VIDEO: Owain Rich for BBC’s – Africa Beats >  African Digital Art

Owain Rich for BBC’s
– Africa Beats

 

 

  • June 28th, 2012

 

 

Vieux Farka Toure – Mali

 

 

Singer Carmen Souza,  bass player Theo Pas’cal - Cape Verde

 

 

Ahmed Soultan – Morroco

 

 

Sarah Tshila – Uganda

++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Barbara Muriungi - Editor at African Digital Art Network

Originally from Nairobi, Barbara Muriungi is a motion designer & animator. After a brief stint working as a sound tech and producing roles in TV and radio, Barbara realised her passion for design and pursued her studies in Motion Graphics and Visual Effects. In between working clients like HBO, Nat Geo, Disney, Fuse, she works on collaborative projects and continues her interests in photography, illustration and travel.

 

 

 

PUB: Call for Papers: Indigenous Environmentalisms in Postcolonial African Literature (ASLE Biennial Conference, Kansas) > Writers Afrika

Call for Papers:
Indigenous Environmentalisms in
Postcolonial African Literature
(ASLE Biennial Conference, Kansas)

Deadline: 1 November 2012

This panel welcomes proposals on topics that explore indigenous environmentalisms in postcolonial African Literature. Ursula Heise, in her afterword to Bonnie Roos and Alex Hunt’s Postcolonial Green (2010), argues that postcolonial ecocriticism should shift from a focus on social in/justice (content-oriented criticism) to addressing “questions of aesthetics” or “questions of literary form” in postcolonial literature—questions that explore the relationship between literary representations of environmental issues and social justice. Heise suggests that the emphasis on issues of in/justice in postcolonial ecocriticism is not enough because it would ignore literary particularities (literary aesthetics) in postcolonial literature in regard to its expression of environmental issues. Like Heise, Elizabeth DeLoughrey and George Handley, in their recent anthology Postcolonial Ecologies (2011) shift their focus on the postcolonial notion of nature/landscape as history, as emphasized in their Caribbean Literature and the Environment: Between Nature and Culture (2005), to a focus on the notion of environmental “imagination” and representation in postcolonial literature. DeLoughrey and Handley’s emphasis on the postcolonial “literary imagination” about the land or “a spatial imagination made possible by the experience of place” corresponds to what Heise reminds us: instead of paying attention mainly to issues of environmental in/justice in postcolonial literature, postcolonial ecocritics should also focus on the literary reconstruction and representation of postcolonial environments.

Inspired by Heise, DeLoughrey, and Handley, this panel will focus on “literary aesthetics” of African literature that explores the following questions: How do African authors represent the pre-colonial, colonial, and/or postcolonial environment in an African context? How do African authors use literature to convey an indigenous environmentalism? To what extent does African literature function to restore or reconstruct indigenous environmentalisms? And to what extent can we see African literature as a form of resistance against current environmental degradation in Africa caused by global capitalism and multi-national corporations’ exploitation of natural resources in Africa?

Please send 300-500 word abstracts for 20 minutes presentations to the panel chair, Chengyi Coral Wu .

CONTACT INFORMATION:

For queries/ submissions: chengyiw@unr.edu

Website: http://www.asle.org/site/conferences/biennial/

 

 

PUB: Call for Papers: Caribbean Literature at CEA 2013 « Repeating Islands

Call for Papers:

Caribbean Literature at CEA 2013

The College English Association, a gathering of scholar-teachers in English studies, welcomes proposals for presentations on Caribbean Literature for its 44th annual conference; the conference theme is “Nature.” CEA 2013 will be held April 4-6, 2013, at the Savannah Riverfront Marriott in Savannah, Georgia. The deadline for submission is November 1, 2012. (All presenters at the 2013 CEA conference must become members of CEA by January 1, 2013.)

Description: In earlier centuries, “Nature” set the parameters, as Philip Round states, “of conversations about everything from church doctrine to village order.” Often discussions of gender, character, authorship, and even civil discourse turned to questions of “customary precedent and natural law.” By the twentieth century “nature” was used to delineate the new literary study of “nature writing,” while also used in broader terms to question the changing nature of our society with the onset of the digital age, postmodernism, new views of gender and race construction, and even changes within academia. What is the “nature” of the academia today? How has the “nature” of publishing and authorship changed with the digital age? How has the “nature” of our profession changed? In what ways does “nature” define us? Or do we define “nature?” For our 2013 meeting, CEA invites papers and panels that explore the literary, the pedagogical, and the professional “nature” of our field.

