Society HAE and Str8buttah Productions presents… “Fela Kuti + Ginger Baker: LIVE! Remixed,” the second of a series of mixtape collaborations with African artists, the first being the AFRIKA21 Mixtape Vol. 3 produced by Spoek Mathambo.
“Fela Kuti + Ginger Baker: LIVE! Remixed” is produced by Teck-Zilla of Str8buttah Productions and combines snippets of rare interviews with Fela, Ginger Baker and Fela’s musicians with sound bites and remixes of the live recordings from his 1971 “LIVE!” album, which featured Africa70 and Ginger Baker. Original soundscapes by Teck-zilla are also present on the DocuMixtape’s featured tracks.
TRACK LIST
1. INTRO:Who Is Fela?
Snippets from Fela Kuti Documentary & Music by Stephane Tchal-Gadjieff and Jean Jacques Flori
Snippets from Fela's Unreleased interview with VOA (1967)
2. Let's Start
Sample: Let's Start
Instruments by Fela Kuti and The Africa 70 Band
Drum programming by Teck-Zilla
Bass by Teck-Zilla
3. INTERLUDE1:Why Ginger Baker
Snippets From Ginger Baker Interview on “Nigeria 70 - The Definitive Story Of 1970's Funky Lagos” - The Documentary CD by Sue Bowerman
4. Black Man's Cry
Sample: Black Man's Cry
Instruments by Fela Kuti and The Africa 70 Band
Drum programming by Teck-Zilla
Bass by Teck-Zilla
Scratches By Teck-ZIlla
5. INTERLUTE 2: Welcome to Nigeria
Snippets From Ginger Baker Interview on Nigeria 70 - The Definitive Story Of 1970's Funky Lagos - The Documentary CD by Sue Bowerman
6. Felabration
Sample: Black Man's Cry
Instruments by Fela Kuti and The Africa 70 Band
Drum programming by Teck-Zilla
Bass & Synth by Teck-Zilla
Scratches By Teck-ZIlla
7. INTERLUDE 3: Fela And Politricks
Snippets From Fela Kuti Documentary & Music by Stephane Tchal-Gadjieff and Jean Jacquues Flori
8. Let's Start Reprise
Sample: Let's Start
Instruments by Fela Kuti and The Africa 70 Band
Drum programming by Teck-Zilla
Bass by Teck-Zilla
Extra Percussion by Teck-Zilla
Scratches By Teck-ZIlla
Fela Snippets From BBC Documentary
9. Egbe Mi O (CARRY ME)
Sample: Egbe Mi O (Carry Me I Want To Die)
Instruments by Fela Kuti and The Africa 70 Band
Drum programming by Teck-Zilla
Bass by Teck-Zilla
10. Yeye Dey Smell
Sample: Yeye De Smell
Instruments by Fela Kuti and The Africa 70 Band
Drum programming by Teck-Zilla
Bass & Synth by Teck-Zilla
Scratches By Teck-ZIlla
11. The After Smell (MADT DUB)
Sample: Yeye De Smell
Instruments by Fela Kuti and The Africa 70 Band
Drum programming by Teck-Zilla
Bass & Synth by Teck-Zilla
Extra Percussions By Teck-ZIlla
12. Outro: Credits
Snippets From Ginger Baker Interview on Nigeria 70 - The Definitive Story Of 1970's Funky Lagos - The Documentary CD by Sue Bowerman
13. The Black President
Instruments by Fela Kuti and The Africa 70 Band
Drum programming by Teck-Zilla
Bass by Teck-Zilla
Extra Percussions By Teck-ZIlla
Scratches By Teck-ZIlla
Vocal Snippets From Fela Kuti Documentary & Music by Stephane Tchal-Gadjieff and Jean Jacquues Flori
The Department of and Center for Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Texas at Austin are pleased to announce that they will host the 3rd Annual Jil Jadid Conference in Arabic Literature and Linguistics, a graduate student conference to be held at the University of Texas at Austin, February 21-23, 2013.
Jil Jadid is a graduate student conference that aims to provide a forum for young scholars spread across a variety of disciplines to come together, share ideas and research, and discuss the future of their respective fields as they move forward in their careers and come to represent the eponymous new generation of scholars doing work on the Arabic-speaking world and its cultures. For the past two Februaries, graduate students from a wide range of universities, both domestic and international, have assembled in Austin to set the tone for Arabic studies in the twenty-first century. The ongoing positive feedback we have received from these past conferences prompts us to once again assemble with the same goal of uniting students from area studies, linguistics, comparative literature and other departments in order to facilitate a productive and interdisciplinary exchange of new ideas.
Fostering fruitful, engaging, relevant and innovative dialogue remains our topmost priority. The conference will feature keynote speeches on both Arabic linguistics (Rania Habib from Syracuse University) and literature (TBA), as well as a career development workshop offered by faculty from UT's Department of Middle Eastern Studies. We will likewise be exploring panel arrangements that encourage increased coordination between individual presenters and breakout sessions where graduate students will have an explicit opportunity to discuss their collective vision of their fields as they hope to see them in the near future. More details will be announced as the conference approaches.
The 2013 Jil Jadid Conference is sponsored by the University of Texas at Austin's Department of Middle Eastern Studies, Center for Middle Eastern Studies, Department of Linguistics, Program in Comparative Literature, and the Graduate School.
