VIDEO: Sandra Nkaké > The Wonderful World of Carminelitta

French touch — Sandra Nkaké

    It had been quite a while since I introduced you to some French artists and I am finally featuring an amazing artist I have been wanting to put under my spotlight for a very long time. I don’t really know what took me so long and I hope you won’t be too mad at me for not sharing this treasure earlier. In case you have never heard of Sandra Nkaké, I highly recommend you read the following paragraphs and more importantly you listen to her music. Why? Here is a beginning of explanation…

      I can’t remember exactly how and when I discovered the incredible Sandra Nkaké, but she is one of those artists I feel like I have known forever. She exudes such an energy and has such a character that makes you think she could be a friend or even a family member. She is strong, proud, bold and beautiful. I may also feel a connection with her because she was a fellow English student. In any case, she is a wonderfully talented woman you need to discover if you have never heard of her before.
      She has an incredible presence, a mixture of strength and sensitivity, and she definitely knows how to touch you with her words. She expresses her thoughts and feeling beautifully and poetically but at the same time with a sort of bluntness that can’t left you unmoved. Mother, lover, daughter, she is, like many women, a multi-faceted individual who infuses her music with all the different sides of her personality, her qualities and weaknesses, all the while being very honest and at times “raw”.
      What makes her stand out, apart from her charisma and the great quality of her lyrics, is her warm, deep and powerful voice. This voice carries her story, but also that of her ancestors. Sandra Nkaké is the representative of both Cameroonian and French legacies and she weaves her music with all the aspects of those cultures, making it very personal but at the same time universal. There is clearly something spiritual about her art, something that takes you on a journey and makes you reach higher levels of emotion and understanding. I don’t think it is possible to listen to her music and not feel your heart beating faster, as it is quite unlikely you will hear her voice and not feel goose-bumps all over your skin. This is definitely how I feel every time I listen to Mansaadi (“little mother”), her debut album.
      This gem contains songs both in French and English and is a testimony of the woman that she is, her experiences of life, love and loss, her darkness and her rays of light. It is deep, sad, inspiring, positive and entertaining. It will bring you to tears and will put a smile on your face. It will make you feel strong and ready to achieve your dreams. Quite simply, it is a ride on the rollercoaster that life is. And if you’re ready for the journey, you will probably not regret jumping on board.

        Now, to convince you of the lady’s exceptional talent, I will share with you some videos. If you’re not hooked after that, I’m sorry but I can’t do anything else to help. First, one of my favourite videos from her is a cover of D’angelo’s “Higher”. Taking the classic and making it her own, she gives a beautiful heartfelt rendition of the track and makes it very powerful and emotional.

            Then, a very inspiring track and one of my favourites on Mansaadi is the beautiful Stay true. This is really the kind of music you should listen to when you’re feeling down. It will most probably help raise your spirits.

                Finally, another one of my favourites is the wonderful I believe. Enjoy!

                    Now, please go check out the album on iTunes (this is the US site but you should be redirected if you’re living elsewhere). Oh, and spread the word!

                      Sandra Nkaké is working on her second album, Nothing For Granted, which should come out soon. In the meantime, stay tuned on her website, Facebook & Twitter.

                       

                      PUB: Honest ‘£100′ Poetry Competition

                      Honest ‘£100′ Poetry Competition

                      To celebrate Burns Night in January, here at Honest we thought we’d have a poetry competition in November.

                      Here’s how it works: you give us £3 of your cash (around US$4.70), you submit 1 poem, we judge it and if you win, we pay you £100 (a shade over $150) and give you an Honest Publishing book of your choosing. And, we’ll try and get it signed (not easy, our authors are everywhere). We’ll also publish your poem on our blog so the rest of the world can see just how clever you are.

                      Simply pay using the PayPal button below, and then click the link to the Honest Publishing website on the payment confirmation screen. You’ll be sent to the competition form where you can submit your entry. You need to enter your PayPal Transaction ID (found on the confirmation screen and email).

                      Oh the theme…you can’t just submit any old back catalogue. Your poem must in some way relate to the central theme of:

                      ‘The Most Honest Being Is…’

                      Best of luck. Closing Date: 31st December 2011

                       

                      PUB: Character Profile Writing Competition > The Creative Competitor

                      Character Profile Writing Competition

                      1st Prize: £100

                      2nd Prize:£75

                      3rd Prize: £50

                      4th Prize: 3 months Creative Competitor Premier1  Membership

                      Closing date: 21st February 2012

                      Entry fee: £2.50 or free to Creative Competitor Premier1 members

                      Write a detailed character profile using the photo published on this page for inspiration. We want to know everything there is to know about your character. Bring him to life by adding rich layers of detail to the profile.

                      Note: We do not want a story but a detailed summary depicting relevant information about the character. (Name, age, occupation, hobbies, likes and dislikes, experiences etc).

                      There is no set word count.

                      We will publish the winning submission only.

                      It can take some time to choose the winning entry so we thank you in advance for your patience.

                      Image:© Elena Milevska | Dreamstime.com

                       

                      PUB: The Moth Magazine

                      Welcome to the inaugural Ballymaloe International Poetry Prize 2011

                       

                          CLOSING DATE 31 DECEMBER 2011

                           First prize: €2,000

                          Second prize: €1,000
                          Third prize: €500

                       

                       

                          The three winners will be invited to read at a special award ceremony at Ballymaloe House in Co. Cork, Ireland, in March 2012, and their poems will feature in the spring issue of The Moth.

                       

                          Darina Allen’s Ballymaloe Cookery School, a creative haven for lovers of food and fresh produce in Co. Cork, is the proud sponsor of this Prize, launched in association with The Moth and open to everyone, as long as the work is original and previously unpublished.

                       

                          Please read the RULES before sending your poem(s) (you can enter as many poems as you like) along with an ENTRY FORM to:

                       

                          The Ballymaloe International Poetry Prize
                          The Moth
                          The Bog Road Press
                          Cavan
                          Co. Cavan
                          Ireland

                       

                          You can also ENTER ONLINE.

                       

                          The entry fee is €6 per poem (or €7.50 per poem if you’re paying by money or postal order)

                       

                          The prize will be judged by Matthew Sweeney, whose last collection, Black Moon, was shortlisted for the T. S. Eliot Prize and The Irish Times/Poetry Now Award. His selected works, The Night Post, was published in 2010.

                       

                       

                       

                       

                       

                       

                       

                       

                       

                       

                      VIDEO: A Roundup Of New Films > Africa is a Country

                      New Films

                      This list is partly self-indulgent. It is also a way–hopefully weekly–for me to keep an online record of films I still would like to see. Here’s a few.

                      First up, Lotte Stoofs’s documentary film about the life of a landmark hotel in Beira, Mozambique:

                      “Swahili Fighting Words,” a feature documentary about a Tanzanian filmmaker’s search for his family roots:

                      “The Encounter,” a short about “a young white woman on a search for inner peace, [who] gets stuck in an elevator with an older African man”:

                      Then there’s “Umkhungo,” a short film by a Johannesburg director that weds Hollywood and popular South African beliefs about the supernatural:

                      There seems to be a few films with themes on gay beauty competitions in Cape Town. We’ve blogged here about “Glitterboys and Ganglands.” Now there’s “Sisterhood,” a film about 3 farmworkers who dream of acceptance and winning a local drag competition.

                      The documentary “Blood in the Mobile”:

                      Director Franck Piasecki Poulsen embarks on a personal mission to uncover the origin of the minerals in his Nokia cell phone. Navigating the bureaucracy, corruption, and dangers of eastern Congo, he arrives at Bisie, one of the largest and most notorious illegal mines in the region, where armed groups maintain tight control and inhumane conditions, and child labor runs rampant. Determined to know if his cell phone is funding conflict in Congo, Poulsen works his way into Nokia’s corporate offices, where he confronts executives about their mineral supply chain.

                      Here’s the trailer:

                      Tom hasn’t yet seen the film “Blue Bird,” by Belgian director Gust van den Berghe, about “two African children” who leave “their village” to find their lost blue bird. Yes the bird is literally black. I think it is supposed to be a fable or a fairy tale:

                      Finally, some short films in their entirety. (These I have watched):

                       

                      I like the 3 shorts on cultural producers from the DRC made by Cultural Resistance. First up, “Thembo Kash: Cartooning for Justice,” a 5 minute film about a political cartoonist. Sample opinion: “I’ve drawn Congo as a cake. People are helping themselves, but the Congolese don’t benefit from it”:

                      Then there’s a film about rapper Lexxus Legal, “a long-time veteran of the hip-hop scene in the DRC”:

                      Finally, there’s a film about the legendary Papa Wemba (he’s been singing since 1969) talking about his music and politics in the DRC:

                      Comments

                      1. Hi, I don’t know what you are exactly looking for, but GRANDE HOTEL, hm, I don’t know. I find it a bit disappointing that this film is not more but a copy of Licinio Azevedos’ 2007 NIGHT LODGERS. Same place, same storyline, much better, a film from Mosambik. And since you are searching – don’t miss FOR THE BEST AND FOR THE ONION by Niger based director Sani Magori, an extremely talented filmaker; and NGWENYA THE CROCODILE by Isabel Noronha, Mosambik, a beautiful film about Malangatana Ngwenya, one of Africa’s most creative and subversive artists. Have fun

                      2. D Djeli says:

                        I thought these would all be African films made by Africans….except for a couple they’re NGO advocacy films and non-African directors??? Not like you guys to fall into that little hole

                      3. Sean Jacobs says:

                        @Matthias: Thanks for the comments and the great suggestions. BTW, the list does not prejudge a film’s merits.