The organization welcomes individual and panel presentation proposals that address Caribbean literatures in general, including—but not limited to—the following possible themes: Racial, ethnic, gender, sexual, class, and national identities; colonization and empire; Nationalism and citizenship; hybridity, transculturation, creolite, and mestizaje; resistance and resilience; migration, exile, transnationalism, and/or globalization; travel and tourism; orality and the spoken word; intertextuality; diasporic theory and Caribbean literatures; postcolonial studies and Caribbean literatures; and comparative literary, historical, political, or cultural analyses of Caribbean literatures.

For more information, see http://www.cea-web.org

You may also email cea.english@gmail.com

Image above: “Naturaleza caribeña” by Dominican artist Mirna Ledesma; see http://mirnaledesma.artelista.com/en/

 

PUB: Call for Submissions: The Brown Bookshelf - We Need You «

Greetings:

 

Each year, The Brown Bookshelf celebrates African-American children's book authors and illustrators in our flagship campaign, 28 Days Later. It's a Black History Month celebration of picture books, middle grade and young adult novels by children's book creators of color. So far, we have profiled 140 stand outs. You can read the spotlights of past campaigns here, here, here and here.

 

Please help us find new honorees for our sixth annual campaign by nominating your favorites in the comments section of this post: http://thebrownbookshelf.com/2012/10/02/call-for-submissions-we-need-you/. With your help, we can make a difference.

 

Feel free to share widely. The deadline for nominations is November 2. Thank you for your support.

 

All the Best,

 

Kelly Starling Lyons

Member, The Brown Bookshelf Team

www.thebrownbookshelf.com

Call for Submissions: We Need You

Get ready to rep your favorites. It’s that time. The submissions window has officially opened for the sixth annual 28 Days Later campaign, a Black History Month celebration of picture books, middle grade and young adult novels written and illustrated by African Americans. We will take nominations today through November 2.

Over the past five years, we have proudly saluted 140 black authors and illustrators through our signature initiative. But there are so many more who deserve to be showcased.

That’s where you come in. Help us identify under-the-radar and vanguard African-American children’s book authors and illustrators we should consider profiling. Let us know who we should check out so we can give them the praise they’ve earned.

After the submissions window closes, we’ll research the names you’ve submitted and our internal nominations. Then, we’ll choose the stand outs who will be the next class of 28 Days Later honorees. The celebration of their work begins February 1.

Our mission is to “push awareness of the myriad of African American voices writing for young readers.” Too often, these authors and illustrators go unsung. With 28 Days Later, we put these talents in front of the folks who can get their books into the hands of kids – librarians, teachers, parents and booksellers among others.

Nominate your favorites in the comments section. Anyone can nominate. Publishers may nominate their authors. Authors may self-nominate. Please note that we do not accept nominations of self-published authors. You can check out who we’ve featured in the past here, here, here and here. If you could make sure your nominee hasn’t already been featured, that would be a great help.

Spread the word and nominate often. With your support, we can make a difference. Thank you for helping us salute children’s book creators of color.

 

VIDEO: Nas talks Illmatic era, youth in Queensbridge on 'Becoming: Nas' [Part 1] > SoulCulture

Nas talks Illmatic era,

youth in Queensbridge

on ‘Becoming: Nas’ [Part 1]

| Documentary

By Drew Mark October 3, 2012

Currently on tour in the UK, Nas features in the latest instalment of interview series, Becoming, as we get a sneak peak of the Hip Hop veteran and his live band preparing for Rock The Bells before taking him to an intimate interview with director Jamie Patricof, where he speaks on Illmatic, growing up Queensbridge, and debuting on “Live at the Barbeque.”

“My era was the era of breaking it all down to what’s the real – it wasn’t about the star, it was about the man,” he says reflecting on his highly regarded 1994 debut, Illmatic.

“They say this album changed hip hop because it was the first hip hop album with multiple big producers – it hadn’t been done… Pete Rock, Large Professor, Premier, Q-Tip were the greatest – and are the greatest.”

For those of you who, like me are not going to make it to any of Nas’ London gigs, sit back, check out the 5-minute documentary after the jump and chill to some Illmatic or his latest album, Life Is Good.

 

 

EDUCATION: Segregation Prominent in Schools, Study Finds > NYTimes

Segregation Prominent in

Schools, Study Finds

Brandon Thibodeaux for The New York Times

Students at F. M. Gilbert Elementary School in Irving, Tex. Segregation of Latino students is most pronounced in California, New York and Texas.