TOPICS:
All papers treating topics in Arabic literature (classical and modern) and Arabic linguistics (including applied linguistics) will gladly be considered, in either English or Arabic (we ask that an English summary be prepared for any papers to be presented in Arabic). We especially encourage state of the field papers that provide a focused overview of a specific subfield of Arabic studies and suggest new avenues for research in that area. We also encourage submissions on the following topics:
Defining Linguistic Prestige: Case Studies from Literature and Linguistics
Uncharted Pedagogical Ground: Novel Approaches to Arabic Language Teaching
New Media, New Literary Genres
The Voices of Arab Youth: Linguistic and Literary Perspectives
Quantitative Approaches to Traditionally Qualitative Topics
Between the City and the Countryside: The Role of Geographic Identity
As It Was Said: Authentic Materials in the Arabic Classroom
Papers that are to be presented at other conferences, such as ALS and ACLA, are welcome, as we hope to provide a forum for students to further develop and refine their research.
Unfortunately, this year we will not be able to accommodate virtual presentations via video-chat. We will instead be providing a live online stream of the conference proceedings that will allow those who are not physically able to attend the conference to follow along and contribute by leaving comments and feedback. It is our aim to reinstate virtual presentations at future iterations of the Jil Jadid conference.
ABSTRACTS: Applicants may submit abstracts of no more than 400 words, not including references, in PDF format with fonts embedded. Abstracts may be submitted online. Abstracts should not include identifying information; you must, however, indicate the highest degree you have obtained and your current position (e.g. "M.A., Graduate Student," "Ph.D., Assistant Professor," etc.).
FUNDING: Graduate students whose abstracts are accepted will be eligible to apply for a limited number of partial travel grants to defray some of the costs of attending the Jil Jadid conference. Lodging with local graduate students will be available where possible.
CONFERENCE FEES: There will be no fees required of presenters and/or attendees.
An award of publication by Yale University Press is given annually to a poet under the age of 40 who has not published a book-length collection of poetry. Submit a manuscript of 48 to 64 pages with an entry fee of $20 between October 1 and November 15. Visit the website for complete guidelines.
Yale University Press, Yale Series of Younger Poets, P.O. Box 209040, New Haven, CT 06520-9040.
The Places We’ve Been: Field Reports from Travelers Under 35 is looking for nonfiction narratives that challenge conventional tourism.
From West Africa to Vietnam, Tokyo to Paris, the book’s focus is to show exactly where on the map our wide peer group has gone so far, and the distinctive niche of travel experiences that defines us.
The book, which is an anthology of literary nonfiction, aims to draw readers through its vivid and transportive stories, told by the most adventurous and insightful of our group’s literary and raconteur peers. Examples of the types of stories we’re looking to include, are:
A Chicago native’s true story of four days spent stuck on a boat on the Amazon River, after the annual folkloric festival in Parintins
An American school teacher’s reportage from Cameroon, of a day spent dodging machete blades and hiding from the angry mob that overtook her campus after a controversial election
A Japanese New Yorker’s tale of one year spent tending bar at her aunt’s Tokyo nightclub and learning about the private lives and secrets of her mother’s extended family
An asthmatic hedge fund analyst’s strident portrayal of his month-long trek through Central Asia from Kathmandu to Everest Base Camp
The book will be released in 2013, available in eBook and paperback.
Submission is open through October 15, 2012. In addition to personal experience, the narrative should portray a strong sense of place. Creative nonfiction is the name of the game. There’s no set form, but memoir, literary journalism, essay, profile, ethnography, and interview (among other forms) are all welcome.
GUIDELINES: Submissions must be typed and sent as a Word document. Please include your full name, city and state, phone number, email address, and a biography no longer than two short paragraphs. Previously published work will not be considered. Please, no simultaneous submissions. No minimum word count; maximum 5,000 words. No fabricated narratives or pen names. Compensation varies.
Please allow four weeks for a response. Submissions will not be published without the writer’s consent. Feel free to check back with us if after four weeks you haven’t received a response.
We’ve been gone for a minute but we are now back in full effect. Will be updating on the 1st and the 15th of every month. A feature on classic Bill Withers welcomes us back. From Sweden, chanteuse Natalie Gardiner gives us a taste of Ghana/Scandanavia blue/folk/soul. We conclude with a jazz survey of a show tune classic featuring Ahmad Jamal, Fay Victor, Eddie Lockjaw Davis, Tito Puente, Henry Franklin, Carmen McRae, Sonny Rollins, ella Fitzgerald, Terell Stafford, and Cassandra Wilson & Jacky Terrasson. Enjoy—and tell your friends to check us out!
I’ve thought about Natalie’s magic. Born of a father from Ghana and a mother from Sweden, Natalie is a deep blues singer who did not grow up in a traditional blues culture and does not sound like what we mostly think of when someone says blues. But if you listen to Natalie’s themes, most of the time she is talking about loss—missed moments in emotionally broken lives: revealing the realities when the light has faded, sweetness has soured, unforgettable times have contracted into blurred and indistinct memories.
Listen closely and you can tell she is flying the flag of the survivor, the person who has spent a lifetime wading through the muck of disappointment, swimming against the tide of reoccurring unconsummated relationships, nevertheless she manages and celebrates life. She glories in carrying on; her themes may be of loss and loneliness but ultimately this is triumphant, optimistic music.