                        @D Djeli: As I commented before, this is not a comment on the films; I am merely noting their existence. If I felt moved I would write about them. And there’s no problem with non-Africans making films; it’s it’s good–and again I have not said anything about these films above yet, merely noted them–then we’ll acknowledge that just as we do films by Africans.

                       

                       

                      INTERVIEW: Bothaina Kamel: Daughter of Tahrir Runs for President > Al Akhbar English

                      Bothaina Kamel:

                      Daughter of Tahrir

                      Runs for President

                       

                      I want Egypt to be for all Egyptians. What is unfolding now is a scheme to divide Egypt and they are contributing to this scheme whether by good or bad intentions. (Photo: Ali Garboussi)

                       

                       

                      By: Ali Garboussi

                      Published Monday, December 5, 2011

                       

                      Bothaina Kamel is the first Egyptian woman to run for president. Al-Akhbar spoke to her about the nature of the revolution and the platform of her campaign, among other issues.

                       

                      Ali Garboussi (AG): Tell us more about yourself.

                      Bothaina Kamel (BK): First of all, I am an Egyptian citizen. I am a journalist who graduated from the University of Cairo during an era in which there was nothing but state-run media. I decided to come out to the street and speak about the bitter situation of the Egyptian people in 2005, the day of the referendum to amend the constitution, allowing Mubarak to serve another term as president.

                      Then in 2006, I consciously stopped reading the news as an expression of my rejection of the lies that are disseminated within it. I am also a member of the Shaifinak (“We See You”) movement. I believe in citizen’s journalism and I consider myself only one of the daughters of Tahrir.

                       

                      AG: When and why did you decide to run for president?

                      BK: I announced my candidacy for president in April after following what had been happening and confirming that the military council had betrayed the revolution and the revolutionaries. They did this by agreeing to the return of 3,000 Egyptians who were in Afghanistan and making shady deals with the Muslim Brotherhood.

                      The Islamic movement in Egypt does not have the same concern for religion as it has for its expansionist ambitions and its efforts to carry out the agenda of the West in Egypt. I will not stand for an Islamic emirate in Egypt. I want Egypt to be on equal footing with other countries.

                      I want Egypt to be for all Egyptians. What is unfolding now is a scheme to divide Egypt and they are contributing to this scheme whether by good or bad intentions. However, everyone must know that there is no such thing as a minority in Egypt. There are only Egyptians.

                       

                      AG: Is what is taking place in Egypt a revolution or simply a coup?

                      BK: We toppled Mubarak only to bring back nineteen Mubaraks, who took their legitimacy from Mubarak before he left and with the blessings of their friends in the Mossad and Western intelligence. These guys are trying to bypass the revolution and buy and sell the blood of martyrs. We declare that if Mubarak is convicted, all of them will be put in prison, because they are part of one gang.

                      Let me tell you about when I was detained during the recent events on Mohamed Mahmoud Street. There were police officers that were in the ministry telling me “we are with Mubarak and [former interior minister Habib] al-Adeli’s men.” The revolution is not complete, and we must continue the fight and strip this council of its power. We must remain in the street to defend our revolution.

                       

                      AG: Who supports Bothaina Kamel? Who is funding her election campaign?

                      BK: Bothaina Kamel is a daughter of the people and the youth of the revolution are the ones who are supporting me and helping me. I am paying for my election campaign out of my own pocket and I rely on the campaigns of residents of the other provinces of Egypt to publicize my election platform.

                       

                      AG: So what is your platform?

                      BK: My platform can be summarized into two issues: fighting poverty and corruption, and realizing the goals of the revolution, i.e. freedom, democracy, and social justice. My platform is based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. As for my economic program, there are specialists busy preparing it. I am a democratic socialist who supports a diversified economy.

                       

                      AG: Is it possible that we will see Bothaina Kamel within a political party?

                      BK: It’s possible but not at present. Perhaps the party closest to me is the Egyptian Social Democratic Party because I think it shares my vision for the future of Egypt.

                       

                      AG: We’ll give you the last word.

                      BK: I want to address everyone here and Egyptian women in particular. Nobody is going to give us our rights. We must stand up and take them. We represent a real, major force and our being mothers also means that we are the future of this country. I want everyone to know that we are capable of overcoming ignorance and poverty [in the country] to achieve victory for Egypt.

                       

                      This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.

                       

                       

                      BAHRAIN: Which Side Are We On?

                      President Barack Obama's administration has sided with Bahrain's ruling regime over its domestic protest movement more clearly than in any other country affected by the Arab Spring. But that position is unwise and unsustainable, according to one of Bahrain's leading human rights activists, who visited Washington last week.

                      Nabeel Rajab, president of the Bahrain Center for Human Rights, came to Washington to receive the Woodrow Wilson Center's 2011 Ion Ratiu Democracy Award for his work documenting human rights abuses conducted by the Bahraini ruling family's security forces since protesters took to the streets in the capital of Manama in February. He was not invited to the State Department for any meetings whatsoever. He did visit the National Security Council, and met with senior director for democracy Gayle Smith, but wasn't given time by any official who works directly on Bahrain.

                      Rajab sat down on Dec. 4 for an exclusive interview with The Cable. His main message was that the Obama administration's defense of the Bahraini government, including a new push to sell it more weapons, is sowing seeds of distrust and resentment of the United States among the Bahraini people. He urged the Obama administration to use its influence in Bahrain to press the regime for improvements on human rights.

                      Rajab said that the United States was repeating the mistakes of the past by siding with a minority regime that has brutalized its Shiite majority population. Here are some excerpts:

                      JR: What is your main message to the Washington foreign policy community?

                      NR: What I have realized is that there's a difference between the way the American government and the American people look at the Arab uprisings or the Arab revolution. I have received great support from American civil society, human rights groups, etc., in support of the Bahraini revolution. But that is totally different than the position of the United States government, which has disappointed many people in the Gulf region. And they have seen how the U.S. has acted differently and has different responses for different countries. There is full support for revolutions in countries where [the U.S. government] has a problem with their leadership, but when it comes to allied dictators in the Gulf countries, they have a much softer position and that was very upsetting to many people in Bahrain and the Gulf region. This will not serve your long strategic interest, to strengthen and continue your relations with dictators and repressive regimes.... You should have taken a lesson from Tunisia and Egypt, but now you are repeating the same thing by ignoring all those people struggling for democracy and human rights.... Those dictators will not be there forever. Relationships should be maintained with people, not families.

                      JR: The Obama administration says they are encouraging both sides to work together toward reform. Do you not see that as helpful?

                      NR: The U.S. is more influential in Bahrain than the United Nations. If they are serious about something, they could do it. They have lots of means to pressure the Bahraini government but so far they are soft. They act as if both sides are equal. You have people fighting for democracy and human rights and struggling for social justice. Then you have a repressive government with an army. You can't speak as if they can be treated in an equal manner. It's the government that is killing people. It's the government that is committing the crimes. The pressure should be put on the government. All of the statements by [Secretary of State] Hillary Clinton and [President] Barack Obama have no impact on the ground because the government was not really being forced to listen to it.... This government has to be told that their relationship with the United States is not a green light to commit crimes, because that's how it is understood by the government. And no one in the United States has told them, no, it's not like that.

                      JR: What do you say to those who argue that revolution in Bahrain risks instability and the rise of anti-Americanism?

                      NR: This is the image of the United States in our country: that this superpower supports dictators and doesn't want democracy in our region, because they [are] told that democracy would not serve their interests. They were misled by governments in our region that democracy will bring extremists to power who will fight against U.S. interests. Democracy is not against anybody's interests. Democracy is about living together, sharing together, tolerance, working together, and that's what we are fighting for.

                      JR: What's the significance of the report of the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry, which was released last week?

                      NR: It was not perfect, it was not an independent group, it was a group made by the government. But a big part of the report is good and talks about the abuses we have been talking about... It needs to be implemented and I don't see so far any positive reaction from the government. They appointed a commission to implement the report, a big part of which is made up of people who were part of the problem. Here is where the United States needs to speak, to tell them not to waste this opportunity to create real reform.

                      JR: What does the U.S. sale of $53 million worth of new weapons say to you and your fellow activists?