By 
 

 

 

The United States is increasingly a multiracial society, with white students accounting for just over half of all students in public schools, down from four-fifths in 1970.

Yet whites are still largely concentrated in schools with other whites, leaving the largest minority groups — black and Latino students — isolated in classrooms, according to a new analysis of Department of Education data.

The report showed that segregation is not limited to race: blacks and Latinos are twice as likely as white or Asian students to attend schools with a substantial majority of poor children.

Across the country, 43 percent of Latinos and 38 percent of blacks attend schools where fewer than 10 percent of their classmates are white, according to the report, released on Wednesday by the Civil Rights Project at the University of California, Los Angeles.

And more than one in seven black and Latino students attend schools where fewer than 1 percent of their classmates are white, according to the group’s analysis of enrollment data from 2009-2010, the latest year for which federal statistics are available.

Segregation of Latino students is most pronounced in California, New York and Texas. The most segregated cities for blacks include Atlanta, Chicago, Detroit, Houston, Philadelphia and Washington.

“Extreme segregation is becoming more common,” said Gary Orfield, an author of the report who is co-director of the Civil Rights Project.

The overlap between schools with high minority populations and those with high levels of poverty was significant. According to the report, the typical black or Latino student attends a school where almost two out of every three classmates come from low-income families. Mr. Orfield said that schools with mostly minority and poor students were likely to have fewer resources, less assertive parent groups and less experienced teachers.

The issue of segregation hovers over many discussions about the future of education.

Some education advocates say that policies being introduced across the nation about how teachers should granted tenure or fired as well as how they should be evaluated could inadvertently increase segregation.

Teacher evaluations that are based on student test scores, for example, could have unintended consequences, said Rucker C. Johnson, an associate professor of public policy at the University of California, Berkeley.

Teachers would be reluctant to take assignments in high-poverty, high-minority communities, he said. “And you’re going to be at risk of being blamed for not increasing test scores as quickly as might be experienced in a suburban, more affluent area,” Mr. Johnson said.

The report’s authors criticized the Obama administration as failing to pursue integration policies, and argued that its support of charter schools was helping create “the most segregated sector of schools for black students.”

Daren Briscoe, a spokesman for the Department of Education, said the Obama administration had taken “historic steps to transform the schools that for too long have shortchanged the full potential of our young people and have been unsuccessful in providing the necessary resources and protections for students most at risk.”

Other advocates for minorities said charter schools had benefited their communities, even if they were not racially integrated.

Raul Gonzalez, director of legislative affairs and education policy at the National Council of La Raza, a Latino advocacy group, said that black and Hispanic parents did not necessarily say “I want my kid to be in an integrated setting.” Instead, he said, “they’re going to say I want my kid’s school to do better than what it’s doing.”

Todd Ziebarth, vice president of the National Alliance of Public Charter Schools, said he supported more money for transportation to charter schools and encouraging them to pursue more diversity. But, he said, “if a school is relatively homogeneous but is performing really well, we should be celebrating that school, not denigrating it.”

Critics of segregation in traditional public schools and charters said that there was more to education than pure academics.

“Is it possible to learn calculus in a segregated school? Of course it is,” said Mark D. Rosenbaum, chief counsel to the American Civil Liberties Union in Los Angeles. “Is it possible to learn how the world operates and to think creatively about the rich diversity of cultures in this country? It is impossible.”

 

REVIEW: Book—The Black Revolution On Campus - The Battle for Black Studies > In These Times

The Battle for Black Studies

The forgotten African-American education-reform movement of the ’60s and ’70s.

BY JULIANNE MALVEAUX

In the fight to ensure that anti-racist and anti-imperialist perspectives were included in curricula, students were jailed, suspended, wounded and assassinated.

On May 4, 1970, four unarmed students were killed and nine wounded when the Ohio National Guard stormed a student demonstration at Kent State University. These students have been, justifiably, immortalized in music and in history. Yet our society has collective amnesia about the African-American students who were massacred in the same era. At Jackson State University in Mississippi, two students were killed and a dozen wounded just 11 days after Kent State. And two years before, at South Carolina State University, three students were killed and 28 injured, including a pregnant woman who was beaten so badly that she suffered a miscarriage.