Students, academics and people from around the world can now watch online the new production of Pantomime directed at the University of Essex by Nobel Laureate Derek Walcott. (Our thanks to Ben Hall from bringing this information to our attention
In May, Walcott flew over especially from St Lucia to direct the premiere of a new production of his play at the Lakeside Theatre at the Colchester Campus as part of his role as Professor of Poetry. The show was a huge success with the Lakeside Theatre packed out throughout its three night run and fans travelling from across Europe to see the production.
Now a recording of the show is being made available on the University of Essex’s dedicated YouTube channel. At the same time there is also a chance to watch Walcott discussing his work with award-winning poet Glyn Maxwell, who is also a lecturer in the Centre for Creative Writing at the Department of Literature, Film, and Theatre Studies (LiFTS).
Professor Maria Cristina Fumagalli and Penny Woollard, from LiFTS, co-produced Pantomime at the Lakeside.
Professor Fumagalli, who has published extensively on Walcott and has introduced many Essex students to his work, said: “It was wonderful to bring Pantomime to the general public at the Lakeside Theatre. Derek was inspiring and everyone worked really hard to make it happen. Now it is very exciting to know that this extraordinary production is going to be available to everyone.”
Penny is completing a PhD on Walcott’s poetry and plays under the supervision of Professor Fumagalli and will also teach a class on the play in the spring term. She said: “The video recording of the play, directed by the author, will enable the students to experience Derek’s own interpretation of the characters, which will bring the play to life for them.”
For the past three years, Walcott, who won the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1992 and the T S Eliot Prize in 2011, has been visiting the University of Essex to teach students, give talks and readings, and direct his own plays.
This was believed to be the first production of Pantomime for the UK stage for close to 30 years and was originally written in the late 1970s. The play is a satirical reinterpretation of the Robinson Crusoe story and investigates a whole range of issues from colonialism to the creative process through the relationship between former English song-and-dance man Harry Trewe and his servant Jackson Phillip.
The show starred David Tarkenter, a leading member of the Mercury Theatre Acting Company, and Trinidadian actor Wendell Manwarren, both handpicked by Walcott who was supported by the Lakeside Theatre production team.
During his visit in May, Walcott said: “I feel very privileged. This is a lovely little theatre and they help me do what I want to do. It feels like it is the fulfilment of something.”
For more information contact the University of Essex Communications Office on 01206 874377 or e-mail: comms@essex.ac.uk.
Brooklyn Castle (directed by Katie Dallamaggiore) is a documentary about I.S. 318, an inner-city public school that's home to the most-winning junior high school chess team in the country. But a series of deep public school budget cuts now threaten to undermine its hard-won success.
An absolutely wonderfully-produced feature documentary filled with touching, inspirational stories of hope, ambition and perseverance.
In a climate in which "escape" film narratives of youth from working class families and under-represented groups - in this case, specifically black and Latino kids - are dominated by stories in which athletic ability is option number 1 as a means for that escape from socio-economic oppression, the intellectual tension-filled drama that plays out in Brooklyn Castle is most refreshing.
I was moved by the individual narratives of these pre-teen and teenage boys and girls from I.S. 318 (an inner-city school where an overwhelming number of students are from homes with incomes below the federal poverty level) who've invested and sacrificed so, so much to master their chess skills (some of them would rank above Albert Einstein if he were to join the school’s competition team), that you simply can't help but root for them to succeed and reach their individual goals, that range from just simply getting into good colleges in the short term, to running for president in the long term.
And you are absolutely convinced that they can and will achieve those aims, if only based on the academic aptitudes, confidence and conviction on display here from each.
Their parents, who've recognized, nourished and also sacrificed for their childrens' talents, are to be commended here as well for what should be obvious reasons.
4 years in the making, there's a broader narrative in Brooklyn Castle, and that is the economic crises which led to unprecedented public school budget cuts that jeopardize primary school education, and, specifically, the after-school programs like that which is at the center of Brooklyn Castle's tale, and how the potential absence of that necessary funding could drastically affect the lives of the children who rely so heavily on them for sustenance.
Watching the film’s 5 stars – 1 who possesses a natural gift for chess and at just 11 years old (Justus), has been selected to join the US Chess Federation’s All-American team; and another, the sole girl in the group (Rochelle), who’s on her way to becoming the first African American female chess master in the history of the game at just 13 years old – handle immense pressure (the kind of pressure that men and women decades older would likely be crushed under) and thrive, is exhilarating and inspiring.
They’re practically forced to mature much sooner than their peers, and, in my humble opinion, will likely go on to become leaders of tomorrow.
But they’re still very much children, and the wounds of a loss sting as it only could for a child; while the thrill of a win is felt just as deeply, except tears are replaced with magnificent, infectious smiles, which only reinforces for the audience the importance of I.S. 318’s after-school chess program, and others like it – vital for not only the students, but for the schools.
As announced earlier this year, Sony Pictures and producer Scott Rudin (Searching For Bobby Fischer) purchased the remake rights to Brooklyn Castle, a documentary that premiered at SXSW this year, where it won the audience award for best documentary.
But before that scripted remake happens, you just might be able to see it at a theater near you, because the film will be released by indie distributor Producers Distribution Agency (part of Cinetic Media), starting this Friday, October 19.