                      NR: This is the hypocrisy, this is the double standard. You can't ask Russia to stop selling arms to Syria at the same time you are selling arms to Bahrain while they are killing their own people.  How do you convince the Bahraini people this is for their own benefit? What message are you trying to send to the Bahraini people when you try to sell arms? Even now, there are people in the State Department who want to push this sale. Rather than this, there should be more sanctions on the Bahraini government.

                      JR: The Bahraini foreign minister told us in an interview that the police, not the military, have been dealing with the protests. Is it true?

                      NR: The military has taken part in suppressing the protests. They have killed people, they have tortured people, they have arrested people, they have detained people. They have established checkpoints and humiliated people at checkpoints, raided houses, robbed houses, demolished mosques. They have taken part in every crime committed in the past months.

                      JR: You are not seeking total regime change, so what is the end state you want to see in Bahrain?

                      NR: When the people of Bahrain came out on Feb. 14, they didn't want to overthrow the government, they wanted to reform the government. They want elected government. We've had a corrupt prime minister for over 40 years. We want to separate the government from the royal family. We want a parliament that has power... We want to have an end to the corruption, we want human rights violations to stop, we want sectarian discrimination to be stopped. But the resistance of the government has created a movement to overthrow the government. And if they will continue to resist reforms, that movement to overthrow the government will increase.

                      JR: What has the government done to you to try to silence you?

                      NR: They have attacked my house on a weekly basis, you can see it on YouTube. They attacked me, 25 masked men kidnapped me from my home last March. They blindfolded me, handcuffed me, beat me, then took me back home. This has happened a few times. My house is targeted, my mother's house is targeted, all because of my work. But I am better off than the others, because I am free and not dead, because there are people who have been killed and who are behind bars now.

                       

                      __________________________

                       

                       

                      Tony Mitchell Blog

                      Bahrain Uprising Part 1: The Roundabout Clearance

                      It all started for me on Valentine’s Day, 2011. Monday, February 14.

                      Normally on a Monday I would have been at work at Bahrain Polytechnic where I was employed as an English tutor. This day, however, was during the mid-semester break and I planned to spend a quiet day relaxing with my wife in our apartment on the 10th floor of the Abraj Al Lulu (Pearl Towers) apartment complex.

                      In the months leading up to this day there had been much political activity in Tunisia and Egypt, where outdated rulers had been overthrown. I had discovered on Facebook that a protest was set to take place at “Lulu Roundabout” and I was looking forward to seeing what would happen. I’m rather ashamed to admit it now but at the time I did not realise that Lulu Roundabout meant the impressive, large “Pearl Monument” roundabout right next to us. Our apartment overlooked Dana Mall and the Lulu Hypermarket contained within. I thought that the protest was to take place at the small roundabout at the entrance to Dana Mall (I know!) and so I kept looking out our window to see if anything happened.

                      After a while I noticed that several Police 4WD vehicles had gathered on the large vacant area opposite Dana Mall. Not long after I heard many loud bangs and saw a lot of white smoke. It appeared that the police had cornered a group of people in a side street near the roundabout next to Dana Mall and I assumed that the people were the same ones who had always set fire to tyres around the Sanabis area (the area closest to Dana Mall and the Pearl Roundabout). To me, it looked like they had set off some smoke bombs and had quickly ran away. Pretty harmless stuff, it seemed. By the time the smoke had cleared there was no one remaining and the police vehicles soon left the area. I later learnt that there were many other similar protests throughout Bahrain that day, including the death of one protester, which explained the rather small police presence near us.

                      Later that day from my apartment window I counted at least 80 police 4WD vehicles positioned in the vacant lot opposite Dana Mall. The Pearl Roundabout (not the one at Dana Mall!) had been completely blocked off and surrounded by police. I was able to see from the open car park in the bottom three floors of the Abraj Al Lulu complex that no one could get in or out of the roundabout. Police were turning back cars who had exited from the Seef highway and there was a lot of traffic held up in the surrounding streets. It was obvious that the police did want anyone anywhere near the roundabout. The police cars on the vacant lot separated into groups of about 10 and all sped off in different directions (I later learnt that these went to various Shia villages and fought with protesters). Apart from the traffic disruption the rest of the day around us was quite peaceful.

                      [The picture above shows the close proximity of my apartment building to the Pearl Roundabout. My building was the one on the left and I lived on the 10th floor. The first three levels of the complex was a carpark, from where I filmed my videos.]

                      The next day, Tuesday 15th, was quite strange. Still on my break from work I was now greeted by the sight of hundreds of people streaming towards the Pearl Roundabout, parking their cars on the vacant lot and walking, carrying Bahraini flags. I ventured downstairs to the carpark and looked out over the roundabout. The police had all gone and it was teeming with people. The mood was one of gaeity. People seemed happy to be there and within a short time there were tents, microphones, a stage and even sofas! I later learnt that a popcorn machine had been installed. I was fascinated to see many women, all dressed in their black abayas standing shoulder to shoulder with men chanting and singing songs. Soon there were so many people that cars could not use the surrounding streets. Despite this the mood was still peaceful and calm and although I did not fully understand what was happening I felt quite safe and not threatened at all. As more public address systems were installed we were able to hear the singing, the chanting and the speeches (all in Arabic, of course) from our apartment and in the evening more and more people arrived, especially families. The sounds (I don’t like to call it noise) continued late into the evening and I was surprised to see that many younger men had actually set up camp and were spending the night there.

                      The “occupation” of Pearl Roundabout continued into the following day, Wednesday, and the number of people swelled considerably. Every square inch of the roundabout was occupied by people and a small city of tents had sprung up. A stage was erected and the day was once again taken up with speeches, singing and chanting. Food and drink was handed out to all the people and once again the number of women involved was quite interesting. The evening brought the most visitors as many families arrived at the roundabout to join in the peaceful protests. Eventually the whole area was quiet as the people, much more than the previous day, bedded down for another evening.

                      3.00 am, Thursday 17th February. I was woken by my wife who was very animated, telling me that she thought something was happening at the roundabout. Even with our windows closed we could hear many loud bangs (the same as I had heard on the 14th) and cars hurriedly leaving the vacant lots followed by many people running away. I dressed quickly and grabbed my video camcorder and rushed to the elevator. I don’t have any real recollection why I took my camcorder other than I wanted to obviously film what happened because, for some strange reason, I knew that something bad was happening. While living in Australia, Thailand and Oman I had never been exposed to any kind of uprising or protests before and had never witnessed tear gas being used in person, so I guess I wanted to record this. But something told me that this was not going to be a simple situation of nicely asking people to pack up and move away from the roundabout. I knew it was going to be bad.

                      When I reached the level M3 carpark of our Gold Tower at Abraj Al Lulu I was immediately hit with the strange smell of tear gas. It was not strong enough to affect me (or my wife, who had also accompanied me) and I began filming. I saw a large group of white-helmeted police moving in packs and people (all men as far as I could see) trying to stand their ground. I saw the tear gas being fired and glowing when they hit the ground, then releasing their smoke. Other loud explosions were going off, too. I later found out that these were “sound bombs”, which were much louder than those of the tear gas being shot. Tragically, I also discovered that shotguns were fired and that four men were later found dead. Despite the clouds of smoke and the general mahem of the scene I did not see a single protester carrying anything or fighting with the police in any way.

                      We moved to another part of the car park and I filmed more of the people hurrying away to their cars from the roundabout in the direction of Dana Mall. The police were chasing them and still firing teargas. A few defiant protesters tried to stand their ground but were overcome by the fumes and eventually retreated. Soon the fumes wafted up to our position and our eyes began to sting. I thought the sensation would pass but even in the open carpark the fumes lingered and we left the area to return to our apartment. My first ever contact with tear gas and I don’t recommend it. Closing and rubbing your eyes has no effect, the only thing to do is seek refuge somewhere.

                      By the time we were inside our apartment our eyes were pretty much back to normal and I immediately began uploading my video footage to YouTube. Why did I do this? At the time I was not aware but now I know the reason: I was mightily pissed off. I had not expected such actions from a government that I had been lead to believe were focused on progress, with a vision for the future. The tactics I saw I had only heard about in communist Europe when I was a kid. It confirmed what I briefly saw on Valentine’s Day: that the security forces looked upon the protesters as something that needed to be subdued as quickly as possible.

                      I uploaded all I had taken and then my wife and I watched the last of the protesters leave the vacant lot on foot as it was impossible for them to have time to get into cars and drive away without being set upon by the police. It was obvious that the police were not content on merely clearing the area; they seemed hellbent on trying to injure as many of the protesters as possible. The last of the protesters retreated to the surrounding streets of Sanabis and yet the bangs continued, even though the primary aim of clearing the roundabout had been achieved.