Martha Biondi challenges our collective amnesia in her new book, The Black Revolution on Campus. For this reader, it was like a walk down memory lane, with footnotes. Entering Boston College in 1970, I missed many of the major anti-war protests, such as a campus shutdown in the spring of 1970, but I had the privilege of participating in campaigns that strove to overhaul a racist university system. We marched for a Black studies department; for an increase in the number of African-American students, especially from the inner city; and for a boost in the financial aid they received. As Biondi so aptly relates, African-American students of that era were absolutely convinced that by influencing the university and building black self-determination and intellectual leadership, they could effect social and economic change in our nation. 

In her meticulously researched account, Biondi, an African-American studies and history professor at Northwestern University, goes far beyond nostalgia to provide a deep look at the mechanics and conflicts of the student protests of 1968-1973, the opposition they faced and what they ultimately accomplished.

The first seven chapters of the book trace the brick-by-brick building of the Black revolution. Biondi describes the creation of on-campus organizations such as Black Student Unions, the energy stoked by various meetings and conferences, and the critical role of off-campus efforts, including independent schools and organizations such as the Institute of the Black World. She threads together some of the most important campus protests, including those at San Francisco State, Northwestern, Harvard and City University of New York (although she puzzlingly excludes Cornell University, where African-American students famously seized a university hall). 

Alarmed by the protests, academic administrators responded in a variety of ways. Some were willing to compromise, others resigned, and others, such as S.I. Hayakawa at San Francisco State, reveled in their obduracy. In an attempt to crush a student strike, Hayakawa called in hundreds of police officers for a series of bloody crackdowns that had the unintended effect of galvanizing the movement. 

Biondi’s chapter on the Black revolution at historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs), such as Howard University and South Carolina State, is especially absorbing, speaking as it does to the conflicts in the African-American community around issues of social change. Too many African-American college presidents were invested in the status quo, either because of their own conservative beliefs or because of pressure from funders. Many HBCUs had grown less radical over the past decades—amazingly, Howard had a stronger Black studies focus in the 1930s than in the 1960s. But students at HBCUs were adamant about change and confronted administrators, taking over buildings, striking and making curricular demands. 

At predominately white schools, some black faculty enthusiastically supported student protests even at risk to their careers, but others were skeptical. At Harvard, political scientist Martin Kilson went so far as to publish his objections in the New York Times Magazine, asserting that Black studies watered down the curriculum and that Harvard had relaxed its admissions standards by admitting black students. 

Unfortunately, Biondi—or her publisher—reinforces gender bias with the photos that are included in the book. Only one features a black woman, Eva Jefferson (later Eva Jefferson Patterson) of Northwestern University, speaking at a rally in Chicago. Perhaps no other pictures were available, but it would have been useful to see some pictures of the “women behind the scenes” who are often rendered invisible. 

Every time Biondi made a passing mention of sexism within the movement, I impatiently awaited more analysis. She speaks only briefly of the men who rejected women’s leadership and of the role women nonetheless played in keeping the movement alive. She partly addresses my concerns in one of the concluding chapters, where she spends a few pages writing about gender issues, noting that African-American women criticized male dominance in Black studies from the get-go and that the ‘70s and ‘80s saw an outpouring of black feminist writing that transformed the field. 

Still, the book is riveting in its descriptions of the challenges that black students faced as they entered colleges that were committed to a narrow Eurocentric pedagogy. Such colleges thought that African-American students should be “grateful” for their admission. Instead, students challenged racism and imperialism in the curriculum. 

Readers who are engaged in contemporary higher education issues, as I am, will find particularly fascinating outcomes of the Black studies movement. Biondi reviews a range of today’s African-American studies programs, and investigates how some have been folded into ethnic studies—which, she notes, can cramp funding and increase marginalization but also foster intellectual collaboration. While the number of Black studies departments is smaller than it was two decades ago, and their pedagogy has diversified, Biondi concludes that the field has “not only survived but also grown to have international stature and presence.”

The final chapter is a brief meditation, in Biondi’s own voice, of the impact of the Black revolution on campus. One such impact is in the generation of leaders it fostered: Biondi lists the black student protestors who landed as lawyers, doctors, activists and ministers. As Biondi points out, these students did something remarkable—they “translated Black Power theories into concrete gains.”

Biondi’s book is a critical reminder of the sacrifices that so many students made to ensure that anti-racist and anti-imperialist perspectives were included in academic curricula—some were jailed, some suspended from school, and some wounded or assassinated.