New evidence in the 1970 Kent State University massacre “is compelling, clearly showing how US covert intelligence took the lead in creating this massacre and in putting together the ensuing cover-up.” Contrary to the official version, a direct order to fire is heard on tape, an FBI agent provocateur fired his weapon just before the fusillade, and law enforcement completed the burning of an ROTC building.
This article is from the forthcoming book Censored 2013: Dispatches from the Media Revolution[6] and intends to expose the lies of American leadership in order to uncensor the “unhistory” of the Kent State massacre, while also aiming toward justice and healing, as censoring the past impacts American Occupy protesters today.
“Lawful protest was pushed into the realm of massacre as the US federal government, the state of Ohio, and the Ohio National Guard (ONG) executed their plans to silence antiwar protest in America.”
Ohio National Guardsmen fired sixty-seven gun shots in thirteen seconds at Kent State University (KSU) on May 4, 1970, they murdered four unarmed, protesting college students and wounded nine others. For forty-two years, the United States government has held the position that Kent State was a tragic and unfortunate incident occurring at a noontime antiwar rally on an American college campus. In 2010, compelling forensic evidence emerged showing that the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the Counter Intelligence Program (COINTELPRO) were the lead agencies in managing Kent State government operations, including the cover-up. At Kent State, lawful protest was pushed into the realm of massacre as the US federal government, the state of Ohio, and the Ohio National Guard (ONG) executed their plans to silence antiwar protest in America.
The new evidence threatens much more than the accuracy of accounts of the Kent State massacre in history books. As a result of this successful, ongoing Kent State government cover-up, American protesters today are at much greater risk than they realize, with no real guarantees or protections offered by the US First Amendment rights to protest and assemble. This chapter intends to expose the lies of the state in order to uncensor the “unhistory” of the Kent State massacre, while also aiming toward justice and healing, as censoring the past impacts our perspectives in the present.
The killing of protesters at Kent State changed the minds of many Americans about the role of the US in the Vietnam War[7]. Following this massacre, there was an unparalleled national response: hundreds of universities, colleges, and high schools closed across America in astudent strike[8] of more than four million. Young people across the nation had strong suspicions the Kent State massacre was planned to subvert any further protests arising from the announcement that the already controversial war in Vietnam had expanded into Cambodia.
“Instead of investigating Kent State, the American leadership obstructed justice, obscured accountability, tampered with evidence, and buried the truth.”
Yet instead of attempting to learn the truth at Kent State, the US government took complete control of the narrative in the press and ensuing lawsuits. Over the next ten years, authorities claimed there had not been a command-to-fire at Kent State, that the ONG had been under attack, and that their gunfire had been prompted by the “sound of sniper fire.” Instead of investigating Kent State, the American leadership obstructed justice, obscured accountability, tampered with evidence, and buried the truth. The result of these efforts has been a very complicated government cover-up that has remained intact for more than forty years.1
The hidden truth finally began to emerge at the fortieth anniversary of the Kent State massacre in May 2010, through the investigative journalism of John Mangels, science writer at the Cleveland Plain Dealer, whose findings supported the long-held suspicion that the four dead in Ohio were intentionally murdered at Kent State University by the US government.
Mangels commissioned forensic evidence expert Stuart Allen to professionally analyze a tape recording made from a Kent State student’s dormitory window ledge on May 4, 1970, forever capturing the crowd and battle sounds from before, during, and after the fusillade.2 For the first time since that fateful day, journalists and concerned Americans were finally able to hear the devastating soundtrack of the US government murdering Kent State students as they protested against the Vietnam War.
The cassette tape—provided to Mangels by the Yale University Library, Kent State Collection, and housed all these years in a box of evidence admitted into lawsuits led by attorney Joseph Kelner in his representation of the Kent State victims—was called the “Strubbe tape” after Terry Strubbe, the student who made the recording by placing a microphone attached to a personal recorder on his dormitory window ledge. This tape surfaced when Alan Canfora, a student protester wounded at Kent State, and researcher Bob Johnson dug through Yale library’s collection and found a CD copy of the tape recording from the day of the shootings. Paying ten dollars for a duplicate, Canfora then listened to it and immediately knew he probably held the only recording that might provide proof of an order to shoot. Three years after the tape was found, the Plain Dealer commendably hired two qualified forensic audio scientists to examine the tape.
But it is really the two pieces of groundbreaking evidence Allen uncovered that illuminate and provide a completely new perspective into the Kent State massacre.
“Allen’s verified forensic evidence of the Kent State command-to-fire directly conflicts with guardsmen testimony that they acted in self-defense.”
First, Allen heard and verified the Kent State command-to-fire spoken at noon on May 4, 1970. The command-to-fire has been a point of contention, with authorities stating under oath and to media for forty years that “no order to fire was given at Kent State,” that “the Guard felt under attack from the students,” and that “the Guard reacted to sniper fire.”3 Yet Allen’s verified forensic evidence of the Kent State command-to-fire directly conflicts with guardsmen testimony that they acted in self-defense.
The government claim—that guardsmen were under attack at the time of the ONG barrage of bullets—has long been suspect, as there is nothing in photographic or video records to support the “under attack” excuse. Rather, from more than a football field away, the Kent State student protesters swore, raised their middle fingers, and threw pebbles and stones and empty tear gas canisters, mostly as a response to their campus being turned into a battlefield with over 2,000 troops and military equipment strewn across the Kent State University campus.