                      It was difficult to sleep after witnessing such brutality and I was still quite upset and angry at what I had seen. I tried to monitor the events by viewing comments on Facebook and was surprised to learn that many of my friends (most of them students from Bahrain Polytechnic) had already viewed the YouTube videos. I was also surprised at all the messages of thanks I was receiving, many students passing on thanks from their parents to me. At the time I did not understand the significance of what I had done and I also received warnings to be careful. I assured my friends that I was safe and that the violence had stopped but the warnings continued, telling me that I may be arrested if I was not careful. In my eyes I had done nothing wrong and, if anything, I had merely captured vision of a successful (albeit brutal) police operation. The government should be supportive, shouldn’t they? Unless, of course, they did not want others to see what had really happened.

                      During that Thursday the roundabout was quickly cleared of anything that the protesters had taken there. The many cars that had been left by their owners were simply dragged away by a fleet of tow-trucks. Most of the cars still had their handbrakes on or were engaged in gear and so there was the regular sound of car tyres screeching as they were being taken away. The cars that had been parked on streets were the first priority and this process lasted all day and into the night.

                      In the days that followed the “crackdown” at the roundabout I was contacted by CNN and the BBC by e-mail, asking me for permission to use my videos on YouTube. I immediately allowed them to do so, the more people who saw them the better as far as I was concerned. One “newsagency” in America wanted me to give them exclusive rights to use them, which I refused. Later, my wife and I got a buzz from seeing my videos on TV as part of the excellent BBC reports. Meanwhile, the entire area around us was surrounded by police, sending a clear message that the protesters were not welcome back. I received a message from one of my students, very upset and afraid after she saw several “tanks” being transported on the backs of trucks pass her house, headed towards Manama (the capital, right next to the Pearl Roundabout). She was adamant at what she saw and, sure enough, later the next morning there was a line of armoured personnel carriers slowly making their way towards us along the main highway (my video of this also made its way on to BBC shortly afterwards).

                      Soon there was a large military as well as police presence in the vicinity of the roundabout. The soldiers that had arrived had set up camp (ironically just as the protesters had done, with tents) with generators and water tanks. It appeared that they were prepared to be there for some time. Strangely, several large tanks were placed in the large vacant lot that was previously filled with protesters cars. Also, the lot was completed fenced in with razor wire, as if the police, soldiers and tanks were not quite enough of a deterrent. It all served as a powerful message to anyone thinking of returning to the roundabout. Despite this, my wife and I decided to walk to Dana Mall as we needed to buy some food. Several cars belonging to the protesters were still parked on the sides of the footpath, the owners abandoning them in their haste to leave. Every single one of them had had their windows smashed. We made our way to the mall and back without any problems and we continued to monitor the situation from our apartment windows and also from regular visits down to our carpark.

                      In the afternoon on Friday the 18th I discovered from messages on Facebook that a large procession of protesters were marching from Salmanya Hospital to Pearl Roundabout. Salmanya had become a refuge for the many injured protesters and their families and friends and where dedicated doctors and medical staff were later accused and arrested for assisting the protesters at the expense of pro-government patients. I anticipated more violence so I ventured down to the vantage point of our carpark but my view of the protesters was obscured by trees. I zoomed in with my camcorder and could see men and a few vehicles approaching the roundabout which by this time was manned by armoured vehicles and a ridiculous amount of police vehicles. Armed soldiers were crouched behind hedges close to the armoured vehicles. From my zoomed view I once again saw that none of the marchers were armed in any way at all. Suddenly there was an almost deafening volley of shots fired from the roundabout and without my camcorder I could see the protesters fleeing away back towards Salmanya Hospital. I later learnt that several unarmed protesters had been shot by this volley and I was also “reliable” informed by pro-government students that the injuries they suffered had actually been faked, which was nonsense. The police then embarked on their tactics of teargas and eventually chased the protesters away from the area again. The armoured vehicles stayed where they were and the police vehicles all raced away after the protesters.

                      It was during this incident that I was first asked by the staff of the apartment not to use camcorders or cameras and to please go inside “for your own safety”. The staff (mainly cleaners) told me they had been told to ask people not to film and not to be in the carpark. I ignored them, naturally.

                       

                      Bahrain Uprising Part 2: Return to Pearl Roundabout

                      Unknown to me, there was a lot of activity taking place in Bahrain behind the scenes in a bid to end the unrest. The Crown Prince had become involved and was trying to broker an agreement and began by allowing the protesters back to Pearl Roundabout.

                      On Saturday February 19th I was still keenly watching what was happening around our complex, moving between the car park and our apartment windows, trying to see if anything was happening but the military seemed relaxed and staying in their positions, securing the roundabout. Messages on Facebook indicated that their presence would be withdrawn but from my vantage point it looked to me that they would be there for some time. Nothing seemed to be happening and my wife and I managed to drive away from the area for some much needed distraction of badminton (for my wife) and snooker (for me) at the excellent British Club, a short drive away but once inside a million miles from what we had witnessed.

                      We returned safely and without any problems to our apartment later in the afternoon and the first thing we did was to check the situation and for me, to report to others what was happening, which was nothing. Once again it was my wife who alerted me to something important happening downstairs after she went down later to check. She rushed into the apartment to tell me that the army had left and the police were shooting protesters again! I felt annoyed again (mainly for missing out on seeing the army leave, which I had felt was not going to happen and also for the fact that my wife got to see it before I did!) and once again raced downstairs with my camcorder to hopefully view the important events. I could not understand why the army would leave the area and yet the police would remain and be shooting the protesters.

                      Sure enough, when the elevator doors opened and we rushed to the edge of the car park walls we could see jubilant protesters with Bahrain flags running around the grassed area of the roundabout, stopping to bend down and pray, hugging each other, clapping, chanting and anything else they could think of. I saw no police and was looking quizzically at my wife whilst filming when once again the loud bangs associated with them were heard. A group of white-helmeted police had sprung out from behind the garden on one side of the roundabout and was trying to chase away the celebrators (they weren’t protesting) and had managed to grab a few of them. I was puzzled at the time but one must remember that the police fall under the jurisdiction of the Prime Minister who, it was later revealed, was not in favour of the roundabout being given back to the people. Just at that very point one of the men had broken away from the police and was running away. One policeman simply raised his shotgun and calmly shot him in the back. The man disappeared behind a tree so we could not see what had happened to him, but he was definitely not shot with tear gas or a sound bomb. I captured it all on video and felt that the whole exercise was simply an elaborate trap. Remove the army, allow the people back and then the police move in and cut them down. I was prepared to record the whole thing and show it to the world but just then a man who I had never seen before came up to me and asked me to stop filming. He was well-dressed and held a walkie-talkie. I was quite upset by seeing an unarmed man shot in the back and very angry that it was allowed to happen. More to the point, what was wrong with filming it? Surely I had a right to do so and I managed to tell this to the man, as well as quite a few words beginning with “f”. He appeared quite shocked by my outburst (as was my wife) and he immediately spoke Arabic into his walkie-talkie and hurried away. I took that as my cue to leave and, after a quick look at the roundabout (the police were now leaving, being taunted by the protesters as they did so) we went to the relative safety of our apartment.

                      I was quite worried inside the apartment and made sure the door was securely locked. My students had warned me earlier about being arrested and told me that the police in Bahrain were nothing like the police in Australia (and that’s saying something!) and some even advised me to leave our apartment. I knew that the man with the walkie-talkie had reported me to someone and sure enough there were men’s voices outside our door followed by the inevitable loud knock. I must admit that they did well to locate our apartment so quickly but I refused to answer the door. I had done nothing wrong (except some swearing) and they could knock all day for all I cared. The only thing that concerned me was if they decided to break down the door as our apartment belonged to a very nice couple who lived close by in Saudi Arabia. Eventually the knocking stopped and the voices left our floor. My wife and I were whispering about what we should do when my phone rang and it was our landlord calling! She told me that I was in big trouble and I needed to go and see the security men immediately. She advised me not to be silly about it and also told me that Bahraini prisons were not nice places to be (how I agree with her now!).

                      My wife and I ventured downstairs to find the walkie-talkie man and eventually saw him in the carpark talking to two other men. We walked up to them and I immediately apologised to the walkie-talkie man before the largest of the men introduced himself as the “security manager for the apartment complex”. I had never seen any of the three men before in the 14 months that I had been living there. The security manager told me that I had put him in a very difficult position by filming the protests because he was under orders from the Bahrain Ministry of Interior (responsible for law enforcement and public safety in Bahrain) not to allow any resident from the apartments to document anything taking place around us. He said that if it was discovered that a lot of filming had taken place he had the right to go through every apartment searching for cameras and inspecting computers, etc – and he did not want to do that. He said the best thing I could do was to delete all the film I had taken. I told him that I had already uploaded it all to YouTube and Mr. Walkie-Talkie said, “Oh no”. The security manager then told me that I needed to assure him that I would stop videotaping. “We know you work for the Polytechnic as an English teacher, we know your CPR (Civil Personal Record) number, we know that is your car over there, we know everything about you”, he said. I know he was trying to intimidate me and that most of this information would have been given to him by my landlady and the guy who operates the boom gate on the car park but I had no wish to make things any worse and so I agreed to delete my videos and not to take any more.