For seasoned scholars this will be an engrossing reminiscence. For students and emerging scholars, it will be a lesson in a history that has been all but forgotten.

Julianne Malveaux is the president of Bennett College for Women in Greensboro, N.C. She is an economist, author and commentator, and has been described by Princeton professor Cornel West as "the most iconoclastic public intellectual in the country."

 

INTERVIEW: Hans R. Schmidt - United States Military Occupation of Haiti (1915 - 1934) > Archives and Anti-Colonialism

Archives and Anti-Colonialism:

An interview with

Hans R. Schmidt


HANS R. SCHMIDT is a historian and the author of the classic account of the first United States military intervention and administration of Haiti, The United States Occupation of Haiti, 1915-1934 (1971) as well as of Maverick Marine: General Smedley D. Butler and the Contradictions of American Military History (1998), a biography of the legendary US Marine turned anti-imperialist. Currently retired, Schmidt taught at the Hong Kong University, the University of Zambia and SUNY New Paltz.

Could you tell us what led to the research and writing of The United States Occupation of Haiti, 1915-1934? How did you come to the US occupation as a research project? What archives did you draw on and what difficulties did you have writing the book?

I got into the U.S. occupation as a grad student doing a seminar research project at Rutgers. I had recently spent some months studying French at the Alliance Francaise in Paris, and I wanted to build on this. Also I had done my national service and attended Naval Justice School, so I was familiar with navy and Marine Corps bureaucracy and idioms. I turned out that although there were several studies of the occupation, these mostly avoided issues of American imperialism, racism and atrocities. So I wrote the seminar paper and subsequently developed this into a PhD thesis.

At the time I was researching, many Navy, Marine Corps and State Department documents on Haiti in the National Archives had only recently been opened. Haiti was, of course, a most interesting situation and the marines involved in the occupation were often more outspoken and unguarded in their reports and letters home than the diplomats and civil servants. Also marine documents in the archives were largely unorganized and uncensored — just papers stuffed into boxes, so that one might find important high-level policy critiques in the same file as traffic accident reports.

Eventually I used overseas archives to try and get French and German diplomats’ takes on the American occupation. These were often highly critical of the marines ineptness and inability to get along with Haitians. And it was really interesting using the French Foreign Ministry Archive in Paris and the German archives in Bonn, both being working archives for the respective foreign ministries. I also used British archives in London and at Kew.

As usual, I had to rework and expand my occupation thesis to get it published. Since my material was largely fresh, I didn’t have to worry much about disputing other scholars interpretations. Probably my effort would have been more critical and circumspect if I had.

You interviewed a number of people who were directly involved in the occupation and the resistance to it – namely, Ernest Gruening, of the Nation, the State Department’s Dana Munro, and Ernest Angell, counsel for the Haiti-Santo Domingo Independence Society and the NAACP. What are your recollections of your encounter with these three gentlemen? And can you share anything concerning their memory of the Occupation years?

I interviewed Ernest Gruening when he was U.S. senator for Alaska. He was most forthcoming about his 1920s anti-occupation campaign, which he compared to his vanguard 1960s opposition to the Vietnam War. But when I pressed him to tell what had happened aboard the ship taking the Haitian and American delegations to the Montevideo Conference in December 1933, where the Haitians did not try to exploit the prevalent anti-imperialist sentiment to pressure the United States into making more end-of-occupation concessions, Gruening declined to discuss behind the scenes American maneuvers.

I interviewed Dana Munro when he was retired from decades of writing and lecturing as a Princeton professor about his experiences as a State Department officer in Haiti and Latin America. When I mentioned that the Americans had stopped Haiti’s client president’s salary, Munro was incredulous. I gave him an unimpeachable source, and he confessed that when he himself was doing research on the occupation and had come across a document detailing coercion of Haitian politicians, he couldn’t believe it, but when he looked at the bottom of the page he found his own signature! He had spent so many years reciting the official line that he had internalized it. I admired him for his honesty and candor.

For memories of the occupation, my interview with Harry R. Long, comptroller of the Haitian-American Sugar Company, turned into a nostalgia fest when I was able to tell him the names of his neighbors in Port-au-Prince. They had good lives in Haiti during the late teens.

You wrote about the US Occupation in the midst of the Vietnam War. How did the conditions of the present shape the questions you asked of the past? Given subsequent developments in Haiti and in the United States, would you ask different questions of this history?