Then at 12:24 p.m., the ONG fired armor-piercing bullets at scattering students in a parking lot—again, from more than a football field away. Responding with armor-piercing bullets, as Kent State students held a peaceful rally and protested unarmed on their campus, was the US government’s choice of action.
The identification of the “commander” responsible for the Kent State command-to-fire on unarmed students has not yet been ascertained.This key question will be answered when American leadership decides to share the truth of what happened, especially as the Kent State battle was under US government direction. Until then, the voice ordering the command-to-fire in the Kent State Strubbe tape will remain unknown.
The other major piece of Kent State evidence identified in Allen’s analysis was the “sound of sniper fire” recorded on the tape. These sounds point to Terry Norman, FBI informant and provocateur, who was believed to have fired his low-caliber pistol four times, just seventy seconds before the command-to-fire.
Mangelswrote in the Plain Dealer, “Norman was photographing protestors that day for the FBI and carried a loaded .38-caliber Smith & Wesson Model . . . five-shot revolver in a holster under his coat for protection. Though he denied discharging his pistol, he previously has been accused of triggering the Guard shootings by firing to warn away angry demonstrators, which the soldiers mistook for sniper fire.”4
“The identification of the “commander” responsible for the Kent State command-to-fire on unarmed students has not yet been ascertained.”
Video footage and still photography have recorded the minutes following the “sound of sniper fire,” showing Terry Norman sprinting across the Kent State commons, meeting up with Kent Police and the ONG. In this visual evidence, Norman immediately yet casually hands off his pistol to authorities and the recipients of the pistol show no surprise as Norman hands them his gun.5
The “sound of sniper fire” is a key element of the Kent State cover-up and is also referred to by authorities in the Nation editorial, “Kent State: The Politics of Manslaughter,” from May 18, 1970:
The murders occurred on May 4. Two days earlier, [Ohio National Guard Adjutant General] Del Corso had issued a statement that sniper fire would be met by gunfire from his men. After the massacre, Del Corso and his subordinates declared that sniper fire had triggered the fusillade.6
Yet the Kent State “sound of sniper fire” remains key, according to White House Chief of Staff Bob Haldeman, who noted President Richard Nixon’s reaction to Kent State in the Oval Office on May 4, 1970:
Chief of Staff Bob Haldeman told him [of the killings] late in the afternoon. But at two o’clock Haldeman jotted on his ever-present legal pad “keep P. filled in on Kent State.” In his daily journal Haldeman expanded on the President’s reaction: “He very disturbed. Afraid his decision set it off . . . then kept after me all day for more facts. Hoping rioters had provoked the shootings—but no real evidence that they did.” Even after he had left for the day, Nixon called Haldeman back and among others issued one ringing command: “need to get out story of sniper.”7
In a May 5, 1970, article in the New York Times, President Nixon commented on violence at Kent State:
This should remind us all once again that when dissent turns to violence it invites tragedy. It is my hope that this tragic and unfortunate incident will strengthen the determination of all the nation’s campuses, administrators, faculty and students alike to stand firmly for the right which exists in this country of peaceful dissent and just as strong against the resort to violence as a means of such expression.8
President Nixon’s comment regarding dissent turning to violence obfuscated and laid full blame on student protesters for creating violence at Kent State. Yet at the rally occurring on May 4th, student protester violence amounted to swearing, throwing small rocks, and volleying back tear gas canisters, while the gun-toting soldiers of the ONG declared the peace rally illegal, brutally herded the students over large distances on campus, filled the air with tear gas, and even threw rocks at students. Twenty minutes into the protest demonstration, a troop of National Guard marched up a hill away from the students, turned to face the students in unison, and fired.
The violence at Kent State came from the National Guardsmen, not protesting students. On May 4, 1970, the US government delivered its deadly message to Kent State students and the world: if you protest in America against the wars of the Pentagon and the Department of Defense, the US government will stop at nothing to silence you.
Participating American militia colluded at Kent State to organize and fight this battle against American student protesters, most of them too young to vote but old enough to fight in the Vietnam War.9 And from new evidence exposed forty years after the massacre, numerous elements point directly to the FBI and COINTELPRO (Counter Intelligence Program) as lead agencies managing the government operation of the Kent State massacre, including the cover-up, but also with a firm hand in some of the lead-up.
“Twenty minutes into the protest demonstration, a troop of National Guard marched up a hill away from the students, turned to face the students in unison, and fired.”
Prior to the announcement of the Cambodian incursion, the ONG arrived in the Kent area acting in a federalized role as the Cleveland-Akron labor wildcat strikes were winding down. The ONG continued in the federalized role at Kent State, ostensibly to protect the campus and as a reaction to the burning of a Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (ROTC) building. Ohio Governor James “Jim” Rhodes claimed the burning of the ROTC building on the Kent State University campus was his reason for “calling in the guard,” yet in this picture of the burning building, the ONG are clearly standing before the flames as the building burns.10
From eyewitness accounts, the burning of the ROTC building at Kent State was completed by undercover law enforcementdetermined to make sure it could become the symbol needed to support the Kent State war on student protest.11
According to Dr. Elaine Wellin, an eyewitness to the many events at Kent State leading up to and including May 4th, there were uniformed and plain-clothes officers potentially involved in managing the burning of the ROTC building. Wellin was in close proximity to the building just prior to the burning and saw a person with a walkie-talkie about three feet from her telling someone on the other end of the communication that they should not send down the fire truck as the ROTC building was not on fire yet.12
A memo to COINTELPRO director William C. Sullivan ordered a full investigation into the “fire bombing of the ROTC building.” But only days after the Kent State massacre, every weapon that was fired was destroyed, and all other weapons used at Kent State were gathered by top ONG officers, placed with other weapons and shipped to Europe for use by North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), so no weapons used at Kent could be traced.