                      At the time I did not think much about it but I am now convinced that the three men I spoke to were all connected to the Ministry of Interior. As I mentioned, I had never seen them nor heard anything from them before and I only ever saw the third member of the trio again after this day. I am sure that my footage was either noticed by the Ministry staff or was referred to it and the men were sent to the apartment towers to put a stop to it. I ask again, why was there a ban on it if there was something the government did not want others to see?

                      Mr. Walkie-talkie accompanied my wife and I back to our apartment and he watched as I sat at the dining table and deleted all the video I had downloaded onto my computer and then did the same in front of him with my camcorder. He asked if I had any other film stored anywhere else, to which I said “no” and then I offered to give him my camcorder to prove I would stop filming. He took it and said I could collect it from him, probably in a few weeks. I must say, he was quite polite the whole time he was with us and my wife indeed was able to get our camcorder back.

                      I was relieved to be out of the “hot seat” at our apartment complex but a little disappointed that I could no longer help spread the truth if any further outbreaks of brutality were to occur at the roundabout. I still monitored the situation around us closely and even visited the proceedings and festivities outside to see for myself just how peaceful it was. My “reporting” days were over but little did I realise that my real problems were only just beginning.

                       

                      Bahrain Uprising Part 3: Aftermath and Social Media

                      From the perspective of my wife and I, all was once again well with the world. The peaceful protesters were back at Pearl Roundabout, there were no police, no army, no bloodyteargas and no security personnel hanging around. Yes, it was difficult to move in and out of the complex in our car but the protesters had volunteer traffic wardens (as well as cleaners) so it was far from unbearable. I felt like I had dodged a bullet by not being arrested (I still cannot imagine what it must have been like for some families to have had their front door kicked down in the middle of the night and witnessed the head of the household being savagely beaten in from of them before being taken away to be tortured) and there was nothing controversial to videotape, so the lack of camcorder was no problem.

                      My wife and I visited the roundabout one evening and there was a pleasant, carnival-like atmosphere. Thousands of people united by one primary goal (something called‘democracy’) were mingling happily as one group. There were free food stalls everywhere (a new popcorn machine had been installed), a small area set aside for aspiring artists and even free haircuts were available. The pro-government trolls later claimed that there were “sex tents” to cater for you-know-what, which was both preposterous and insulting to the large number of families, women and children that were in attendance. Once again, at no time did we ever feel unsafe or threatened and, needless to say, did we see any evidence of weapons on display.

                      I eventually returned to work at the Polytechnic as preparations were in order to welcome our students back and there were several meetings with all staff, both academic and non-teaching. In these meetings the CEO, Mr. John Scott, stressed the fact that the Polytechnic needed to be seen as a place where all students were able to feel safe amidst all the turmoil that had happened outside. Security was beefed up and there was a need to search students’ vehicles for weapons but John wanted everyone to know that we could not be seen to be taking sides and that we needed to remain neutral in front of our students. I fully agreed with him but after what I had witnessed I found it very difficult to beneutral. I really struggled with this notion because to me, it made me feel like I didn’t care. Looking back (which is always so easy to do) I know I should have spoken to more people about this but I could not bring myself to tell anyone I was neutral. In my eyes it was like saying, “Oh, I don’t mind what happens because I’m an expat” or “It’s your country, it’s got nothing to do with me”.

                      The group of students that I had the priviledge  of teaching before February 14th (I also taught them in the previous semester) were a wonderful group of young people and made my job so enjoyable. For those who may not know, Bahraini students have superb senses of humour and can speak and listen to English extremely well (I won’t mention their writing!). I did not have the slightest idea which of my students were Sunni or Shia and it did not make any difference before the unrest. Some of my students had formed their own group called The Catalysts who wanted to bring about change (obviously) as well as undertaking community projects and charity work. They were all friends and we had a ball together. After February 14th it was all gone.

                      My first day back at teaching saw my students sitting in different groups and the air in the classroom was cold (I’m not talking about the air-conditioning). There were no smiles, no laughter and I immediately knew which students were pro-government: the ones that were the most pissed off. I tried to make them welcome and wanted them to know that we had all been through a tough time but that I hoped we could still have a good semester together. I then told the class that I had been asked to be neutral about the events and that I was sorry, but I could not. I knew this would alienate many in the class but I hoped that they would understand and respect me, based on our good relationship. Wrong.

                      After the class I was approached by a group of pro-government male students who were very keen to tell me not to be fooled by what I had heard or been told by people from the other side. They played the Iran card, saying protesters wanted Bahrain to be a part of Iran again and that they wanted to change the country with all women covering themselves, etc, etc. I was told that the protesters were liars and had faked their injuries. I tried to state my case that the protests were about true democracy but I was wasting my time. I thanked the boys and made my excuse to leave.

                      Meanwhile, away from work I was kept busy on Facebook keeping up with the stream of information about what had been happening. To my dismay, there was a huge amount ofmisinformation about what had occurred. Alegations of weapons being found during the roundabout clearance on February 17th, the sex-tent rumours, the faking of injuries and photographs, etc. I was appalled that students, including some of my own, would spread such malicious gossip. I took it upon myself to try to correct some of these errors based on my own experience, living with the Pearl Roundabout on my back doorstep. I got involved in several discussions with a few students in particular, “friends” on my Facebook account, who had severely warped and prejudiced views on the protesters and outrageous and blinkered opinions about their own government and so-called leaders. The use of the word “terrorists” was introduced and one student classified the protesters as worse that Hitler because “even Hitler kept the schools going”. Enough said.

                      As February drew to a close we were treated to the spectacle of the protest marches, the likes of which I had not seen before in real life. We could see from our apartment the protesters stretched from Seef all the way to the roundabout, about 2 kilometres of united protest. Once again the women were easily distinguished in their black and there was even a long Bahraini strip flag that was hundreds of metres long. As they slowly passed our building we could hear their chants and singing and each of these marches were, once again, conducted peacefully and respectfully.

                      Not to appear to be outdone, the pro-government Bahrainis organised their own gatherings ostensibly as a show of support for the ruling family but obviously a clear attempt at one-upmanship and “anything you can do we can do better”. Unfortunately it was discovered that many of the pro-government crowd consisted of expat labourers from the sub-continent who were paid in food vouchers to join in and wave small Bahraini flags. Once again, enough said.

                      On March 3rd things started to get ugly. There was reportedly a clash in Hamad Town between Shia and Sunni and on March 10th another Sunni/Shia altercation occurred following an incident at a girls’ school. I was informed that the Sunni involved were the naturalised ones who are imported by the government to help bolster their numbers in return for plum jobs (usually in security) and free housing. A few days after this I awoke to see a strange sight from our bedroom window: no cars at all on the normally busy Seef highway. I discovered later that it had been blocked at both ends by protesters and I knew this would eventually mean trouble. In the subsequent days the large malls surrounding the area (Bahrain City Centre, Dana Mall, Seef Mall, Bahrain Mall) all closed as few customers could enter. Thankfully my wife had left the country at this time but things were starting to get uncomfortable for me. The enormous numbers at the roundabout made travel in our car virtually impossible and now most of the shops in the area were shut. Two of my fellow-teachers were also living in my apartment complex and we all received an offer from the Polytechnic to move away and stay at a hotel if we wanted to, which was extremely kind of them.

                      On the 13th of March the government had had enough and sent the police in to clear the protesters but had to force their way in via the blocked highway first. I watched the events unfolding from my windows and from the carpark (until teargas intervened) and eventually the police retreated, much to the delight of the protesters. The battle had lasted for most of the morning and only ended when the police knew that they did not have the numbers.

                      That was to change when the King called on Saudi Arabia to help him control his own country the following day. Something told me that things would only get worse and I accepted the Polytechnic’s offer and packed my bags and drove to the Gulf Hotel, figuring out what to do. My wife at this time was understandably concerned about me and we decided a break in Thailand was called for, so I booked a flight online and flew there the next day.

                       

                      Bahrain Uprising Part 4: Back to Bahrain and goodbye

                      I arrived back in Bahrain on the 2nd of April after what should have been a pleasant stay in Bangkok with my wife. I found it difficult to relax with my thoughts focused on what would happen to the protesters at Pearl Roundabout after the King had asked for help, requesting the use of the GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) troops to obviously control the situation with force. The GCC was set up to defend against external threats but was now being deployed against Bahrain’s own unarmed civilians, and the roundabout was cleared again while I was away.

                      While I was in Bangkok I learnt that the wonderful Pearl Monument had been demolished. I found this very difficult to understand but it only confirmed the Khalifa regime’s determination to remove all traces of the peaceful protests that had occurred there. State television said the area needed to be ‘cleansed’ and the Bahraini Foreign Minister, Khalid Bin Ahmad Al Khalifa, said the demolition was “a removal of a bad memory”.