The Vietnam War prompted me and many of my grad school colleagues to look at U.S. history as an ongoing saga of imperialism and racism.  And to see American cant about democracy and freedom as similar to other nations self-righteous justifications for their imperial and colonial exploits.  Personally my own views were somewhat changed by teaching five years in Zambia, where the post-colonial era was turning out to be less bountiful than expected.  Many Zambians were less well off than under the British, and those who worked on white farms were often better fed than the rest of the population.  Peoples attitudes regarding colonialism were starting to change, although academics, myself included, generally stuck to the anti-colonial line.

James Weldon Johnson famously indicted the National City Bank and its Vice President Roger Leslie Farnham for their role in the occupation and you expand on Johnson’s claims. However, you also write that you were twice denied access to the bank’s archives. Could you say something about your attempts to access their archives? What did you think you might find there?

I don’t remember dealing with First National City Bank, other than giving it a try.  It may be that they didn’t have Haiti records that old or that it was inconvenient for them to access them.  I didn’t take this as anything particularly devious.  I think it unlikely that the bank would furnish information regarding its internal disputes or problems with shady characters like Roger L. Farnham.  But if they maintained a historical archive, with archivists employed to make records available to the public, that might have been worthwhile.  Apropos, I had a colleague in Hong Kong who was paid by Hongkong Shanghai Bank to write an official history of the bank.  He alone was given privileged access to company records, and was obviously trusted not to reveal anything embarrassing.

You’ve written a fine biography of the legendary marine, Smedley Darlington Butler, a figure responsible for one of the most-quoted critiques on the question of dollar diplomacy. How do you think Butler would assess the past ten years of US interventionism?

Smedley Butler had different attitudes toward American military interventions at different stages of his career, so its not clear how he would react to the last decade.  Certainly his spectacular recantation in the 1930s, when he said he had spent 33 years in the Marine Corps, attaining the rank of major general, “and during that period I spent most of my time being a high-class muscle man for Big Business, for Wall Street and the bankers.  In short, I was a racketeer for capitalism.”  Referring to his stint protecting Standard Oil in China, he said “why don’t those damned oil companies fly their flags on their personal property–maybe a flag with a gas pump on it.”  But his role commanding the 1927-29 marine intervention in China was mostly a diplomatic and pubic relations exercise, with the marines playing an interstitial and mediatory role, keeping Chinese warlord armies apart and blocking the Japanese from taking over.  He was quite successful and thoroughly committed to this peace-keeping role, and perhaps would have seen recent U.S. interventions partly in the same light.

Haiti has been referred to as the Republic of NGOs. What are your thoughts on this new form of foreign intervention and the prospects of post-earthquake reconstruction?

The NGOs are there because the Haitian government is unable to cope.  Hopefully NGO monies, and governmental, are not being bled by corruption and mismanagement.  UN military intervention seems to be more than just stop-gap at this point.  Personally, I remember visiting Victor Wynne’s terracing projects in 1978, and thinking that this was a viable model for countering deforestation and soil erosion.  Thirty years later things are worse, and terracing is no longer considered viable.  But projects like Wynne Farm, led by Jane Wynne, are still coming up with new ideas for involving farmers and marketeers in agricultural development.  Good luck to them.

Image: “We’ve fought in every clime and place”:: Stamping out the Caco Insurrection in the Republic of Haiti.” The Leatherneck (September 1930).

 

VIDEO: Talib Kweli ft. Jessica Care Moore – Fly Away > ThatFix

Talib Kweli

ft. Jessica Care Moore

– Fly Away

Brooklyn based rapper Talib Kweli treats the fans with a brand new hip hop single called Fly Away featuring the lovely Detroit based poet Jessica Care Moore. The beat is a production by Crada, stream the brand new single thanks to Soundcloud below and keep your heads up for Talib Kweli’s forthcoming mixtape Attack The Block which is dropping September 12th.

So I’m starting to get excited about this mix tape I did with the homie Z-Trip, Attack The Block. We will release it one week from today, but I want y’all to be as excited as I am so I am releasing another preview. There was a great response to To The Music last week, so I hope y’all enjoy this one as well..Shout out to Jessica Care Moore for the incredible poem at the end
And calling Attack The Block a mere mix tape is not doing it justice. These rappers these days put out anything and call it a mix tape. Not me. Z-Trip is a true master. This is a mix tape you can put on in any situation and let rock. Get ready for cutting, scratching, and thoughtfulness on a mix tape. Attack The Block. 9-12.