From these pieces of evidence, it becomes clearer that the US government coordinated this battle against student protest on the Kent State campus. Using the playbook from the Huston Plan, which refers to protesting students as the “New Left,” the US government employed provocateurs, staged incidents, and enlisted political leaders to attack and lay full blame on the students. On May 4, 1970, at Kent State University, the US government fully negated every student response as they criminalized the First Amendment rights to protest and assemble.13
The cover-up adds tremendous complexity to an already complicated event, making it nearly impossible to fairly try the Kent State massacre in the American justice system. This imposed “establishment” view that Kent State was about “civil rights”—and not about murder or attempted murder—led to a legal settlement on the basis of civil rights lost, with the US government consistently refusing to address the death of four students and the wounding of nine.14
“The burning of the ROTC building at Kent State was completed by undercover law enforcement.”
Even more disheartening, efforts to maintain the US government cover-up at Kent State recently went into overdrive in April 2012, when President Barack Obama’s Department of Justice (DOJ) formally announced a refusal to open a new probe into the wrongs of Kent State, continuing the tired 1970 tactic of referring to Kent State as a civil rights matter.15
The April 2012 DOJ letters of response also included a full admission that, in 1979, after reaching the Kent State civil rights settlement, the FBI Cleveland office destroyed what they considered a key piece of evidence: the original tape recording made by Terry Strubbe on his dormitory window ledge. In a case involving homicides, the FBI’s illegal destruction of evidence exposes their belief to be “above the law,” ignoring the obvious fact that four students were killed on May 4, 1970. As the statute of limitations never lapses for murder, the FBI’s actions went against every law of evidence. The laws clearly state that evidence may not be destroyed in homicides, even when the murders are perpetrated by the US government.
The destruction of the original Strubbe tape also shows the FBI’s intention to obstruct justice: the 2012 DOJ letters on Kent State claim that, because the original Strubbe tape was intentionally destroyed, the copy examined by Allen cannot be compared to the original or authenticated. However the original Strubbe tape, destroyed by the DOJ, was never admitted into evidence.
The tape examined by Stuart Allen, however, is a one-to-one copy of the Kent State Strubbe tape admitted into evidence in Kent State legal proceedings by Joseph Kelner, the lawyer representing the victims of Kent State. Once an article has been admitted into evidence, the article is considered authentic evidentiary material.
Worse than this new smokescreen on the provenance of the Kent State Strubbe tape and FBI efforts to destroy evidence is that the DOJ has wholly ignored or refuted the tremendous body of forensic evidence work accomplished by Allen, and verified by forensic expert Tom Owen.16 If the US Department of Justice really wanted to learn the truth about what happened at Kent State and was open to understanding the new evidence, DOJ efforts would include organizing an impartial examination of Allen’s analysis and contacting him to present his examination of the Kent State Strubbe tape. None of this has happened.
“President Barack Obama’s Department of Justice (DOJ) formally announced a refusal to open a new probe into the wrongs of Kent State, continuing the tired 1970 tactic of referring to Kent State as a civil rights matter.”15
Instead, those seeking justice through a reexamination of the Kent State historical record based on new evidence have been left out in the cold. Congressman Dennis Kucinich, involved in Kent State from the very beginning as a Cleveland city council person, asked important questions in a letter to the DOJ on April 24, 2012, titled, “Analysis of Audio Record of Kent State Shooting Leaves Discrepancies and Key Questions Unaddressed”:
While I appreciate the response from the Justice Department, ultimately, they fail to examine key questions and discrepancies. It is well known that an FBI informant, Terry Norman, was on the campus. That FBI informant was carrying a gun. Eyewitnesses testified that they saw Mr. Norman brandish that weapon. Two experts in forensic audio, who have previously testified in court regarding audio forensics, found gunshots in their analysis of the audio recording. Did an FBI informant discharge a firearm at Kent State? Did an FBI informant precipitate the shootings?
Who and what events led to the violent encounter that resulted in four students dead and nine others injured? What do the FBI files show about their informant? Was he ever debriefed? Has he been questioned to compare his statement of events with new analysis? How, specifically, did the DOJ analyze the tape? How does this compare to previous analysis conducted by independent sources that reached a different conclusion? The DOJ suggested noises heard in the recording resulted from a door opening and closing. What tests were used to make that determination? Was an independent agency consulted in the process?
For more than a year, I have pushed for an analysis of the Strubbe tape because Kent State represented a tragedy of immense proportions. The Kent State shooting challenged the sensibilities of an entire generation of Americans. This issue is too important to ignore. We must demand a full explanation of the events.17
Concerned Americans may join Congressman Kucinich in demanding answers to these questions and in insisting on an independent, impartial organization—in other words, not the FBI—to get to the bottom of this.