                      I felt a huge sense of loss when I drove my car towards Abraj Al Lulu and found there was no Lulu anymore. I had been told that when the monument was contructed in 1982 (for the 3rd summit of the Gulf Cooperation Council held in Bahrain) it was the tallest structure in the country at the time. It had since been dwarfed by several nearby apartment buildings but it was no less significant or impressive. Now it was gone.

                      The Polytechnic started up again following the break due to the “social unrest” and there was another full meeting of staff. We learnt that the Polytechnic, formerly under the guidance of the Economic Development Board was now to be a part of the Ministry of Education. A “deputy CEO” had been appointed from the Ministry, Dr Mohammed Ebrahim Al Aseeri (who was not present at the meeting), whose role was to liaise with the Minister in Arabic so that the Minister could answer questions about the Polytechnic in parliament. In stark contrast to his statement of neutrality in February, John Scott then announced that the Polytechnic was now part of the government and that we should be seen to support the government. “Like hell I will”, I said to myself. One of my colleagues summed up the situation perfectly when he said, “He’s been nobbled”. [Verb: Try to influence or thwart (someone or something) by underhanded or unfair methods: "an attempt to nobble the jury".] Finally, John informed us that all staff and students would be “investigated” for participation in any of the recent demonstrations just as soon as the investigations had been completed at the University of Bahrain.

                      I resumed my teaching at the Polytechnic, devoting my time to squeezing my English course into the time that remained in the semester. My students had been given the option of morning or afternoon classes and had used this opportunity to form themselves mainly into a morning pro-government group and an afternoon pro-democracy group. Now the tables had been turned and my morning class was upbeat and smiling, whereas my afternoon class was quiet but determined. I still tried (as always) to teach without any favouritism or discrimination but the overwhelming arrogance of my morning class made it quite difficult for me. The students did not seem interested, some arriving very late, some not even bringing paper or pen, some simply operating their mobile phones for the duration of the lesson. I never mentioned what had happened outside the Polytechnic to them but I feel that many of the students were aware of my feelings and had simply dismissed me. I now feel that some of them were struggling as much as I was with their own inner conflict of appearing to support the government but secretly questioning what had taken place.

                      In May the investigations started as promised and the mood of the Polytechnic was difficult to explain. We learnt that Bahraini staff had been identified from photographs as having attended protests and were singled out for investigation. One of the non-teaching staff was arrested and severely beaten but was able to resume work. I have since learnt that Facebook pages were expressly set up displaying photographs taken at demonstrations, asking for pro-government supporters to identify the circled faces so that they could be identified, traced and arrested. One of my former students told me his terrifying story: he was called to the administration building at the Polytechnic and he, with five other students, was taken to the nearby military building where they were all put in a room. They stayed in there all night and were interrogated the next morning. My student was very fortunate as he had been confused with another young man with a similar name and was allowed to leave. Three of the youths (students from the University of Bahrain) were handcuffed, hoods were placed over their heads and they were taken away on a bus, never to be seen again.

                      I was finding it more and more difficult coping at this time but I tried not to think to much about what might happen to me, which was not easy. I tried to be positive and reassured myself that I had not taken part in any protests and therefore was safe. My videos from February had been dealt with by the “security staff” at my apartment and so I felt safe about them. I know I had made comments to my “friends” on Facebook but they were not critical of the ruling family or the government, simply trying to correct wrong and misleading information. I did not know what the future held at the Polytechnic for me and I did not know if I could continue working for a government that resorted to unlawful arrests, torture and now identification from social networking.

                      Students had now started to be expelled, including one from my afternoon class. Again, my morning class were as happy as usual, totally unaffected by what was now happening at the Polytechnic and in Bahrain. Understandably, my afternoon class was very upset and worried and I tried to give them as much leeway as I could to cope with everything. Some of my afternoon students came from villages that were now being raided by police, arresting suspects and damaging property. They bravely came to class, passing through checkpoints and still continued to work hard. I found their courage very inspiring.

                      With every passing day that I was at the Polytechnic I was expecting to be asked to appear at an interview with the investigating committee that had been set up by the deputyCEO. And with every passing day that I wasn’t asked I felt that maybe I had flown under their radar and escaped detection. It was a stressful time and I can remember being on edge and not being able to sleep well at home. Sure enough, I received a text message on my mobile phone while I was in class asking me to visit the Director of Human Resources in the CEO’s office.

                      The meeting was direct and to the point. The Ministry of Education knew all about me, knew all about my videos and my comments on Facebook. It turns out that my “friends” had kept copies of my comments and these were presented to me, although none of them could seriously be used to show that I had been critical of the government in any way. I knew that my number was up and there was nothing I could do. To his credit, John Scott had insisted that I not front the other investigative committee as I was the only expat under investigation. I told him that I did not hold him responsible for what was taking place in any way, for which he thanked me. It was also obvious that the Ministry wanted me out immediately (as had happened to the students) but John said he would try to see if he could arrange for me to finish up later. I appreciated this as I needed to assess my students before their classes finished in four weeks. We later agreed that I could finish on 30th June, which would also give me time to sell my car and arrange to pack and send all our belongings to Thailand. I was asked to please stop making any comments at all on Facebook, to which I agreed. I did not want the Polytechnic or anyone from management to get into trouble by anything I did because they had all treated me so well in the past.

                      I remember walking back to my office with very mixed thoughts. I had been sacked from my job, not because of my teaching ability or for any normal disciplinary reason, but because I had taken videos and made comments on Facebook. I now had to think of my future after June 30th, look for a new job somewhere and tell my wife that we had to leave our beautiful apartment and the life we enjoyed together in Bahrain. On the other hand, I felt a huge sense of relief that I had been freed from having to work for the Bahraini government and that I would no longer have any association with them whatsoever.

                      I would like to take this opportunity to mention the expat staff who remain at the Polytechnic and my feelings towards them. I do not want anyone to assume that I look at them differently simply because they continue to work there. Their reasons for being there are private and to be respected and if there is anything I have learnt from my experiences this year in Bahrain it is that personal feelings and decisions should be respected. I am still good friends with many of them.

                      In the weeks following my dismissal I still monitored Facebook, mainly to try to keep track of the students that had been expelled as I was appalled to learn that many outstanding young Bahrainis and student leaders of the Polytechnic had been ordered to leave. It was during this time that several comments appeared criticising John Scott for being personally responsible for the expulsions and for going back on his word of the Polytechnic being neutral. I felt I could not allow this to happen as I knew John’s authority had been diminished by the intervention of the Ministry and that he truly had the students’ best interests at heart at all times. So I posted what I thought was an innocent comment: “I will tell you more about this after June 30th”. Bad move, Tony.

                      The next morning, June 14th, I was called to the HR Director’s office (John Scott was on leave) and told that my Facebook post had been brought to the Minister of Education’s attention (no doubt by one of my Facebook “friends”) and that he was “up in arms about it”. I know that he would have been more upset with the Polytechnic for not controlling me but nevertheless he demanded that I leave immediately. This meant I could not assess my students but thankfully that was done later by two very capable tutors. So I packed up my belongings, copied all my files from my Polytechnic laptop to my external hard drive and gave the laptop back. The Polytechnic had already booked flights to Thailand for my wife and I for July 1st and I was asked if I wanted them to change the tickets.

                      [My letter of termination of contract - click to enlarge ]

                      I didn’t want to cause a fuss and I felt the extra two weeks would give us more time to pack, sell the car, say our goodbyes and leave. The HR staff I was with at the time all looked at each other nervously and I was advised to think seriously about leaving the country as soon as possible. I didn’t like the sound of that. Was I that much of a threat to the government? It was unnerving but it showed me just how paranoid those in the government had become and how determined they were to eradicate all opposition to their practices.

                      My wife and I flew out from Bahrain on June 23rd. We frantically managed to send all our possessions safely to Thailand and I managed to sell my car (with the wonderful assistance of my former student, the one who was arrested) but at least we had possessions and my car had not been smashed up, as was happening in many villages at the time. On the Etihad flight I had time to reflect on my three years in Bahrain, what I had experienced and what I had achieved. I also wondered what would happen to the amazing country and the brave people I was leaving behind.

                      ================

                       

                      About me

                      I am an Australian now living in Thailand. I was an English teacher at a Polytechnic in Bahrain before I was dismissed for posting videos of the February uprising on YouTube and for making comments about it on Facebook, for which I have absolutely no regrets.

                      I am totally supportive of the Bahraini protesters who are simply seeking democracy in their country so that they can finally have a say in the running of Bahrain and the chance of a fairer life for themselves and their families. The ruling family of Bahrain currently has only 30% support of the people and it is to these people that the pick of the jobs and benefits go. The government of Bahrain is composed of ministers selected personally by the King, mainly from his own family, not chosen by the people. The Prime Minister is the King’s uncle and has held the position for 40 years. The Bahraini parliament is rigged so that the opposition can never achieve a full majority.

