly Roma girls began to bump and grind with Koko, the Congolese lead performer.

Mumin and Mumune Arapi, brother and sister (he 72, she 74), had arrived here from Haskoy, a nearby village. This was their first-ever Dana Bayrami, they told me. "It's very nice to see so many people of our colour in one place," Mumin said, taking in the scene. "It's like a family feeling." Mumin pointed to a group of Nigerian exchange students who had come from Izmir to attend the festivities. "They remind me of my father," he said. His father, he explained, had grown up a slave to a Muslim family in Thrace, in Ottoman-controlled Greece. He escaped (exactly when is not clear), married a white Turkish woman and, in 1941, crossed into Turkey, bringing along his wife and two small children. "My father always wanted his kids to know who they were and where they came from," said Mumin. "He told me, 'If anyone asks, tell them my story.'"

Mumin and Mumune seldom experienced any problems on account of race, they said. It echoed what I had heard from others. In villages where Afro-Turks have lived side-by-side with ethnic Turkish families for generations, reports of prejudice are remarkably rare. Few Turkish villagers seem to question that their black neighbours are anything other than what they claim to be - fellow Turks.

For their part, most black villagers - even if they take it for granted - don't see their African heritage as a significant part of their identity. "Afro-Turk, Mafro-Turk," a young girl from Haskoy told me, poking fun at a label that, as she rightly observed, only came into being during the last decade. "We're Turkish, and that's that."

•••

In the cities, however, and in inland Anatolia, where few people have ever come into contact with people of a different race, ignorance and prejudice are sometimes very pronounced. It isn't so much the exaggerated interest they arouse, ranging from benign curiosity to finger-pointing and name-calling, that bothers urban Afro-Turks. It's the incredulity that a black man or woman could be Turkish.

"I'm fed up having to explain where I come from," Kivanc Dogu, a 24-year-old from Istanbul, told me as we sat on a pair of plastic chairs on the edge of Cirpi's village square. Because he was so often taken for a foreigner, Dogu said, he felt "neither Turkish nor Afro-Turk," even if he welled up whenever he heard the Turkish national anthem.

Dogu, who works as a fashion model, has probably come as close as anyone to testing the boundaries of what it means to be - or at least to look - Turkish. Those boundaries may have become more flexible, Dogu said, but they are far from gone. "If I go to 10 job interviews, three times they'll take me, and seven times they won't," he said. "People say they would hire me, if not for my skin colour. Because I don't fit the image of an average Turk."

As dusk began to fall on the square, Kivanc was joined by a friend of his, Kerem. Among dozens of black men in woollen flat caps, black women in headscarves and baggy shalvars, Kerem decidedly - and, it seemed, deliberately - stood out, wearing dark sunglasses, a silver chain, and a black T-shirt emblazoned with images of American rappers from Lil Wayne to Chuck D. (The right sleeve had been pulled all the way up to reveal a Tupac tattoo.) "I'm not Turkish," Kerem told me, "because people don't see me as Turkish." He had never felt like he belonged, he said. "Even when I was born, the doctor told my mother I was a zenci, or n****r." Still, he insisted, "there is no racism in Turkey, only ignorance".

Dogu, I saw, was nodding in agreement. When he was little, he said, other kids would sometimes call him names. But, he said, "they didn't know any better." When a group of foreigners called him a "n****r", as once happened to him in Izmir, that was something else. "They actually knew what it meant."

Later that night, I caught up with Hayri Esenerli, a Turk whom I had met a day earlier, and a few others at a cafe in Bayindir, a short drive from Cirpi. "I had never heard of black Turks until I went to college," Esenerli, who is white, confessed when I brought up Kerem's remarks. "I saw black people speaking Turkish in Izmir, but I thought they were Turks who'd been working too much in the sun," he said. "I didn't make the connection."

It was fitting, perhaps, that the girl Esenerli would fall in love with and later marry, should turn out to be Muge, the phone operator's daughter. They met in college. "I never thought she could be of black origin until she told me," Esenerli said of Muge, who has dark, slightly greying hair, brown skin and caramel eyes. The news came as a shock to Esenerli - as did the realisation that Muge was descended from slaves. "I cried the first time she first told me about slavery," he said.

Esenerli also got all choked up earlier that day, he said, when he saw Stephan, one of the African performers, sing and dance at Dana Bayrami. "When the other Afro-Turk women began to dance with him," he said, "I felt so sorry that their culture, their heritage had been destroyed."

"We are a small community," said Alev Karakartal, who had been sitting beside him, obscured by clouds of cigarette smoke. "We don't want anything from the state: no territory, no special treatment." But, she said, "we want recognition of who we are, and where we came from".

Piotr Zalewski is a freelance writer based in Istanbul.

TURKEY: Turkish descendants of African slaves begin to discover their identity > The National

Turkish descendants of African slaves begin to discover their identity


No one knows how many Afro-Turks there are but, in a country that's beginning to acknowledge its great diversity, they're beginning to unearth their forgotten history.

In 1961, Ertekin Azerturk, a Turkish businessman from Istanbul, placed a long-distance call. The voice of the switchboard operator who answered - a woman's voice, sweet and crisp, like a singer's - must have made his head spin. Must have, because from that day on, Azerturk insisted on speaking to the same operator each time he picked up the phone. During one call he found the gumption to ask his mystery girl out on a date. Her reply was as surprising to him as his request was to her. "No way," Tomris, the operator, told Azerturk. "You won't like me," she explained, "because I'm dark."

But Azerturk didn't back down and Tomris eventually gave in. When they met, he was dumbstruck. He had understood Tomris was dark, but had never figured she would be black. (He had never previously met or even heard of a Turk who was.) Tomris was, like her voice, striking, and Azerturk was smitten. Over the Azerturk family's objections, the pair married.

Azerturk and Tomris didn't live long enough to see their children grow up, says Muge, the couple's daughter, retelling the story half a century later.

Orphaned, Muge and her brother went to live with Azerturk's white parents in Istanbul. Theirs wasn't an easy childhood. "They wouldn't allow us to play in the street," Muge, now 49, says of her grandparents. "Because we were dark-skinned, they were afraid we'd have problems with the other kids."

As a child, Muge could not fully grasp why her skin was the colour it was - or why it should matter. She finally learnt, and understood, the truth in her teens. She and her brother were descendants, three generations removed, of black slaves.

•••

According to Hakan Erdem, a Turkish historian, for the better part of the 19th century an average of 10,000 black slaves arrived in the Ottoman Empire every year, including 1,000 in what is now Turkey. Most were used as domestic workers, cooks or nannies, and although some worked on farms very few - if any - were forced into American-style gang labour.

Slavery did not disappear from Ottoman lands overnight. While an 1857 decree, issued by Sultan Abdulmecid I under pressure from the European powers, abolished the slave trade, it did not delegalise slavery as such. As a result some households, particularly in Istanbul and near the Aegean coast, were to retain black slaves until as late as the early 1900s.

The exact number of their descendants - sometimes called Afro-Turks - is anyone's guess. Erdem floats a figure of 10,000-20,000 but admits that the real number might be much higher. While emancipated slaves in villages near the Aegean and Mediterranean coast usually married within the community, he explains, their counterparts in cities like Istanbul often did not. Several generations and many mixed marriages down the line, many Turks descended from black slaves may not even realise they have African blood in their veins. This is known to have produced a few surprises. "Sometimes, all of a sudden, you have a black baby born into a Turkish family," says Erdem. "And only after intense questioning of the elders do they remember that a grandmother could have been black."

It goes to show, says Erdem, that dark-skinned Afro-Turks might be just "the tip of the iceberg". A few years ago Erdem made the same point during a conference on the subject - and immediately caught flak from a few Turkish nationalists in the audience. "And then this guy gets up," he recalls, "with curly blond hair and blue eyes and points to a [nearby] photograph of a black man, pitch-black, and says: 'That's my uncle.' I thought: 'Well, I rest my case.'"

•••

Page 2 of 4

For decades, Turkey's leaders, from the Young Turks to Ataturk to the early inheritors of his Republic, endeavoured to shape a homogeneous nation out of the remains of the Ottoman Empire. The country's Armenian and Greek populations, though assigned minority status, were almost entirely driven out. Groups like the Laz, the Assyrians, the Kurds, and the Circassians were subjected to assimilation measures, the government going so far as to ban their languages or, as with the Kurds, deny their existence outright. Loyal citizens of the Republic - and too few to matter - Afro-Turks could hardly pose a challenge to Turkish identity. Even if they adopted all the vestiges of local culture, however, their skin colour doomed them to being different, with all the consequences this entailed. (According to a story related to me by Erdem, a black civil servant from Izmir was once handed his marching orders after Ataturk, in town for a visit, complained that "he was not what he expected from a Turk".)

In a country that was almost entirely white, matching the Turkish founding fathers' image of a model citizen was often as difficult as it was traumatic. Fitting in, for some, meant having to forget. When she was little, Alev Karakartal remembers, she would look around her family table and think, "My dad is black, my auntie's black, I'm black. Why are we different?" Knowing it would annoy her father, she rarely asked out loud. "Whenever I'd do so, he'd say, 'Forget it, we're Turkish, we're Muslim, there's nothing to talk about.'" Karakartal, now in her mid-40s, eventually found the answers to her questions, but had to do so entirely on her own. "We didn't have any photos, any souvenirs, any information," she says. "My father destroyed them all."

Whatever discrimination Afro-Turks faced wasn't a matter of state policy, however. The terms of republican Turkey's sacred covenant were clear - identify as a Turk, and you will be accepted as one. Flawed as the formula would turn out to be, it delivered some notable results, leaving no room for laws like "separate but equal." Many black Turks fought in the Turkish war of independence against Greece. In 1927, 20 years before Jackie Robinson suited up for the Brooklyn Dodgers, Vahap Özaltay became the first black man to play for Turkey's national football team. A black Turk, Esmeray, was one of the country's most popular singers in the 1970s.

•••

Whether they were forcefully assimilated (as Karakartal insists) or successfully integrated (as others say) into Turkish society, today next to nothing, aside from skin colour, remains of the black Turks' African past. None of the Afro-Turks I interviewed knew their ancestors' language. Most did not even know where their ancestors had come from, or how.

Lately, however, with Turkey slowly reconciling itself to its diversity and its past, and with other ethnic groups claiming a more visible place in society, some Afro-Turks have begun to reclaim part of their heritage. Many have drawn inspiration from Mustafa Olpak, a grandson of Kenyan slaves, who in 2005 published a memoir detailing his family's journey from the Horn of Africa to Turkey, via Crete.

Three years ago, Olpak, 58, tried to present a copy of his book to Barack Obama in Turkey. He made it to the airport in Istanbul by the time Air Force One touched down, he says, but never caught so much as a glimpse of the president. He is still counting on a few minutes of Obama's time, he says, "whenever the occasion presents itself."

Olpak will always remember spring 2007 as the Afro-Turks' coming out party. It was then that he and a handful of associates revived the Feast of the Calf, a holiday celebrated by black slaves in Ottoman times and subsequently banned by the Turkish authorities.

Page 3 of 4

"We were three buses full of black people going to Ayvalik, where the celebrations were taking place," Olpak recalls, chuckling. "We were passing a police checkpoint. The first bus passed and the police did a double take. The second bus passed and they did another double take. When the third started to pass, they stopped all of us. They thought we were refugees," he says. "They checked all our IDs, but they couldn't find even a single foreigner. All of us were Turks, all of us with names like Ayse, Fatma, Abdurrahman."

•••

Earlier this year I travelled to Cirpi, a small village 30 miles south-east of Izmir, to attend Dana Bayrami, as the Feast of the Calf is known in Turkish. In Ottoman times, the holiday would have lasted several weeks and, true to its name, involved the sacrifice of a cow. The Feast's modern, blood-free edition, I was told, would feature a panel discussion and a concert. But Olpak, whom I met in the village's leafy central square - he was wearing a checked shirt, a wispy moustache, and the expression of a man who'd rather melt into a crowd than be picked out of one - had a surprise in store. In previous years, he told me, the festivities had featured a mix of local Turkish and Roma musicians. This time around, he had invited a group of Nigerian, Congolese and Sierra Leonean artists from Istanbul. It was to be the first Dana Bayrami to feature live African music. Hundreds of people from neighbouring villages turned up to watch.

The outcome was a dance riot. While some of the more risqué parts of the African dance show elicited giggles and gasps, the performance as a whole went down a storm. Less than halfway into the show, the local villagers, most of whom had never previously heard African music, much less witnessed a black man wearing face paint, a dress and a feather-topped skullcap perform an elaborate tribal dance, flooded the stage. A few black Turkish women, one of them clad in a turquoise kaba and gele, joined in a conga line; a pair of local teenagers challenged the Africans to a dance-off; and a group of bubbly Roma girls began to bump and grind with Koko, the Congolese lead performer.

Mumin and Mumune Arapi, brother and sister (he 72, she 74), had arrived here from Haskoy, a nearby village. This was their first-ever Dana Bayrami, they told me. "It's very nice to see so many people of our colour in one place," Mumin said, taking in the scene. "It's like a family feeling." Mumin pointed to a group of Nigerian exchange students who had come from Izmir to attend the festivities. "They remind me of my father," he said. His father, he explained, had grown up a slave to a Muslim family in Thrace, in Ottoman-controlled Greece. He escaped (exactly when is not clear), married a white Turkish woman and, in 1941, crossed into Turkey, bringing along his wife and two small children. "My father always wanted his kids to know who they were and where they came from," said Mumin. "He told me, 'If anyone asks, tell them my story.'"

Mumin and Mumune seldom experienced any problems on account of race, they said. It echoed what I had heard from others. In villages where Afro-Turks have lived side-by-side with ethnic Turkish families for generations, reports of prejudice are remarkably rare. Few Turkish villagers seem to question that their black neighbours are anything other than what they claim to be - fellow Turks.

For their part, most black villagers - even if they take it for granted - don't see their African heritage as a significant part of their identity. "Afro-Turk, Mafro-Turk," a young girl from Haskoy told me, poking fun at a label that, as she rightly observed, only came into being during the last decade. "We're Turkish, and that's that."

•••

Page 4 of 4

In the cities, however, and in inland Anatolia, where few people have ever come into contact with people of a different race, ignorance and prejudice are sometimes very pronounced. It isn't so much the exaggerated interest they arouse, ranging from benign curiosity to finger-pointing and name-calling, that bothers urban Afro-Turks. It's the incredulity that a black man or woman could be Turkish.

"I'm fed up having to explain where I come from," Kivanc Dogu, a 24-year-old from Istanbul, told me as we sat on a pair of plastic chairs on the edge of Cirpi's village square. Because he was so often taken for a foreigner, Dogu said, he felt "neither Turkish nor Afro-Turk," even if he welled up whenever he heard the Turkish national anthem.

Dogu, who works as a fashion model, has probably come as close as anyone to testing the boundaries of what it means to be - or at least to look - Turkish. Those boundaries may have become more flexible, Dogu said, but they are far from gone. "If I go to 10 job interviews, three times they'll take me, and seven times they won't," he said. "People say they would hire me, if not for my skin colour. Because I don't fit the image of an average Turk."

As dusk began to fall on the square, Kivanc was joined by a friend of his, Kerem. Among dozens of black men in woollen flat caps, black women in headscarves and baggy shalvars, Kerem decidedly - and, it seemed, deliberately - stood out, wearing dark sunglasses, a silver chain, and a black T-shirt emblazoned with images of American rappers from Lil Wayne to Chuck D. (The right sleeve had been pulled all the way up to reveal a Tupac tattoo.) "I'm not Turkish," Kerem told me, "because people don't see me as Turkish." He had never felt like he belonged, he said. "Even when I was born, the doctor told my mother I was a zenci, or n****r." Still, he insisted, "there is no racism in Turkey, only ignorance".

Dogu, I saw, was nodding in agreement. When he was little, he said, other kids would sometimes call him names. But, he said, "they didn't know any better." When a group of foreigners called him a "n****r", as once happened to him in Izmir, that was something else. "They actually knew what it meant."

Later that night, I caught up with Hayri Esenerli, a Turk whom I had met a day earlier, and a few others at a cafe in Bayindir, a short drive from Cirpi. "I had never heard of black Turks until I went to college," Esenerli, who is white, confessed when I brought up Kerem's remarks. "I saw black people speaking Turkish in Izmir, but I thought they were Turks who'd been working too much in the sun," he said. "I didn't make the connection."

It was fitting, perhaps, that the girl Esenerli would fall in love with and later marry, should turn out to be Muge, the phone operator's daughter. They met in college. "I never thought she could be of black origin until she told me," Esenerli said of Muge, who has dark, slightly greying hair, brown skin and caramel eyes. The news came as a shock to Esenerli - as did the realisation that Muge was descended from slaves. "I cried the first time she first told me about slavery," he said.

Esenerli also got all choked up earlier that day, he said, when he saw Stephan, one of the African performers, sing and dance at Dana Bayrami. "When the other Afro-Turk women began to dance with him," he said, "I felt so sorry that their culture, their heritage had been destroyed."

"We are a small community," said Alev Karakartal, who had been sitting beside him, obscured by clouds of cigarette smoke. "We don't want anything from the state: no territory, no special treatment." But, she said, "we want recognition of who we are, and where we came from".

Piotr Zalewski is a freelance writer based in Istanbul.

One-page article

No one knows how many Afro-Turks there are but, in a country that's beginning to acknowledge its great diversity, they're beginning to unearth their forgotten history.

In 1961, Ertekin Azerturk, a Turkish businessman from Istanbul, placed a long-distance call. The voice of the switchboard operator who answered - a woman's voice, sweet and crisp, like a singer's - must have made his head spin. Must have, because from that day on, Azerturk insisted on speaking to the same operator each time he picked up the phone. During one call he found the gumption to ask his mystery girl out on a date. Her reply was as surprising to him as his request was to her. "No way," Tomris, the operator, told Azerturk. "You won't like me," she explained, "because I'm dark."

But Azerturk didn't back down and Tomris eventually gave in. When they met, he was dumbstruck. He had understood Tomris was dark, but had never figured she would be black. (He had never previously met or even heard of a Turk who was.) Tomris was, like her voice, striking, and Azerturk was smitten. Over the Azerturk family's objections, the pair married.

Azerturk and Tomris didn't live long enough to see their children grow up, says Muge, the couple's daughter, retelling the story half a century later.

Orphaned, Muge and her brother went to live with Azerturk's white parents in Istanbul. Theirs wasn't an easy childhood. "They wouldn't allow us to play in the street," Muge, now 49, says of her grandparents. "Because we were dark-skinned, they were afraid we'd have problems with the other kids."

As a child, Muge could not fully grasp why her skin was the colour it was - or why it should matter. She finally learnt, and understood, the truth in her teens. She and her brother were descendants, three generations removed, of black slaves.

•••

According to Hakan Erdem, a Turkish historian, for the better part of the 19th century an average of 10,000 black slaves arrived in the Ottoman Empire every year, including 1,000 in what is now Turkey. Most were used as domestic workers, cooks or nannies, and although some worked on farms very few - if any - were forced into American-style gang labour.

Slavery did not disappear from Ottoman lands overnight. While an 1857 decree, issued by Sultan Abdulmecid I under pressure from the European powers, abolished the slave trade, it did not delegalise slavery as such. As a result some households, particularly in Istanbul and near the Aegean coast, were to retain black slaves until as late as the early 1900s.

The exact number of their descendants - sometimes called Afro-Turks - is anyone's guess. Erdem floats a figure of 10,000-20,000 but admits that the real number might be much higher. While emancipated slaves in villages near the Aegean and Mediterranean coast usually married within the community, he explains, their counterparts in cities like Istanbul often did not. Several generations and many mixed marriages down the line, many Turks descended from black slaves may not even realise they have African blood in their veins. This is known to have produced a few surprises. "Sometimes, all of a sudden, you have a black baby born into a Turkish family," says Erdem. "And only after intense questioning of the elders do they remember that a grandmother could have been black."

It goes to show, says Erdem, that dark-skinned Afro-Turks might be just "the tip of the iceberg". A few years ago Erdem made the same point during a conference on the subject - and immediately caught flak from a few Turkish nationalists in the audience. "And then this guy gets up," he recalls, "with curly blond hair and blue eyes and points to a [nearby] photograph of a black man, pitch-black, and says: 'That's my uncle.' I thought: 'Well, I rest my case.'"

•••

For decades, Turkey's leaders, from the Young Turks to Ataturk to the early inheritors of his Republic, endeavoured to shape a homogeneous nation out of the remains of the Ottoman Empire. The country's Armenian and Greek populations, though assigned minority status, were almost entirely driven out. Groups like the Laz, the Assyrians, the Kurds, and the Circassians were subjected to assimilation measures, the government going so far as to ban their languages or, as with the Kurds, deny their existence outright. Loyal citizens of the Republic - and too few to matter - Afro-Turks could hardly pose a challenge to Turkish identity. Even if they adopted all the vestiges of local culture, however, their skin colour doomed them to being different, with all the consequences this entailed. (According to a story related to me by Erdem, a black civil servant from Izmir was once handed his marching orders after Ataturk, in town for a visit, complained that "he was not what he expected from a Turk".)

In a country that was almost entirely white, matching the Turkish founding fathers' image of a model citizen was often as difficult as it was traumatic. Fitting in, for some, meant having to forget. When she was little, Alev Karakartal remembers, she would look around her family table and think, "My dad is black, my auntie's black, I'm black. Why are we different?" Knowing it would annoy her father, she rarely asked out loud. "Whenever I'd do so, he'd say, 'Forget it, we're Turkish, we're Muslim, there's nothing to talk about.'" Karakartal, now in her mid-40s, eventually found the answers to her questions, but had to do so entirely on her own. "We didn't have any photos, any souvenirs, any information," she says. "My father destroyed them all."

Whatever discrimination Afro-Turks faced wasn't a matter of state policy, however. The terms of republican Turkey's sacred covenant were clear - identify as a Turk, and you will be accepted as one. Flawed as the formula would turn out to be, it delivered some notable results, leaving no room for laws like "separate but equal." Many black Turks fought in the Turkish war of independence against Greece. In 1927, 20 years before Jackie Robinson suited up for the Brooklyn Dodgers, Vahap Özaltay became the first black man to play for Turkey's national football team. A black Turk, Esmeray, was one of the country's most popular singers in the 1970s.

•••

Whether they were forcefully assimilated (as Karakartal insists) or successfully integrated (as others say) into Turkish society, today next to nothing, aside from skin colour, remains of the black Turks' African past. None of the Afro-Turks I interviewed knew their ancestors' language. Most did not even know where their ancestors had come from, or how.

Lately, however, with Turkey slowly reconciling itself to its diversity and its past, and with other ethnic groups claiming a more visible place in society, some Afro-Turks have begun to reclaim part of their heritage. Many have drawn inspiration from Mustafa Olpak, a grandson of Kenyan slaves, who in 2005 published a memoir detailing his family's journey from the Horn of Africa to Turkey, via Crete.

Three years ago, Olpak, 58, tried to present a copy of his book to Barack Obama in Turkey. He made it to the airport in Istanbul by the time Air Force One touched down, he says, but never caught so much as a glimpse of the president. He is still counting on a few minutes of Obama's time, he says, "whenever the occasion presents itself."

Olpak will always remember spring 2007 as the Afro-Turks' coming out party. It was then that he and a handful of associates revived the Feast of the Calf, a holiday celebrated by black slaves in Ottoman times and subsequently banned by the Turkish authorities.

"We were three buses full of black people going to Ayvalik, where the celebrations were taking place," Olpak recalls, chuckling. "We were passing a police checkpoint. The first bus passed and the police did a double take. The second bus passed and they did another double take. When the third started to pass, they stopped all of us. They thought we were refugees," he says. "They checked all our IDs, but they couldn't find even a single foreigner. All of us were Turks, all of us with names like Ayse, Fatma, Abdurrahman."

•••

Earlier this year I travelled to Cirpi, a small village 30 miles south-east of Izmir, to attend Dana Bayrami, as the Feast of the Calf is known in Turkish. In Ottoman times, the holiday would have lasted several weeks and, true to its name, involved the sacrifice of a cow. The Feast's modern, blood-free edition, I was told, would feature a panel discussion and a concert. But Olpak, whom I met in the village's leafy central square - he was wearing a checked shirt, a wispy moustache, and the expression of a man who'd rather melt into a crowd than be picked out of one - had a surprise in store. In previous years, he told me, the festivities had featured a mix of local Turkish and Roma musicians. This time around, he had invited a group of Nigerian, Congolese and Sierra Leonean artists from Istanbul. It was to be the first Dana Bayrami to feature live African music. Hundreds of people from neighbouring villages turned up to watch.

The outcome was a dance riot. While some of the more risqué parts of the African dance show elicited giggles and gasps, the performance as a whole went down a storm. Less than halfway into the show, the local villagers, most of whom had never previously heard African music, much less witnessed a black man wearing face paint, a dress and a feather-topped skullcap perform an elaborate tribal dance, flooded the stage. A few black Turkish women, one of them clad in a turquoise kaba and gele, joined in a conga line; a pair of local teenagers challenged the Africans to a dance-off; and a group of bubbly Roma girls began to bump and grind with Koko, the Congolese lead performer.

Mumin and Mumune Arapi, brother and sister (he 72, she 74), had arrived here from Haskoy, a nearby village. This was their first-ever Dana Bayrami, they told me. "It's very nice to see so many people of our colour in one place," Mumin said, taking in the scene. "It's like a family feeling." Mumin pointed to a group of Nigerian exchange students who had come from Izmir to attend the festivities. "They remind me of my father," he said. His father, he explained, had grown up a slave to a Muslim family in Thrace, in Ottoman-controlled Greece. He escaped (exactly when is not clear), married a white Turkish woman and, in 1941, crossed into Turkey, bringing along his wife and two small children. "My father always wanted his kids to know who they were and where they came from," said Mumin. "He told me, 'If anyone asks, tell them my story.'"

Mumin and Mumune seldom experienced any problems on account of race, they said. It echoed what I had heard from others. In villages where Afro-Turks have lived side-by-side with ethnic Turkish families for generations, reports of prejudice are remarkably rare. Few Turkish villagers seem to question that their black neighbours are anything other than what they claim to be - fellow Turks.

For their part, most black villagers - even if they take it for granted - don't see their African heritage as a significant part of their identity. "Afro-Turk, Mafro-Turk," a young girl from Haskoy told me, poking fun at a label that, as she rightly observed, only came into being during the last decade. "We're Turkish, and that's that."

•••

In the cities, however, and in inland Anatolia, where few people have ever come into contact with people of a different race, ignorance and prejudice are sometimes very pronounced. It isn't so much the exaggerated interest they arouse, ranging from benign curiosity to finger-pointing and name-calling, that bothers urban Afro-Turks. It's the incredulity that a black man or woman could be Turkish.

"I'm fed up having to explain where I come from," Kivanc Dogu, a 24-year-old from Istanbul, told me as we sat on a pair of plastic chairs on the edge of Cirpi's village square. Because he was so often taken for a foreigner, Dogu said, he felt "neither Turkish nor Afro-Turk," even if he welled up whenever he heard the Turkish national anthem.

Dogu, who works as a fashion model, has probably come as close as anyone to testing the boundaries of what it means to be - or at least to look - Turkish. Those boundaries may have become more flexible, Dogu said, but they are far from gone. "If I go to 10 job interviews, three times they'll take me, and seven times they won't," he said. "People say they would hire me, if not for my skin colour. Because I don't fit the image of an average Turk."

As dusk began to fall on the square, Kivanc was joined by a friend of his, Kerem. Among dozens of black men in woollen flat caps, black women in headscarves and baggy shalvars, Kerem decidedly - and, it seemed, deliberately - stood out, wearing dark sunglasses, a silver chain, and a black T-shirt emblazoned with images of American rappers from Lil Wayne to Chuck D. (The right sleeve had been pulled all the way up to reveal a Tupac tattoo.) "I'm not Turkish," Kerem told me, "because people don't see me as Turkish." He had never felt like he belonged, he said. "Even when I was born, the doctor told my mother I was a zenci, or n****r." Still, he insisted, "there is no racism in Turkey, only ignorance".

Dogu, I saw, was nodding in agreement. When he was little, he said, other kids would sometimes call him names. But, he said, "they didn't know any better." When a group of foreigners called him a "n****r", as once happened to him in Izmir, that was something else. "They actually knew what it meant."

Later that night, I caught up with Hayri Esenerli, a Turk whom I had met a day earlier, and a few others at a cafe in Bayindir, a short drive from Cirpi. "I had never heard of black Turks until I went to college," Esenerli, who is white, confessed when I brought up Kerem's remarks. "I saw black people speaking Turkish in Izmir, but I thought they were Turks who'd been working too much in the sun," he said. "I didn't make the connection."

It was fitting, perhaps, that the girl Esenerli would fall in love with and later marry, should turn out to be Muge, the phone operator's daughter. They met in college. "I never thought she could be of black origin until she told me," Esenerli said of Muge, who has dark, slightly greying hair, brown skin and caramel eyes. The news came as a shock to Esenerli - as did the realisation that Muge was descended from slaves. "I cried the first time she first told me about slavery," he said.

Esenerli also got all choked up earlier that day, he said, when he saw Stephan, one of the African performers, sing and dance at Dana Bayrami. "When the other Afro-Turk women began to dance with him," he said, "I felt so sorry that their culture, their heritage had been destroyed."

"We are a small community," said Alev Karakartal, who had been sitting beside him, obscured by clouds of cigarette smoke. "We don't want anything from the state: no territory, no special treatment." But, she said, "we want recognition of who we are, and where we came from".

Piotr Zalewski is a freelance writer based in Istanbul.

PHOTO ESSAY: James Baldwin in Istanbul by Charles Mudede > The Stranger

James Baldwin in Istanbul

Photographer Sedat Pakay's Images of a Writer in Exile

Bearing Witness from Another Place

 

The great writer is taking a nap on a bed. The great writer is in a kitchen frying fish. The silhouette of the great writer is against a tall window with a view of a bay, a battleship, a distant city, and a clear sky. The great writer is visiting a mosque. The great writer is having his shoes shined by a boy. The great writer is standing next to a pelican. The great writer is smoking a hookah in a tea garden—his legs are crossed, a smile is on the face of the old woman behind him, and the young man sitting next to him has the lips of a Eurasian movie star. These are pictures of James Baldwin. He is in Istanbul. The year is 1965. The photographer is Sedat Pakay. The images are part of an extraordinary exhibit, Bearing Witness from Another Place: James Baldwin in Turkey Through the Lens of Sedat Pakay, opening this fall at the Northwest African American Museum.

Baldwin visited Istanbul to work on his fourth novel, Tell Me How Long the Train's Been Gone, which is set in New York City and concerns a bisexual actor and his lovers, a white American woman and a black American male, and his country, which is in the middle of a massive and often violent social transformation (murders, hosing of protesters, dogs attacking protesters, assassinations, burning cities) called the American civil rights movement. In one of Pakay's intimate, tranquil, quiet pictures, Baldwin, his back turned to us, is hugging a woman and a man. She is on one side of him; he is on the other. Smoke rises from the man's cigarette. Bright flowers are in a vase. All three seem to be sharing a secret. For this writer and political activist, humanism could not be disentangled from eroticism.

 Is what we see in these pictures a stranger in a strange land? Does he look lost, disoriented, displaced? No, these images capture the writer in his habitat: The natural place for the writer is exile. It can be spiritual or physical exile, but they always have to be outside of their society, because writers are outsiders. The writer is out of place when they're in their place. They need distance. They need to get away to process what it means to be who they are. Think of Jonathan Raban, Lesley Hazleton, W. G. Sebald, James Joyce, Richard Wright, and on and on—the true home of the writer is always another country. recommended

Originally published in Seattle A&P