The FBI’s cloudy involvement includes questions about Terry Norman’s relationship to the FBI, addressed in Mangels’s article, “Kent State Shootings: Does Former Informant Hold the Key to the May 4th Mystery?”:
Whether due to miscommunication, embarrassment or an attempted cover-up, the FBI initially denied any involvement with Norman as an informant.
“Mr. Norman was not working for the FBI on May 4, 1970, nor has he ever been in any way connected with this Bureau,” director J. Edgar Hoover declared to Ohio Congressman John Ashbrook in an August 1970 letter.
Three years later, Hoover’s successor, Clarence Kelley, was forced to correct the record. The director acknowledged that the FBI had paid Norman $125 for expenses incurred when, at the bureau’s encouragement, Norman infiltrated a meeting of Nazi and white power sympathizers in Virginia a month before the Kent State shootings.18
Even more telling, Norman’s pistol disappeared from a police evidence locker and was completely retooled to make sure that the weapon—used to create the “sound of sniper fire” on May 4—would not show signs of use. Indeed, every “investigation” into Kent State shows that the FBI tampered, withheld, and destroyed evidence, bringing into question government involvement in both the premeditated and post-massacre efforts at Kent State. In examining all inquiries into Kent State, an accurate investigation has never occurred, as the groups involved in the wrongs of Kent State have been investigating themselves.19
“Every ‘investigation’ into Kent State shows that the FBI tampered, withheld, and destroyed evidence.”
The Kent State students never had a chance against the armed will of the US government in its aim to fight wars in Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos back in 1970. Further, the First Amendment rights to protest and assemble have shown to be only vacuous platitudes. Forty-two years later, the Obama administration echoes the original drone of the US government denying the murder of protesters, pointing only to civil rights lost. When bullets were fired on May 4th at Kent State, US government military action against antiwar protesters on domestic soil changed from a civil rights breach to acts of murder and attempted murder.
Congressman Kucinich, in an interview with Pacifica Radio after his exchanges with DOJ by May of 2012, said,
There are some lingering questions that could change the way that history looks at what happened at Kent State. And I think that we owe it to the present generation of Americans, the generation of Americans that came of age during Kent, the students on campus, we owe it to the Guardsmen, who it was said opened fire without any provocation what so ever . . . we have to get to the truth.20
As long as American leadership fails to consider killing protesters a homicidal action and not just about civil rights lost, there is little safety for American protesters today, leaving the door wide open for more needless and unnecessary bloodshed and possibly the killing of American protesters again. This forty-two-year refusal to acknowledge the death of four students relates to current US government practices toward protest and protesters in America, as witnessed at Occupy Wall Street over the past year. When will it ever become legal to protest and assemble in America again? Will American leadership cross the line to kill American protesters again?21
In a rare editorial addressing this issue, journalist Stephen Rosenfeld ofAlterNet wrote,
History never exactly repeats itself. But its currents are never far from the present. As today’s protesters and police employ bolder tactics, the Kent State and Jackson State anniversaries should remind us that deadly mistakes can and do happen. It is the government’s responsibility to wield proportionate force, not to over-arm police and place them in a position where they could panic with deadly results.22
Though forty-two years have passed, the lessons of Kent State have not yet been learned.
No More Kent States23
In 2010, the United Kingdom acknowledged the wrongs of Bloody Sunday, also setting an example for the US government to learn the important lessons of protest and the First Amendment. In January 1972, during “Bloody Sunday,” British paratroopers shot and killed fourteen protesters; most of the demonstrators were shot in the back as they ran to save themselves.24
“The new Kent State evidence is compelling, clearly showing how US covert intelligence took the lead in creating this massacre and in putting together the ensuing cover-up.”
Thirty-eight years after the Bloody Sunday protest, British Prime Minister David Cameron apologized before Parliament, formally acknowledging the wrongful murder of protesters and apologized for the government.25 The healing in Britain has begun. Considering the striking similarity in events where protesters were murdered by the state, let’s examine the wrongs of Kent State, begin to heal this core American wound, and make a very important, humane course correction for America. When will it become legal to protest in America?
President Obama, the Department of Justice, and the US government as a whole must take a fresh look at Stuart Allen’s findings in the Kent State Strubbe tape. The new Kent State evidence is compelling, clearly showing how US covert intelligence took the lead in creating this massacre and in putting together the ensuing cover-up.
As the United States has refused to examine the new evidence or consider the plight of American protest in 2012, the Kent State Truth Tribunal formally requested the International Criminal Court (ICC) at the Hague consider justice at Kent State.26
Who benefited the most from the murder of student protesters at Kent State? Who was really behind the Kent State massacre? There is really only one US agency that clearly benefited from killing student antiwar protesters at Kent State: the Department of Defense.
Since 1970 through 2012, the military-industrial-cyber complex strongly associated with the Department of Defense and covert US government agencies have actively promoted never-ending wars with enormous unaccounted-for budgets as they increase restrictions on American protest. These aims of the Pentagon are evidenced today in the USA PATRIOT Act, the further civil rights–limiting National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), and new war technologies like CIA drones.
Probing the dark and buried questions of the Kent State massacre is only a beginning step to shine much-needed light on the United States military and to illuminate how the Pentagon has subverted American trust and safety, as it endeavors to quell domestic protest against war at any cost since at least 1970.