                      The Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry report was recently released, revealing a littany of human rights abuses occurring in Bahrain including torture, false arrest and imprisonment and trials in military courts. It also found absolutely no involvement by Iran in any of the peaceful protests that had taken place and are still taking place in the country. In response, the King conceded only that “mistakes had been made” and did not even have the courtesy to apologise to his own people for so blatantly mismanaging his own Kingdom. Finally, he stated that although the commission found no link to Iran he still believed that Iran was involved.

                      I lived in Bahrain for three years and I miss it terribly and feel for its wonderful people who still constantly live in fear. They deserve more from their King and they deserve to live in a free, democratic society.

                       

                       

                       

                       

                      ECONOMICS: The insane wealth of Walmart's founding family > Salon.com

                      The insane wealth of

                      Walmart’s founding family

                      Just six members of Walmart's Walton clan are worth as much as the bottom 30 percent of all Americans

                      Jim, Alice and Rob Walton

                      There’s been a constant stream of headlines about the widening gap between rich and poor for months now, but this is pretty remarkable: Just six members of the Walton family, heirs to the Walmart fortune, possess wealth equal to that of the entire bottom 30 percent of Americans.

                      That’s according to a new analysis by Sylvia Allegretto, a labor economist at the University of California at Berkeley’s Center on Wage and Employment Dynamics.

                      The calculation is based on data from 2007, the most recent round of the Federal Reserve Board’s Survey of Consumer Finances, which measures the net worth of Americans. (The extensive survey is performed once every three years, and the 2010 edition is expected to be released next year.)

                      Justin Elliott

                      Justin Elliott is a Salon reporter. Reach him by email at jelliott@salon.com and follow him on Twitter @ElliottJustin  More Justin Elliott

                       

                      WAR: Rape in the US military: America's dirty little secret secret > The Guardian

                      Rape in the US military:

                      America's dirty little secret


                      A female soldier in Iraq is more likely to be attacked by a fellow soldier than killed by enemy fire


                      Rape in the US military: 'You're just a private, you're probably just a little slut' - video

                      One in three women in the US military has experience of sexual trauma while on active service, according to the department of veteran affairs. Kate Weber says she tried to report a rape but was told to be quiet and not tell anyone, when she told someone else she was criticised for jumping the chain of command

                      Kate Weber says she tried to report a rape but was told to be quiet and not tell anyone Link to this video

                      "It was eight years before I was able to say the word that describes what happened to me," says Maricella Guzman. "I hadn't even been in the Navy a month. I was so young. I tried to report it. But instead of being taken seriously, I was forced to do push-ups."

                      "I can't sleep without drugs," says Kate Weber. "But even then, I often wake up in the middle of the night, crying, my mind racing. And I lie there awake in the dark, reliving the rape, looking for a second chance for it to end with a different outcome, but he always wins."

                      Rape within the US military has become so widespread that it is estimated that a female soldier in Iraq is more likely to be attacked by a fellow soldier than killed by enemy fire. So great is the issue that a group of veterans are suing the Pentagon to force reform. The lawsuit, which includes three men and 25 women (the suit initially involved 17 plaintiffs but grew to 28) who claim to have been subjected to sexual assaults while serving in the armed forces, blames former defence secretaries Donald Rumsfeld and Robert Gates for a culture of punishment against the women and men who report sex crimes and a failure to prosecute the offenders.

                      Since the lawsuit became public in February, 400 more have come forward, contacting attorney Susan Burke who is leading the case. These are likely to be future lawsuits. Right now they are anxiously awaiting a court ruling to find out if the lawsuit will go to trial. The defence team for the department of defence has filed a motion to dismiss the case, citing a court ruling, dating back to 1950, which states that the government is not liable for injury sustained by active duty personnel. To date, military personnel have been unable to sue their employer.

                      Whether or not the case goes to trial, it is still set to blow the lid on what has come to be regarded as the American military's dirty little secret. Last year 3,158 sexual crimes were reported within the US military. Of those cases, only 529 reached a court room, and only 104 convictions were made, according to a 2010 report from SAPRO (sexual assault prevention and response office, a division of the department of defence). But these figures are only a fraction of the reality. Sexual assaults are notoriously under-reported. The same report estimated that there were a further 19,000 unreported cases of sexual assault last year. The department of veterans affairs, meanwhile, released an independent study estimating that one in three women had experience of military sexual trauma while on active service. That is double the rate for civilians, which is one in six, according to the US department of justice.

                      "For years, I thought I was the only person this had happened to, but it's an epidemic," says Weber, 36, who recounts being raped 16 years ago in Germany, and describes herself as a "high-functioning" sufferer of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) as a result.

                      Military rape: Kate Weber

                      She is now married and lives in San Francisco with her four children, but even after years of therapy, still cannot sleep at night. "Rape is so widespread in the American military, it's sick."

                      Worse still, the victim is likely to be blackballed by her own unit, and sometimes even demoted, according to Weber. "I first tried reporting the rape to my staff sergeant, he told me to be quiet and not tell anyone. So then I tried to tell a woman sergeant, who was beneath him, because I thought she'd be more sympathetic. She just cursed me for jumping the chain of command and not coming to her first. I went to the doctor, who did at least make a record of it, but he did nothing. I also told my 'battle buddy', a fellow female soldier. She said, 'I know that guy. He's married and he would never do such a thing. You're a liar and a slut.' Before long, I was being called a whore and a bitch by everyone. The guys were warning each other: 'This one will accuse you of rape, so stay away from her.' I was 18 years old, it was the first time I had ever been away from home. I had no idea what to do."

                      Stories such as Weber's are commonplace. On mydutytospeak.com, where victims of military rape can share their experiences, there are breathtaking tales of brutality and mistreatment. Only 21 years old, and weeks into her military training, Maricella Guzman says she ran to tell her supervisor in the hours after her rape at a military boot camp in Great Lakes, Illinois. "I burst into his office and said, 'I need to speak to you,' " explains Guzman, now 34, and a student at a college in Los Angeles studying psychology, who talks about many lost years when she couldn't function as a result. "One of the procedures if you want to speak to someone in the navy is you have to knock three times on the door and request permission to speak. But I didn't do that. I was too upset. So my supervisor said 'Drop', which means push-ups. So I did the push-ups. But I was still in tears. I said, 'I need to talk to you.' He said 'Drop' again. Every time I tried to say anything, he made me do push-ups. By the time I was composed in the way he wanted me to be, I couldn't say anything any more. I just couldn't." After that, Guzman didn't try to tell anyone for another eight years.

                      Rape in the US military: 'He said if you tell anyone, I'll tell everyone you're a dyke' - video

                      After her attacker threatened to accuse her of being gay, Michelle Jones says she did not want to report her rape for fear of losing her job. She believes that if she had spoken out she would have been the one investigated. She says she knows 15 women who have tried to report a rape and got nowhere

                      GO HERE TO VIEW MICHELLE JONES VIDEO

                      After her attacker threatened to accuse her of being gay, Michelle Jones says she did not want to report her rape for fear of losing her job Link to this video

                      It is so well known that sex offenders go unpunished and victims penalised for reporting incidents, that most say nothing. Michelle Jones describes how she was still lying on the floor of her room in the barracks, her ripped shorts by her ankles, when her rapist stood over her and said, "I'll tell everyone you're a dyke and you'll get booted out if you report this."

                      Military rape: Michelle Jones

                      She was two-thirds of her way through her service. "I didn't want to lose my job," says Jones, 39, who is now an IT consultant living in San Jose, California, and gay. Under the (now-repealed) US Don't Ask, Don't Tell policy, openly gay people were barred from the military. Jones wasn't even sure she was gay at the time. But it wasn't worth the risk of reporting. "If I had spoken out, I would have been the one investigated," she says. "And it wouldn't have done any good anyway. I could tell you about 15 other women I know who had tried to report a rape and got nowhere."

                      Rape in any circumstance is brutal, but in the military the worst effects are compounded. Victims are ignored, their wounds left untended, and the psychological damage festers silently, poisoning lives. Survivors are expected to carry on, facing their attacker on a daily basis. "Unlike in the civilian world, a military rape survivor cannot quit his or her job and move on," explains Anu Bhagwati, executive director of the Service Women's Action Network, an organisation spearheading a campaign to reform this aspect of military life. "It's like rape in the family. Many victims often receive additional threats from their attackers."

                      Bhagwati refers to the case of 24-year-old lance corporal Maria Lauterbach, a marine preparing to testify that she was raped by fellow marine, Cesar Laurean, when she went missing in 2007. Although it was never proved that Laurean raped her, he was later convicted of her murder. Weber found her attacker hiding in her room three times in the months that followed the rape. "He'd lie in wait just to scare me," she says.

                      Rape by a fellow serviceman also represents the most unfathomable betrayal to a soldier, according to Bhagwati. "You have to understand that from day one when you sign up, you are told that the people you work with are your family, that you will risk your life to save theirs. You live that uniform. It's who you are. And then, to be raped by one of your fellow servicemen? It's institutional misogyny."

                      There are too many stories of military rape for the Pentagon to ignore. "This is now a command priority," says a spokesman for the department of defence. "We clearly still have more work to do." But the sheer statistics beg the question: why is rape in the American military so common in the first place? "We looked at the systems for reporting rape within the military of Israel, Australia, Britain and some Scandinavian countries, and found that, unlike the US, other countries take a rape investigation outside the purview of the military," explains Greg Jacob, policy director at the Service Women's Action Network. "In Britain, for example, the investigation is handed over to the civilian police.

                      "Rape is a universal problem – it happens everywhere. But in other military systems it is regarded as a criminal offence, while in the US military, in many cases, it's considered simply a breach of good conduct. Regularly, a sex offender in the US system goes unpunished, so it proliferates. In the US, the whole reporting procedure is handled – from the investigation to the trial, to the incarceration – in-house. That means the command has an overwhelming influence over what happens. If a commander decides a rape will not get prosecuted, it will not be. And in many respects, reporting a rape is to the commander's disadvantage, because any prosecution will result in extra administration and him losing a serviceman from his unit."

                      With men and women cooped up in barracks away from home, living in an atmosphere where domination through strength is part of daily training, opportunity is another undeniable factor. Most rape survivors blank out the awful details of their attack, but all describe the ease with which it was engineered. Guzman had been on night watch training. "It was the middle of the night and someone grabbed me from behind. He pulled me into this dark space, a room of some kind. The door shut. He grabbed my throat and I remember being thrown to the wall."

                      Weber says she was lured outside a dance by an officer, who told her he wanted to discuss military business. "He led me up the fire escape of this building, and began to kiss me," she explains. "I resisted, but then he turned me around so my rear was at his front. He kicked my legs apart, and tore off the back of my skirt and underwear and raped me."

                      Jones says her attacker refused to leave her room in the barracks after a group of fellow soldiers had been partying together there. "Everyone had left except for him. I opened the door for him to leave, but he grabbed my neck from behind, and forced himself on me."

                      But military rape is not only a women's issue. According to the Veterans Affairs Office, 37% of the sexual trauma cases reported last year were men. "Men are even more isolated than women following rape," Bhagwati says. "Because it has an even bigger social stigma."

                      Rape in the US military: 'I just screamed for them to stop' - video

                      Over a third of sexual trauma cases reported last year in the US military were men. Rick Tringale says he was gang raped in his dormitory during the first few weeks of training, he was 18 years old. He tried killing himself three times before being diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder

                      GO HERE TO VIEW RICK TRINGALE VIDEO

                      Rick Tringale says he was gang raped in his dormitory during the first few weeks of training Link to this video

                      Rick Tringale is one of few men to speak about what happened to him. He was 18 years old and in his first few weeks of training, he says, when he woke up in his bunk in the middle of the night thinking that it was raining. Someone was urinating on him.

                      Military rape: Rick Tringale

                      "As I came to consciousness, I realised that I was being held down with a blanket and then I was beaten." Tringale, 43, says his life changed for ever following a brutal gang rape, that led to him going AWOL from the army, and subsequently becoming homeless.

                      "Next thing I remember is being dragged down the hallway. There was a lot of blood, a lot of pain, I was crying and I remember trying to run away, but I was dragged to the latrine, and hit a whole lot more. I remember the white tiles splattered with blood and seeing familiar faces and they were all hitting me. More guys were crowding into the bathroom too, and they're yelling, 'Kill him, kill him, kill him.' "

                      Tringale believes he was either knocked unconscious or what happened next was too horrible for his memory to recall. All he remembers is waking up in his bunk the next day, with his platoon dormitory empty. He says his face was a mess, his nose broken, his whole body beaten and he had been raped. He made it to the emergency department, but in the middle of the examination by the doctor, who was initially sympathetic, the phone rang. "The doctor was talking to someone, and looking at me. Then, when he came off the phone, he said: 'You're a phoney, your company says you shouldn't be here, and you're fine.' He sent me away. I became a different person after that. Everybody in the squad platoon knew what had happened – there was no way anyone could have missed it."

                      Tringale completed his training, but he became known as the "crazy guy" because any part of his training that was dangerous, he would push himself to the limit, like holding on to hand grenades so long they were seconds from exploding in his hand. He tried killing himself three times. It was after the third attempt while stationed in Germany, after being talked down off the roof of a building, that he was sent to a civilian psychiatrist, whom he told about his experience. She diagnosed PTSD and recommended Tringale be sent home. But he was also seen by a military doctor, who told him, "If there's something wrong with your mind, you'll have to stay here in this locked ward."

                      "I looked around at this locked ward," says Tringale. "That was when I decided I had to get out. I went AWOL." For the past 25 years, Tringale has lived with the nightmares and trauma. Because he was not honourably discharged, he lost his paycheck, his pension, and he has not had the regular support of the programmes set up by the veterans affairs department for those suffering from PTSD. For a while he held a job on a paramedic ambulance, but like many veterans who suffer from PTSD, he was also homeless for many years. He neither drinks, nor takes drugs. Two years ago he married, and became a stepfather to three children. He has never shared his story with his wife. "Our society treats men differently when they have been raped," he says. "In society's eyes I am somehow less of a man because I have been raped, or I must be a latent homosexual. Rape is a very emasculating thing."

                      Like the others in this article, Tringale wants to share his story in order to help those who might have experienced the same. "Eighteen veterans kill themselves every day," he says. "That's the statistic. We don't know what percentage of them are victims of rape, but if I can share my story and make someone else feel that they are not alone and there is hope, then I have done my duty."

                      Suicide and homelessness are common outcomes for sufferers of MST (military sexual trauma). Forty per cent of homeless women veterans have reported experiences of sexual assault in the military, according to the Service Women's Action Network. "Other common effects of MST are feelings of isolation, sleeping problems, hyper-vigilance, depression, and substance abuse," explains Dr Amy Street, a clinical psychologist at the VA Hospital in Boston who works with victims (VA hospitals are run by the veterans affairs department). "Victims talk about feeling numb, being cut off from emotions, unable to function. The best treatments are therapies, which require sufferers to talk about their attacks. This is very uncomfortable for them, but they are effective."

                      But because most victims do not report their attacks, it is usually many years, if at all, before they find their way to such therapy groups. Guzman began talking about what happened to her only because she met a therapist who was working at a VA hospital who recognised some of her symptoms. Guzman was depressed, couldn't keep up friendships, unable to function. She, too, had tried to kill herself. "I was an empty shell of a person," she explains. "I'd heard of PTSD before, but I'd associated it with people who had seen combat. Not me. When I was diagnosed, everything started to click in. I wasn't crazy. All the things I'd suffered started to make sense. Bear in mind, the rape had been my first sexual experience. I grew up in a very strict Catholic culture and rape is such a big taboo in my community. It wasn't something I could talk about. I felt very ashamed."

                      But talking has helped her. "I have no shame talking about it any more," she explains. "My family and friends all know now, and that's been an important part of my recovery. On a daily basis, I am still sleep deprived, and I have a lot of nightmares. I still find relationships with men very difficult, and I don't think I'm ever going to get married and have children. It's one of the costs of this trauma. But this year at school, I've had A grades back to back, which has been amazing. That's simply because of the support I've been getting."

                      Weber also speaks highly of the VA hospital where she received therapy three times a week. "I used to live in my robe. Wouldn't go out. Stay awake all night. I developed a substance abuse problem, because numbing yourself is all you want to do. I went through two marriages, and lost my bearings in life completely. But I'm doing better now than I've ever done before. In therapy you learn that not everyone is out to get you, that you're not about die. They teach you how to live life without so much fear.

                      "I've been clean and sober for two years. But I don't blame the other survivors I know that still want to stay loaded or die, for this type of pain I feel is indescribable. But I'm grateful that I've survived. What's important now is to get the word out and make the case for change."

                       

                      VIDEO: Lowkey ft Adnan Al-Radhi - "Soundtrack To The Struggle" > SoulCulture

                      | Music Video

                      Lowkey ft Adnan Al-Radhi

                      – “Soundtrack To

                      The Struggle” 

                       

                      December 13, 2011 by

                      Lowkey has dropped the latest video taken from his critically acclaimed album for the self titled track “Soundtrack To The Struggle” shot on his recent trip to Venezuela and shot by guerilla production house Global Faction. Borrowing Movado‘s Stephen “Di Genius” McGregor “Change Right Now” riddim, Lowkey has dedicated the video to 15 year old Adnan Al-Radhi who sadly passed away last month from Leukaemia and features on this version of the track with bars they recorded together before his passing.

                      Rest in Power Adnan.