+++++++++++++
Laurel Krause is a writer and truth seeker dedicated to raising awareness about ocean protection, safe renewable energy, and truth at Kent State. She publishes a blog on these topics at Mendo Coast Current[9]. She is the cofounder and director of the Kent State Truth Tribunal[10]. Before spearheading efforts for justice for her sister Allison Krause, who was killed at Kent State University on May 4, 1970, Laurel worked at technology start-ups in Silicon Valley.
Mickey Huff is the director of Project Censored and professor of social science and history at Diablo Valley College. He did his graduate work in history on historical interpretations of the Kent State shootings and has been actively researching the topic more since his testimony to the Kent State Truth Tribunal in New York City in 2010.
Notes
[1.] For more background on Kent State and the many conflicting interpretations, see Scott L. Bills, Kent State/May 4:Echoes Through a Decade (Kent OH: Kent State University Press, 1982). Of particular interest for background on this chapter, see Peter Davies, “The Burning Question: A Government Cover-up?,” in Kent State/May 4, 150–60. For a full account of Davies’s work, see The Truth About Kent State: A Challenge to the American Conscience (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1973). For a listing of other works see Selected Bibliography on the Events of May 4, 1970, at Kent State University,http://dept.kent.edu/30yearmay4/source/bib.htm[11].
[3.] Submitted for the Congressional Record by Representative Dennis Kucinich, “Truth Emerging in Kent State Cold Case Homicide,” by Laurel Krause, http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?r111%3AE14DE0-0019%3A[14]. For a brief introduction on the history and emerging historiography of the Kent State shootings, see Mickey S. Huff, “Healing Old Wounds: Public Memory, Commemoration, and Conflicts Over Historical Interpretations of the Kent State Shootings, 1977–1990,” master’s thesis, Youngstown State University, December 1999, http://etd.ohiolink.edu/view.cgi?acc_num=ysu999620326[15].
For the official government report, see The Report of the President’s Commission on Campus Unrest (Washington: US Government Printing Office, 1970), also known as the Scranton Commission. It should be noted that the Scranton Commission stated in their conclusion between pages 287 and 290 that the shootings were “unnecessary, unwarranted and inexcusable” but criminal wrongdoing was never established through the courts and no one was ever held accountable for the shootings. Also, it should be noted, that the interpretation that the guard was ordered to fire conflicts with Davies’s interpretation, in note 1 here, that even though he believes there was a series of cover-ups by the government, he has not attributed malice. For more on the Kent State cover-ups early on, see I. F. Stone, “Fabricated Evidence in the Kent State Killings,” New York Review of Books, December 3, 1970,http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/1970/dec/03/fabricated-evidence-in-the-kent-state-killings[16].
[9.] Voting age was twenty-one at this time, until the passage of the Twenty-Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution in 1971, which lowered the voting age to eighteen, partially in response to Vietnam War protests as youth under twenty-one could be drafted without the right to vote.
[10.] It should also be noted, that Rhodes was running for election the Tuesday following the Kent shootings on a law and order ticket.
[12.] The Project Censored Show on The Morning Mix, “May 4th and the Kent State Shootings in the 42nd Year,” Pacifica Radio, KPFA, 94.1FM, May 4, 2012 live at 8:00 a.m., archived online athttp://www.kpfa.org/archive/id/80293 and
Show description: The May 4th Kent State Shootings 42 Years Later: Justice Still Not Served with Congressman Dennis Kucinich commenting on the DOJ’s recent refusal to reopen the case despite new evidence of a Kent State command-to-fire and the ‘sound of sniper fire’ leading to the National Guard firing live ammunition at unarmed college students May 4, 1970; Dr. Elaine Wellin, Kent State eyewitness shares seeing undercover agents at the ROTC fire in the days before, provocateurs in staging the rallies at Kent, and at Kent State on May 4th; we’ll hear from investigator and forensic evidence expert Stuart Allen regarding his audio analysis of the Kent State Strubbe tape from May 4th revealing the command-to-fire and the ‘sound of sniper fire’ seventy seconds before; and we hear from Kent State Truth Tribunal director Laurel Krause, the sister of slain student Allison, about her efforts for justice at Kent State and recent letter to President Obama..
Also see Peter Davies’ testimony about agents provocateurs and the ROTC fire cited in note 1, “The Burning Question: A Government Cover-up?,” in Kent State/May 4, 150–60.
With the amazing amount of music that hit us each week, every now and then a clip or a tune hits us that just makes us sit back in awe. If you're a regular you know we huge fans of Mark de Clive-Lowe. We had the honor of interviewing him earlier this year - if you missed that check it here: The Beathearts Mark de Clive-Lowe sitdown.
On top if being an amazingly productive recording artist, producer and remixer he's got an extensive live tour schedule on top of his Church residencies in L.A. and New York. One of the many live projects he's got going is the Remix:Live set-up where remixes some of his favourite tunes live using Native Instruments Maschine, two Korg KP3 Kaoss Pads, a USB controller keyboard and a Roland Juno G. The result is nothing but stunning. Check the clip above of the man remixing Elements of Life classic track Brand New Day and you'll know what we mean.
You want more? Here's a free DL of another track Mark has remixed live: