VIDEO: French soul singer Ben L'Oncle Soul - "Elle me dit" > AFRO-EUROPE

Video:

French soul singer

Ben L'Oncle Soul

- "Elle me dit"


French singer Ben L'Oncle Soul just released his video "Elle me dit". The soulful video is part of his album Ben l'Oncle Soul.

Benjamin Duterde (born 1984), a.k.a. Ben L’Oncle Soul (‘Ben the Soul Uncle’), is a French nu-soul singer from the town of Tours.

Duterde first gained prominence in his home country with the Soul Wash EP (2009), which featured six covers of songs by Gnarls Barkley, Spice Girls, Katy Perry and, most notably, The White Stripes (Seven Nation Army).

Ben’s first full-length album, entitled simply Ben L’Oncle Soul was released in the summer of 2010 and was put out internationally on the Motown label.

 

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<p>BEN L'ONCLE SOUL from yamoy on Vimeo.</p>

 

PUB: Call for papers 03: “Dread, Ghost, Specter, and Possession” - manycinemas

CFP: “Dread, Ghost, Specter, and Possession”

 For who can wonder that man should feel a vague belief in tales of disembodied spirits wandering through those places which they once dearly affected, when he himself, scarcely less separated from his old world than they, is for ever lingering upon past emotions and bygone times, and hovering, the ghost of his former self, about the places and people that warmed his heart of old? (Charles Dickens: Master Humphrey's Clock)

In our third issue of manycinemas we are turning our attention to the unexplainable and the supernatural. We are looking for academic essays on films in which we get in touch with “Dread, Ghost, Specter, and Possession.” We are interested in cinematic aesthetics of films which show these phenomena out of the view of different cultural backgrounds. Like in the other issues these should be films from Africa, Asia, and Latin America.

Dread – cinema is a modern tale. The monsters of childhood/past come alive and haunt the protagonists on the screen, (substitutional for the viewer?). How do they meet their fears? How does the film show the fear? And, is there any escape?

Ghost – what kind of ghosts are manifested in non-western cinema? How do they haunt, or do they do such things at all?

Specter - dreams, visions, how does film show these things, from where do they come from, and what kind of meaning they have?

Possession – how is a character going to be possessed by something/someone. And how is the behavior of the possessed?

There are many movies all over the world which show one of these phenomena. We are looking for essays which analyzes films on one, two, or more of the issue's topics. We are interested in:  

  • the cultural anchors and meaning of supernatural phenomena

  • appearance of ghosts, specters, etc.

  • the role of ghosts/ specters in movies (good or evil)

  • dread and religion

  • raising the dead

  • juju films, yokai movies, etc.

  • and much more

We are also looking for our rubric Beyond the Screen for an essay on this topic which is loosely connected to film like theater, music, dance, performance, visual culture, comic...

Please send us your proposal (300-500 words) with the titles of films you will include and a brief CV until 15th August 2011. Do not hesitate to mail us, if you have some questions.

The later articles should have a length of 3000 to 5000 words. For styleguide: look here  http://www.manycinemas.org/styleguide.html

Please send your proposal to

Helen Staufer and Michael Christopher

manycinemas [at] anpa.de     or editors [at] manycinemas.org

Manycinemas 01: urban/rural is now online. Please have a look: www.manycinemas.de

 

PUB: Call for Papers for Edited Volume: Women Writers Across Boundaries > Writers Afrika

Call for Papers for Edited Volume:

Women Writers Across Boundaries

Deadline: 21 August 2011

After the success of our book Women on Women; we are looking for quality papers on women writers across boundaries of nation/state/age/class. Suggested Topics:

  • Women and sexuality
  • Women and Queer desire
  • Lesbian Studies
  • Women and nation
  • women and change
  • Women and Sensuality
  • Women and religion

Please send a 150-200 word abstract along with a brief bio to asha.choubey@gmail.com by 21 August 2011. Full papers shall be expected by 30 December 2011.

Contact Information:

For inquiries: asha.choubey@gmail.com

For submissions: asha.choubey@gmail.com

Website: read about the book Women on Women here

 

 

PUB: Paying market, Beastly Babes (Cleis Press), payment: $50 per story (worldwide) > Write Jobs

Paying market, Beastly Babes (Cleis Press),

payment: $50 per story (worldwide)

Deadline: 29 July 2011

Beastly Babes is open to all authors. Editor Delilah Devlin is looking for lesbian shapeshifter stories for a romantic er0tica anthology entitled Beastly Babes. The concept of shapeshifters—beings both human and animal—ignites our imaginations with visions of primal passions and insatiable hungers. Most commonly seen as dark, masculine demons, shapeshifters are in need of a metaphysical overhaul—a new feminine/Sapphic blending of physical power and inescapable desires.


Beastly Babes will re-envision common and not-so-common myths and deliver a fresh perspective from the storytellers. Traditional lycanthropes and feline familiars are welcome, if told with a fresh twist, but writers are encouraged to imagine greater, and perhaps explore more obscure, lesser-known mythologies from around the world to create inventive tales celebrating feminine power, lust, and er0tic love. Concentration primarily focuses on the lesbian relationship, although ménage and secondary m/f depictions will be permitted. Published authors with an established shapeshifter world may use that setting for their original short story.

The stories may be as kinky or vanilla as the writer wants—but a deep s3nsuality should linger in every word. Ex0tic locations and scenarios are welcome. Keep in mind there must be a romantic element with a happy-for-now or happy-ever-after ending. Strong plots, engaging characters and unique twists are the ultimate goal. Please no reprints. We are seeking original stories.

How to submit: Prepare your 1,500 to 4,500 words story in a double-spaced, Arial, 12 point, black font Word document with pages numbered (.doc, NOT.docx) OR rich text format. Indent the first line of each paragraph half an inch and double space (regular double spacing, do not add extra lines between paragraphs or do any other irregular spacing). US grammar (double quotation marks around dialogue, etc.) is required.

In your document at the top left of th epage, include your legal name (and pseudonym if applicable), mailing address, and 50 word or less bio in the third person to cleisbeastlybabe@gmail.com. If you are using a pseudonym, please provide your real name and pseudonym and make it clear which one you’d like to be credited as. Authors may submit up to 2 stories. Delilah will respond to you in October 2011. The publisher has final approval over the manuscript.

Payment will be $50.00 USD and two copies of the published book upon publication.

Direct any questions you have regarding your story or the submission process to Delilah at cleisbeastlybabe@gmail.com.

NOTE: If I receive the submission early enough and like it but it’s not quite right, there may be a chance to revise and resubmit. The key is to get the story in early!! DD

Publisher: Cleis Press

Contact Information:

For inquiries: cleisbeastlybabe@gmail.com

For submissions: cleisbeastlybabe@gmail.com

Website: http://www.cleispress.com

 

 

VIDEO: Meet black Italian writer Igiaba Scego > AFRO-EUROPE

Video:

Meet black Italian writer

Igiaba Scego

 

In an interview Afro-Italian writer Igiaba Scego talks about identity, language and why it is important to talk about the African diaspora. Scego was born in Rome to Somali parents. The interview is subtitled in English.

One of the basic themes of Igiaba Scego's highly autobiographical work is her double identity as both Somalian and Italian – a relatively new topic in Italy, which has only recently become a destination for immigrants.

Writing about this theme also has political significance for her. In Italy, the children of immigrants have no guarantee of achieving Italian citizenship, making them foreigners in their own country or, as Igiaba Scego so pointedly phrases it, Italians with residence permits.



Bio
Igiaba Scego was born in 1974 in Rome. Her parents left Somalia and came to Italy after Siad Barre's military junta took over. In 1980s Rome it was not uncommon for the family to experience discrimination.

Scego's father had been a well known politician in Somalia and had held posts such as ambassador and foreign minister. With the coup, the family lost their possessions, positions and connections. Thus Igiaba Scego grew up between a mythical past in which the Scego family was important and well regarded, and the deprivation of the present.

She inherited a love of stories from her parents. She devoured books and says herself that literature saved her life: »For me, as the daughter of immigrants who found themselves in a sea of uncertainty, reading was a life preserver. I found my history, myself and, most importantly, Africa in books.« After high school, she studied Literature and Education and then began to publish her own texts.

Her narrative »Salsiccia« was awarded the Premio Exs&tra in 2003. Read the full story here.

Igiaba Scego also played in the Italian film "La pecora nera" (2010).

See the very musical book trailer of her new book "La mia casa è dove sono" (Rizzoli, 2010)

 

 

 

 

SUDAN: The Women Who Clear Sudan's Mines

Sudan:

The Women Who Clear

Sudan's Mines

 

Mary Opani, women team leader/ Photo: Jahle Auset

Leah Young gives a more in-depth look--more in depth than these IRIN and BBC articles--about an all women demining team in South Sudan and what women from rural communities uniquely bring to mine-action efforts:

NPA has found that in these war-torn communities it is typically women who are involved in gathering wood and water for their families in more remote locations. Due to their knowledge of these lesser-known areas, women have the most information in these rural communities regarding which areas are the most dangerous. These women, however, are typically an untapped resource of knowledge, since all-male teams go into these areas and speak mainly to the men from the communities about their knowledge of the mine threat in the area. Perhaps this all-women team will be able to speak to more women, accessing vital information that has not been found in the past.
(Women deminers in Laos and Cambodia)

 

 

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The women who clear

Sudan's minefields

In baking heat, the women wear bomb-proof clothing and cannot drink water

By Peter Martell 
BBC News, Bungu

Jamba Besta had planned to be a secretary, hoping to find work in an office as her homeland of South Sudan emerged out of a 22-year long civil war.

Instead, the pregnant mother heads an all-female team of de-miners, removing dangerous explosives from former battlefields.

"I never thought I would be doing this," says Ms Besta, welcoming her six-woman team back from the danger zone they are clearing.

Tabu Monica Festo
 Many people have died or had their legs shot off because of a mine 
Tabu Monica Festo
Mine clearer

"But it shows those people who think that women can't do jobs like this that they are wrong."

The team's members say they work better as an all-women team - supporting each other against often critical comments that de-mining is work only for a man.

"We live and work away from home all as one team, so it is good we are all women together," she says.

Sudan's north-south war - fought over ideology, religion, ethnicity and oil - ended more than four years ago.

Some two million people died in the war, and its bitter legacy of landmines and unexploded ordnance continues to kill and wound.

Warning signs

In Bungu, where Jama and her Sudanese team working for Norwegian People's Aid (NPA) are clearing mines, the community want to rebuild a school abandoned during the war.

 The women do a great job - and we don't have problems of fighting or drinking 
Kjell Ivar Breili
Norwegian People's Aid

The small settlement, some 30 miles from the southern capital Juba, was a northern government outpost on a key rebel supply line from neighbouring Uganda.

Soldiers ringed the outpost with mines against the surrounding southern guerrilla forces, while unexploded ordnance is left from the battles between the two sides.

"It will take a long time to clear," says de-miner Tabu Monica Festo, waving at the waist high grass and tangled bushes.

"We don't know where there may be something hidden."

Only a narrow passage has so far been cleared through the ruins of the old school, a jumbled pile of rocks covered in thick shrubs.

Map of Sudan

The path is clearly marked with warning sticks tipped with red, to show the rest remains unsafe.

"We have to be very careful to check all the ground is clear," Ms Festo added, resuming her slow sweeping of the ground with a metal detector.

A solid squeaking sound indicates hidden metal - and the risk of a mine or unexploded bomb.

Some were designed to maim people, others to take out an armoured tank.

"It's a job that is important to do - many people have died or had their legs shot off because of a mine," Ms Festo adds.

Painstaking work

Similar all-women teams work elsewhere in the world, including Kosovo and Cambodia.

Mine-clearing workers in the field
Mine clearance is arduous and the teams must be alert for booby traps

But Kjell Ivar Breili, NPA's programme manager, says this is the first such team to be used in Sudan.

Mr Breili said NPA's two female teams have recently beaten several of the six male teams in terms of the numbers of mines cleared.

"The women do a great job - and we don't have problems of fighting or drinking," he said.

Each de-miner creeps painstakingly forward down thin alleys, moving the safety line forward only once every section has been checked.

It is tough work in baking sun, and the plastic face-shields they wear inside the minefield mean that it is not possible to drink water during each 45-minute shift.

However, the women must pour water on to the hard-baked soil to soften the earth and allow the gentle probing of suspect objects.

Critics 'are jealous'

One cleared passage stops just short of a tall mango tree, whose cool shade looks an inviting place to rest.

De-mining team on a break
Their children sometimes join the women during breaks

But the women say such spots are especially risky - booby-trapped simply because they are likely places for people to go.

"The soldiers are believed to have buried mines all around here," said Fazia Annet, dressed in a heavy protective bomb blast jacket.

"But we have to check all the ground of course, because there could be danger anywhere."

Later, in the tent-camp a short distance outside the minefield, the women eat lunch before relaxing for a break in the shade.

One mother plays with their daughter, who is looked after in the camp while the women are at work.

But the team leader, currently assigned to logistical duties during the later stages of her pregnancy and for the following nine months, is clear that women can do the job just as well as men.

"Some say it is dangerous for a woman, but they are jealous because we are doing the same job as the men," said Ms Besta, with a laugh.

"What is dangerous is leaving mines hidden in the ground."

>via: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/8161199.stm

 

 

 

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SUDAN: Demining

not just a man's job

A deminer at work in a field in Bongo, near Juba. Female deminers are perceived to be more accurate and reliable than their male counterparts
JUBA, 23 June 2009 (IRIN) - The whistle signalling the end of the morning shift had just sounded when six deminers emerged from the tall grass, took off their protective clothing and walked back to the rest camp for lunch. 

"I never thought I would end up as a deminer," Jamba Besta, the team leader, said. "All I wanted was to become a secretary, I even took the qualification, but when [this] offer came up, I took it." 

Like Besta, all the deminers are women. They work in Bongo, a small community on the road from Juba to Yei in Southern Sudan, for the international NGO Norwegian People’s Aid (NPA) Mine Action. 

Besta's all-female demining team is a first for Sudan, although successful examples are found in Kosovo and Cambodia. Despite some abuse, especially from drunken soldiers passing by, the team's reputation has inspired commercial contractors to follow suit. 

"They [the drunken soldiers] insult us," Besta said. "They laugh at us and say that women cannot remove landmines. But ladies can do just as well as men if they are trained." 

The role of the women in demining has been championed by the UN Mine Action Office (UNMAO). "Female deminers work really well," Johann Maree, UNMAO operations officer in Yei, said. "They are constant and reliable." 

Women deminers have proved more effective than men, according to NPA officials: "Women are very accurate and organized," said Kjell Ivar Breili, NPA programme manager. "They don’t get drunk as the men often do... Over the past two years, they are the teams that have found the most mines." 


Photo: Severine Flores/IRIN 
Jamba Besta, NPA’s all-female deminers’ team leader

A necessary activity 

Demining is a necessary activity in Sudan where more than 20 years of conflict left 19 out of the 25 states affected by mines or explosive remnants of war (ERW). 

ERW include unexploded ordnance - such as bombs, mortars, grenades, missiles, cluster munitions or other devices that fail to detonate on impact but remain volatile and can kill if touched or moved - and "abandoned ordnance" or weapons left behind by armed forces when they leave an area. 

Men risk death or injury when working in the fields, and women are in danger when collecting firewood or carrying water. 

According to UNMAO, the true extent of Sudan’s mine and ERW problem is unknown, but since 2002, UNMAO and its partners have had some success: They have opened up more than 29,000km of roads, cleared 45 million square metres of land, and destroyed over 16,000 anti-personnel and anti-tank mines as well as 800,000 ERW. 

Despite this, mines and ERW continue to maim and kill people in various parts of Sudan and obstruct the delivery of humanitarian aid. They also hinder the return of refugees and displaced people and slow down reconstruction, development and peace building. 


Photo: Severine Flores/IRIN 
One of the female deminers takes a break. Deminers earn between $250-$400 per month, receive free medical treatment, insurance, paid annual leave and maternity cover

Maternity provision 

The job with NPA brings in US$250-$400 per month, and it is a stable, regular income. 

The women also get three months’ maternity leave, after which they are relocated for nine months at the administration camp in Yei, where they work on other tasks and receive training while being able to breastfeed at regular intervals, until they are ready to go back to the minefield. 

"As long as you’ve got proper training and you take precautions, demining is not more dangerous than any other job," Breilli said. "I think it is far more dangerous for women to go out in a contaminated field and collect firewood." 

According to the NPA, some of the women in its programme are inspired to work hard because they have families or relatives in the villages where clearance is being done. 

"I want to help rid [this] area of landmines," Besta, who is six months pregnant, said. "I like the fact that I can help [my people] feel safer." 

sf/eo/cb

Theme (s)ConflictEnvironment,

[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]

>via: http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=84952

 

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NPA’s All-female

Demining Team in Sudan

by Leah Young [ Mine Action Information Center ]

Norwegian People’s Aid’s commitment to gender mainstreaming in mine action is reflected by the organization’s present work in Sudan. This article looks at the successes of the country’s first all-female demining team, established in 2007, as well as at the larger cultural and practical considerations of women in demining.

Norwegian People’s Aid has always held the opinion that women should have equal employment rights to all jobs—including those in every aspect of demining.1 It has demonstrated this belief by involving women in many of its demining projects around the world. Past NPA projects that incorporated women in the demining process include clearance projects in Bosnia, Croatia, Iraq, Kosovo and Sri Lanka, all of which were successful. The positive feedback concerning female participation in these projects encouraged NPA to continue training women to take part in demining—even in its most recent project in war-torn southern Sudan.1

Female deminer at Limbe Bridge task, Lainya, Central Equatoria.
Female deminer at Limbe Bridge task, Lainya, Central Equatoria.
Photo courtesy of Jahle Auset
Mary Opani, team leader.
Mary Opani, team leader. 
Photo courtesy of Jahle Auset

Female Demining in Sudan

NPA has been involved in mine clearance in Sudan since April 2004, when it established its first program in the nation, a traditional all-male team. Soon after, however, in 2005, training for the first female deminers in Sudan began, leading to the formation of the first all-female demining team in the country, which officially came together in 2007.1 The government of South Sudan is working on gender mainstreaming within its employment ranks, setting a target of having females serve as 25 percent of its agencies’ workforce. NPA’s mine-action programs in Sudan aimed for this gender-mainstreaming goal and made the 25-percent target a reality, assimilating women into every part of demining operations, including the operational and support departments.1

NPA did not take any special measures to recruit the women it trained. The recruitment of female staff was conducted within Yei County, Central Equatoria, where advertisements were posted around the town area. Applicants were interviewed and then screened by the Sudan People’s Liberation Army for security purposes. After that, successful candidates began a four-week basic demining course.1

Many advantages exist in facilitating all-female demining teams. First, avoiding mixed-gender teams addresses the practical concerns of deminers living together in a small working environment. Second, all-female demining teams ensure a “gender balance” within NPA’s demining programs, providing not only equal employment opportunities to the women, but also bringing female perspectives to the traditionally male-dominated field. All-women teams also create unique positions in local communities for women to be role models for others.1 NPA has not observed any drawbacks or weaknesses in these teams. Although the female teams may require slight increases in donor funding, to assist with the expenses associated with maternity leave, NPA says that donors “have responded very well.”1

The women of South Sudan. The culture of South Sudan is known for its conservative nature. Initially, this emphasis on tradition was seen as a potential cultural hindrance as the first all-female demining team was formed and women began to take on roles traditionally viewed as masculine.2 This traditional culture, however, has not been a deterrent to the process. The majority of the female deminers say that their involvement has not been discouraged, but rather that their friends and families have been very supportive of their involvement in mine clearance.2 Their participation in the program gives them not only an opportunity outside of the home to earn extra money for their families, but it also is “a source of pride for the women” as they help rebuild their nation after the country’s second civil war (1983–2005).2,3The only issue that the NPA needed to take into account, they say, was to “respect the difference between the sexes,” by providing separate housing camps for the men and women when they were in the field demining away from home for up to six weeks at a time.1

In this region of southern Sudan, it is viewed as traditional for a woman to be married and raise a large family. Furthermore, since the end of the civil war, which led to the deaths of approximately two million people and the displacement of another four million citizens, there has been a sentiment in the region that Sudan needs to repopulate due to wartime losses.3 For these reasons, it is not uncommon for many of the women on the team to be pregnant while working.3 NPA has not let the high numbers of pregnancies and the resulting maternity leave stop it from utilizing the benefits of all-female demining teams. It has instead found ways in which to make the team function despite this challenge, since the benefits of an all-female team, such as being able to learn about and use female knowledge of a minefield, the ability to help support a family and the improved status of these women in the community, outweigh this one drawback. For instance, the first all-female team is made up of 35 women. This size is larger than a typical NPA demining team, taking into account the many women who may be on maternity leave.2

NPA has also developed a special program for its female deminers who become pregnant and require leave. In this program, if a female deminer is pregnant, she is automatically given a three-month maternity leave, which is used both before and after the birth. If necessary, for the woman’s comfort, health and safety, extra time can be allotted.1 After this point, NPA ensures that the woman is able to be with her child for six months by letting her work from the Logobero Base Camp near Yei, 40 kilometers (25 miles) north of the current demining operation in Morobo county. The NPA also takes advantage of this time by providing the women with important computer and skills training for the job.2Throughout this entire period of three months’ leave and six months working at the base camp, NPA ensures the woman receives the same pay she would if she were demining on the field with the rest of the team.1

Clearing Mile 38. The team recently participated in the clearance of Mile 38 on the Yei-Juba road—a Line of Disengagement of some 100 hectares  This Mile 38 battlefield was “on the frontline in a decade’s long conflict”3 in Sudan. In the process of mine clearance in this dangerous stretch of land, the women cleared 15,845 square meters (4 acres) and removed 9 pieces of unexploded ordnance,  103 anti-personnel mines and  21 anti-tank mines.1 The Mile 38 clearance project took over a year, spanning from February 2007 to March 2008. The grueling clearance process involved the use of both manual and mechanical demining techniques, which included the use of the MineWolf.1 In June 2008 Mile 38 was handed over to the Sudanese government by the NPA, with farming and agriculture predicted as the use for the land.1

Minebelt at Mile 38, Ganji Payam, Juba.
Minebelt at Mile 38, Ganji Payam, Juba. 
Photo courtesy of Charles Frisby

Statistics from the U.N. Mine Action Office in the region show that, there have been over 2,000 recorded civilian casualties and injuries from landmines laid during and since the civil war.3 The heavily mined land in this area has caused more than just death and injury to the people of Sudan. It has made trade and travel virtually impossible, destroyed farmers’ livelihoods and harmed communities throughout southern Sudan. For example, Mile 38 was once a part of a major trade route, but due to fear of landmines and conflict, it is virtually useless land now.3 The women of the team are working to restore their nation and bring an end to the fear that keeps communities from making use of the land.

Continued commitment to gender mainstreaming. NPA has found that in these war-torn communities it is typically women who are involved in gathering wood and water for their families in more remote locations. Due to their knowledge of these lesser-known areas, women have the most information in these rural communities regarding which areas are the most dangerous.2These women, however, are typically an untapped resource of knowledge, since all-male teams go into these areas and speak mainly to the men from the communities about their knowledge of the mine threat in the area. Perhaps this all-women team will be able to speak to more women, accessing vital information that has not been found in the past.2

NPA’s commitment to incorporating women into the demining process continues to pay off. The first all-female demining team’s success in Sudan is just one example of this. Although it seemed that a traditional culture would get in the way, the team has been met with support by their friends and families. The potential issues of pregnancy and maternity leave have not hindered the team, but rather have provided an opportunity for NPA to develop a new program for new mothers. Furthermore, the team has recently finished clearing one of the most dangerous battlefields in the nation, Mile 38, providing communities with land for agriculture and trade. The team hopes to continue on this path, restoring communities and helping the country recover from a long war. JMA icon

Biography

Young headshotLeah Young has been working at the The Journal of Mine Action since January 2008. She is from Virginia Beach and attends James Madison University where she is pursuing an undergraduate degree in justice studies with a minor in Spanish.

Endnotes

  1. E-mail correspondence with Charles Frisby, Norwegian People’s Aid Program Manager. 29 May 2008.
  2. “Southern Sudan’s Female Deminers.” United Nations Mine Action Office Sudan. January/February 2008 Newsletter. http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/rwb.nsf/db900sid/SHIG-7D5CM2?OpenDocument. Accessed 25 July 2008.
  3. Wheeler, Skye. “Women Join Demining Charge in South Sudan.” 23 March 2008. Reuters.http://lite.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/L2740043.htm. Accessed 25 July 2008.

Contact Information

Leah Young
Editorial Assistant
The Journal of ERW And Mine Action
Mine Action Information Center 
E-mail: maic@jmu.edu

Charles Frisby
Program Manager
Norwegian People's Aid
Mine Action Sudan

Email: cfisby@sudan.npaid.org

 

 

OP-ED: Jerry Ward - I Chose To Teach At HBCUs

A Meaningful Life

Dr. Jerry Ward

 

 

I CHOSE TO TEACH AT HBCUs

 

                Whether I chose or was chosen to teach at HBCUs is an American knot, one that those who delight in philosophical problems might untie.  Near the end of my tour of duty in Vietnam in 1970, I received an invitation from Dr. N. J. Townsend, chairman of the Department of English at Tougaloo College, to join the faculty as an instructor.  I accepted it.  The opportunity to teach at my alma mater and give back four years of service in exchange for the four wonderful undergraduate years (1960-64) I spent there was more than merely attractive. Tougaloo College had instilled in its graduates a strong sense of obligation.  In the 1960s, as the 1960-61 catalogue informed us,  “great social ferment and rapid change” was occurring worldwide and there was “growing need for young men and women with intellectual ability and breadth of vision, with Christian motivation and discipline and with a spirit of outgoing goodwill toward all men.”  In the 1970s, there still existed a need to help in “an awakening of people who have been denied the privilege and opportunity for the good life.”  I felt obligated to help.

                Armed with a M.S. in English from the Illinois Institute of Technology, two years of courses at the State University of New York at Albany where I focused on the literature of the English Renaissance, and the discipline my serving in  the United States Army provided, I began  to teach courses in composition and literature.  My students, unlike those of my generation, were strongly influenced by what was left  unfinished in the declining years of the Civil Rights Movement and by the assertiveness implicit in the idea of Black Power.  They boldly challenged me to make whatever I taught them relevant.  Many of them thought my regard for Edmund Spenser and Shakespeare was an act of treason or a sign of slavish deference to their enemies. I understood, more than they guessed, that defiance was an integral and noble part of the learning process at Tougaloo, and I was beginning to understand the value of the pedagogy of the oppressed.  I quickly became the subversive instructor.  If my students rejected John Milton, I would teach them to write well and to think critically by close reading of LeRoi Jones’s essays in Home and his historical discourse in Blues People.  If The Scarlet Letter had nothing to say to them, Alice Walker’s The Third Life of Grange Copeland anchored them in the very heart of relevance and made them attentive.

                 My embracing the ideas the students had about relevance did not lead to my abandoning belief in standards of excellence in performance which transcend race or ethnicity or class; it did not lead to minimizing my interests in the works of Plato, Kenneth Burke and Michel Foucault; it led to demanding that students should digest Malcolm X, Martin Luther King, Jr. and Machiavelli.  Relevance changes as the conditions of American society change.  For teachers, the desire to truly empower students and the effort to devise effective way of doing so must remain constant. Change is inevitable, but it is not to be embraced without severe questioning.

 My students knew that I had high expectations of them. As I grew as a teacher, I began to appreciate the importance of being at once demanding and compassionate. A good teacher does not love his students. He simply refuses to allow them not to love themselves.  It has been rumored that one of my students told another he would take my courses “… even if I earn a ‘D.’ At least I will learn something.”

                From my thirty-two years of teaching at Tougaloo College and eight years of teaching at Dillard University I have learned much about American higher education, my colleagues in the profession of English, and the insidious idea that African American students who choose to attend Historically Black Colleges and Universities are innately less intelligent than those students who opt to attend other kinds of institutions.  The fact that we speak rarely of Historically White Colleges and Universities is a clue about what has continued to develop in the total  history of education in the United States.  In higher education in America, the hegemony of confirmative action prevails against any justice that might be discovered, through full disclosure, in affirmative action.              

                Two instances from my life history cast light on what is a central and continuing problem.  Once when I was driving him from Tougaloo College to the Jackson, Mississippi airport, A. Leon Higginbotham  asked me where I wanted to be in ten years.  I replied that I wanted to still be teaching at Tougaloo.  He was much disappointed in my answer, because he said he thought I would at least want to be at Harvard or Yale. Some years later after I had earned my doctorate at the University of Virginia, a historian who had earned his degrees at Yale asked why anyone with a prestigious degree from UVA would want to teach at Tougaloo.  I retorted with signifying anger: “Why do you with your prestigious degrees teach at so third-rate a school as the University of Southern Mississippi?”  On the one hand, it seems I was betraying the race and insulting the aspirations of the integration-drunk black upper middle class.  On the other, I was squandering the investment Mr. Jefferson’s university had made in me by teaching niggers and  untouchables.  Despite the promise contained in the election of Barack Obama, I am not convinced we should hastily conclude that the need for having HBCUs and exceptionally well-prepared scholars who desire to teach at such places has vanished from the American historical process.  Talk about a “post-race society” is only a clever and enslaving use of language. And all Americans have a pathological and patriotic love of being enslaved by the great God Capital in whom they trust.

                I never thought of teaching as merely a matter of employment or as a launching pad for ascent into fame as a critic and scholar.  For me, teaching had to be a more profound investment.  Nor have I been a missionary in quite the sense we associate with those who labored and taught in the nineteenth century when many HBCUs were established.  Despite attractive offers to teach elsewhere, I chose to remain within the orbit of the HBCU.  Until I joined the Dillard faculty in 2002-2003, I never earned a salary commensurate with my years of teaching experience and the scholarly and creative contributions I produced despite heavy teaching duties.  Thanks to a regulation in the old Tougaloo College Faculty Handbook, I had to wait for fourteen years to be granted tenure; only 69% of the faculty members in any department could be tenured. As I near the end of my career as a teacher, I realize the rewards most worth having cannot be reduced to money and things. They can only be measured in terms of how deeply and how  well a teacher has made a significant difference in the lives of others.

                Whether I chose or was chosen to teach at HBCUs, I have no regrets about the choice. The choice was right. The students I have taught since 1970, particularly those I mentored in the UNCF/Mellon Program, have assured me time and again that I did the right thing. I was pragmatic. Obviously, many teachers and scholars in our country’s institutions of higher education have done and continue to do the right thing by way of helping young people to discover and maximize their intellectual capabilities and to become productive citizens of the world.  Nevertheless, HBCUs are unique sites for such work.  To be sure, the fate of educational institutions is determined, more than we often want to acknowledge, by  irreversible changes in the world order. Few of them shall survive in the 21st century. So be it. It is sufficient that once in time HBCUs enabled me to use my “intellectual ability and breadth of vision” to become a better person as I remained, as some black folk might say, in the tradition.

 

Jerry W. Ward, Jr.

 

 

EDUCATION: ‬‏ ‪Joanne Barkan on How Billionaires Rule Our Schools

HOW BILLIONAIRES

RULE OUR SCHOOLS

 on Feb 10, 2011

Joanne Barkan, writing in Dissent, has argued that not only do philanthropists usurp democratic power, but they are in the thrall of an educational ideology impervious to critical evaluation. Read her article here:http://dissentmagazine.org/article/?article=3781

 

__________________________

 

Got Dough?


How Billionaires


Rule Our Schools

  To see an MSNBC interview with Barkan about this article, click here.
For resources and further reading suggested by Barkan, click here.

THE COST of K–12 public schooling in the United States comes to well over $500 billion per year. So, how much influence could anyone in the private sector exert by controlling just a few billion dollars of that immense sum? Decisive influence, it turns out. A few billion dollars in private foundation money, strategically invested every year for a decade, has sufficed to define the national debate on education; sustain a crusade for a set of mostly ill-conceived reforms; and determine public policy at the local, state, and national levels. In the domain of venture philanthropy—where donors decide what social transformation they want to engineer and then design and fund projects to implement their vision—investing in education yields great bang for the buck.

Hundreds of private philanthropies together spend almost $4 billion annually to support or transform K–12 education, most of it directed to schools that serve low-income children (only religious organizations receive more money). But three funders—the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, the Eli and Edythe Broad (rhymes with road) Foundation, and the Walton Family Foundation—working in sync, command the field. Whatever nuances differentiate the motivations of the Big Three, their market-based goals for overhauling public education coincide: choice, competition, deregulation, accountability, and data-based decision-making. And they fund the same vehicles to achieve their goals: charter schools, high-stakes standardized testing for students, merit pay for teachers whose students improve their test scores, firing teachers and closing schools when scores don’t rise adequately, and longitudinal data collection on the performance of every student and teacher. Other foundations—Ford, Hewlett, Annenberg, Milken, to name just a few—often join in funding one project or another, but the education reform movement’s success so far has depended on the size and clout of the Gates-Broad-Walton triumvirate.

Every day, dozens of reporters and bloggers cover the Big Three’s reform campaign, but critical in-depth investigations have been scarce (for reasons I’ll explain further on). Meanwhile, evidence is mounting that the reforms are not working. Stanford University’s 2009 study of charter schools—the most comprehensive ever done—concluded that 83 percent of them perform either worse or no better than traditional public schools; a 2010 Vanderbilt University study showed definitively that merit pay for teachers does not produce higher test scores for students; a National Research Council report confirmed multiple studies that show standardized test scores do not measure student learning adequately. Gates and Broad helped to shape and fund two of the nation’s most extensive and aggressive school reform programs—in Chicago and New York City—but neither has produced credible improvement in student performance after years of experimentation. 

To justify their campaign, ed reformers repeat, mantra-like, that U.S. students are trailing far behind their peers in other nations, that U.S. public schools are failing. The claims are specious. Two of the three major international tests—the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study and the Trends in International Math and Science Study—break down student scores according to the poverty rate in each school. The tests are given every five years. The most recent results (2006) showed the following: students in U.S. schools where the poverty rate was less than 10 percent ranked first in reading, first in science, and third in math. When the poverty rate was 10 percent to 25 percent, U.S. students still ranked first in reading and science. But as the poverty rate rose still higher, students ranked lower and lower. Twenty percent of all U.S. schools have poverty rates over 75 percent. The average ranking of American students reflects this. The problem is not public schools; it is poverty. And as dozens of studies have shown, the gap in cognitive, physical, and social development between children in poverty and middle-class children is set by age three. 

Drilling students on sample questions for weeks before a state test will not improve their education. The truly excellent charter schools depend on foundation money and their prerogative to send low-performing students back to traditional public schools. They cannot be replicated to serve millions of low-income children. Yet the reform movement, led by Gates, Broad, and Walton, has convinced most Americans who have an opinion about education (including most liberals) that their agenda deserves support.

Given all this, I want to explore three questions: How do these foundations operate on the ground? How do they leverage their money into control over public policy? And how do they construct consensus? We know the array of tools used by the foundations for education reform: they fund programs to close down schools, set up charters, and experiment with data-collection software, testing regimes, and teacher evaluation plans; they give grants to research groups and think tanks to study all the programs, to evaluate all the studies, and to conduct surveys; they give grants to TV networks for programming and to news organizations for reporting; they spend hundreds of millions on advocacy outreach to the media, to government at every level, and to voters. Yet we don’t know much at all until we get down to specifics.

Pipelines or Programs

The smallest of the Big Three,* the Broad Foundation, gets its largest return on education investments from its two training projects. The mission of both is to move professionals from their current careers in business, the military, law, government, and so on into jobs as superintendents and upper-level managers of urban public school districts. In their new jobs, they can implement the foundation’s agenda. One project, the Broad Superintendents Academy, pays all tuition and travel costs for top executives in their fields to go through a course of six extended weekend sessions, assignments, and site visits. Broad then helps to place them in superintendent jobs. The academy is thriving. According to the Web site, “graduates of the program currently work as superintendents or school district executives in fifty-three cities across twenty-eight states. In 2009, 43 percent of all large urban superintendent openings were filled by Broad Academy graduates.”

The second project, the Broad Residency, places professionals with master’s degrees and several years of work experience into full-time managerial jobs in school districts, charter school management organizations, and federal and state education departments. While they’re working, residents get two years of “professional development” from Broad, all costs covered, including travel. The foundation also subsidizes their salaries (50 percent the first year, 25 percent the second year). It’s another success story for Broad, which has placed more than two hundred residents in more than fifty education institutions.

In reform-speak, both the Broad Academy and Residency are not mere programs: they are “pipelines.” Frederick Hess, director of Education Policy Studies at the conservative American Enterprise Institute, described the difference in With the Best of Intentions: How Philanthropy Is Reshaping K–12 Education (2005):
Donors have a continual choice between supporting “programs” or supporting “pipelines.” Programs, which are far more common, are ventures that directly involve a limited population of children and educators. Pipelines, on the other hand, primarily seek to attract new talent to education, keep those individuals engaged, or create new opportunities for talented practitioners to advance and influence the profession.…By seeking to alter the composition of the educational workforce, pipelines offer foundations a way to pursue a high-leverage strategy without seeking to directly alter public policy.

Once Broad alumni are working inside the education system, they naturally favor hiring other Broadies, which ups the leverage. A clear picture of this comes from Los Angeles. The foundation is based there and exerts formidable influence over the LA Unified School District (LA Unified), the second largest in the nation. At the start of 2010, Broad Residency alums working at LA Unified included Matt Hill, who oversees the district’s Public School Choice project that turns schools over to independent managers (Broad pays Hill’s $160,000 salary); Parker Hudnut, executive director of the district’s innovation and charter division (Kathi Littmann, his predecessor, was also a Broad resident); Yumi Takahashi, the budget director; Marshall Tuck, chief executive of the nonprofit that manages schools for Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa; Mark Kieger-Heine, chief operating officer of the same nonprofit; and Angela Bass, its superintendent of instruction. In June 2010, the Board of Education hired Broad Academy alumnus John Deasy as deputy superintendent of LA Unified (he’s a likely candidate for the superintendent’s job). At the time of hiring, Deasy was deputy director of education at the Gates Foundation.

Broad casts a long shadow over LA Unified, but other foundations also invest. A $4.4 million grant from the LA-based Wasserman Foundation, $1.2 million from Walton, and smaller grants from Ford and Hewlett are paying the salaries of more than a dozen key senior staffers in the district. They work on projects favored by the foundations.

Philanthropists Are Royalty

On September 8, 2010, the Broad Foundation announced a twist on the usual funding scenario: the Broad Residency had received a $3.6 million grant from the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation. According to Broad’s press release, the money would go “to recruit and train as many as eighteen Broad Residents over the next four years to provide management support to school districts and charter management organizations addressing the issue of teacher effectiveness.” Apparently Broad needs Gates in order to expand one of its core projects. The truth is that the Gates Foundation could fully subsidize all of Broad’s grant-giving in education, as well as that of the Walton Family Foundation. Easily—it’s that outsized. Since Warren Buffett gave his assets to Gates, the latter is more than six times bigger than the next largest foundation in the United States, Ford, with $10.2 billion in assets. 

Now is the moment for me to address the inevitable objection. Many people, including leftists, consider it unseemly, even churlish, to criticize the Gates Foundation. Time and again, I’ve heard, “They do good work on health care in Africa. Leave them alone.” But the Gates Foundation has created much the same problem in health funding as in education reform. Take, for example, the Gates project to eradicate malaria. 

On February 16, 2008, the New York Times reported on a memo that it had obtained, written by Dr. Arata Kochi, head of the World Health Organization’s malaria programs, to WHO’s director general. Because the Gates Foundation was funding almost everyone studying malaria, Dr. Arata complained, the cornerstone of scientific research—independent review—was falling apart.
Many of the world’s leading malaria scientists are now “locked up in a ‘cartel’ with their own research funding being linked to those of others within the group,” Dr. Kochi wrote. Because “each has a vested interest to safeguard the work of the others,” he wrote, getting independent reviews of research proposals “is becoming increasingly difficult.”

The director of global health at Gates responded predictably: “We encourage a lot of external review.” But a lot of external review does not solve the problem, which is structural. It warps the work of most philanthropies to some degree but is exponentially dangerous in the case of the Gates Foundation. Again, Frederick Hess in With the Best of Intentions:
…[A]cademics, activists, and the policy community live in a world where philanthropists are royalty—where philanthropic support is often the ticket to tackling big projects, making a difference, and maintaining one’s livelihood.

…[E]ven if scholars themselves are insulated enough to risk being impolitic, they routinely collaborate with school districts, policy makers, and colleagues who desire philanthropic support.

…The groups convened by foundations [to advise them] tend to include, naturally enough, their friends, allies, and grantees. Such groups are less likely than outsiders to offer a radically different take on strategy or thinking.

…Researchers themselves compete fiercely for the right to evaluate high-profile reform initiatives. Almost without exception, the evaluators are hired by funders or grantees….Most evaluators are selected, at least in part, because they are perceived as being sympathetic to the reform in question.

Hess found that the press, too, handles philanthropies with kid gloves. One study reviewed how national media outlets (the New York TimesLos Angeles Times,Washington PostChicago TribuneNewsweek, and Associated Press) portrayed the educational activities of major foundations (Gates, Broad, Walton, Annenberg, and Milken) from 1995 to 2005. The study revealed “thirteen positive articles for every critical account.” Hess had three explanations for the obliging attitude of the supposedly disinterested press: a natural inclination to write positively about “generous gifts,” the routine tendency to affirm “professionally endorsed school reforms,” and the difficulty of finding experts who will publicly criticize the foundations.

The cozy environment undermines all players—grantees, media, the public, and the foundations themselves. Without honest assessments, funders are less likely to reach their goals. According to Phil Buchanan, executive director of the Center for Effective Philanthropy, “If you want to achieve the greatest possible positive impact, you've got to figure out how to hear things from people on the ground who might know more than you about some pretty important things” (Seattle Times, August 3, 2008).

No Silver Bullet

The sorry tale of the Gates Foundation’s first major project in education reform has been told often, but it’s key to understanding how Gates functions. I’ll run through it briefly. In 2000 the foundation began pouring money into breaking up large public high schools where test scores and graduation rates were low. The foundation insisted that more individual attention in closer “learning communities” would—presto!—boost achievement. The foundation didn’t base its decision on scientific studies showing school size mattered; such studies didn’t exist. As reported in Bloomberg Businessweek(July 15, 2010), Wharton School statistician Howard Wainer believes Gates probably “misread the numbers” and simply “seized on data showing small schools are overrepresented among the country's highest achievers….” Gates spent $2 billion between 2000 and 2008 to set up 2,602 schools in 45 states and the District of Columbia, “directly reaching at least 781,000 students,” according to a foundation brochure. Michael Klonsky, professor at DePaul University and national director of the Small Schools Workshop, describes the Gates effect this way:
Gates funding was so large and so widespread, it seemed for a time as if every initiative in the small-schools and charter world was being underwritten by the foundation. If you wanted to start a school, hold a meeting, organize a conference, or write an article in an education journal, you first had to consider Gates (“Power Philanthropy” in The Gates Foundation and the Future of Public Schools, 2010).

In November 2008, Bill and Melinda gathered about one hundred prominent figures in education at their home outside Seattle to announce that the small schools project hadn’t produced strong results. They didn’t mention that, instead, it had produced many gut-wrenching sagas of school disruption, conflict, students and teachers jumping ship en masse, and plummeting attendance, test scores, and graduation rates. No matter, the power couple had a new plan: performance-based teacher pay, data collection, national standards and tests, and school “turnaround” (the term of art for firing the staff of a low-performing school and hiring a new one, replacing the school with a charter, or shutting down the school and sending the kids elsewhere).

To support the new initiatives, the Gates Foundation had already invested almost $2.2 million to create The Turnaround Challenge, the authoritative how-to guide on turnaround. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan has called it “the bible” for school restructuring. He’s incorporated it into federal policy, and reformers around the country use it. Mass Insight Education, the consulting company that produced it, claims the document has been downloaded 200,000 times since 2007. Meanwhile, Gates also invested $90 million in one of the largest implementations of the turnaround strategy—Chicago’s Renaissance 2010. Ren10 gave Chicago public schools CEO Arne Duncan a national name and ticket to Washington; he took along the reform strategy. Shortly after he arrived, studies showing weak results for Ren10 began circulating, but the Chicago Tribune still caused a stir on January 17, 2010, with an article entitled “Daley School Plan Fails to Make Grade.”
Six years after Mayor Richard Daley launched a bold initiative to close down and remake failing schools, Renaissance 2010 has done little to improve the educational performance of the city's school system, according to a Tribune analysis of 2009 state test data.

…The moribund test scores follow other less than enthusiastic findings about Renaissance 2010—that displaced students ended up mostly in other low performing schools and that mass closings led to youth violence as rival gang members ended up in the same classrooms. Together, they suggest the initiative hasn't lived up to its promise by this, its target year.

Last fall, Daley announced that he wouldn’t run again for mayor; Ron Huberman, who replaced Duncan as schools CEO, announced that he would leave before Daley; and Rahm Emanuel, preparing to run for Daley’s job, announced that he would promote another privately funded reform campaign for Chicago’s schools. “Let’s raise a ton of money,” he told the Chicago Tribune (October 18, 2010). Eminently doable.

Investing for Political Leverage

The day before the first Democratic presidential candidates’ debate in 2007, Gates and Broad announced they were jointly funding a $60 million campaign to get both political parties to address the foundations’ version of education reform. It was one of the most expensive single issue efforts ever; it dwarfed the $22.4 million offensive that Swift Boat Veterans for Truth mounted against John Kerry in 2004 or the $7.8 million that AARP spent on advocacy for older citizens that same year (New York Times, April 25, 2007). The Gates-Broad money paid off: the major candidates took stands on specific reforms, including merit pay for teachers. But nothing the foundations did in that election cycle (or could have done) advanced their agenda as much as Barack Obama’s choice of Arne Duncan to head the Department of Education (DOE). Eli and Edythe Broad described the import in The Broad Foundations 2009/10 Report:
The election of President Barack Obama and his appointment of Arne Duncan, former CEO of Chicago Public Schools, as the U.S. Secretary of Education, marked the pinnacle of hope for our work in education reform. In many ways, we feel the stars have finally aligned.

With an agenda that echoes our decade of investments—charter schools, performance pay for teachers, accountability, expanded learning time, and national standards—the Obama administration is poised to cultivate and bring to fruition the seeds we and other reformers have planted.

Arne Duncan did not disappoint. He quickly made the partnership with private foundations the defining feature of his DOE stewardship. His staff touted the commitment in an article for the department’s newsletter, The Education Innovator(October 29, 2009):
…The Department has truly embraced the foundation community by creating a position within the Office of the Secretary for the Director of Philanthropic Engagement. This dedicated role within the Secretary’s Office signals to the philanthropic world that the Department is “open for business.”

Within weeks, Duncan had integrated the DOE into the network of revolving-door job placement that includes the staffs of Gates, Broad, and all the thinks tanks, advocacy groups, school management organizations, training programs, and school districts that they fund. Here’s a quick look at top executives in the DOE: Duncan’s first chief of staff, Margot Rogers, came from Gates; her replacement as of June 2010, Joanne Weiss, came from a major Gates grantee, the New Schools Venture Fund; Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights Russlynn Ali has worked at Broad, LA Unified School District and the Gates-funded Education Trust; general counsel Charles P. Rose was a founding board member of another major Gates grantee, Advance Illinois; and Assistant Deputy Secretary for Innovation and Improvement James Shelton has worked at both Gates and the New Schools Venture Fund. Duncan himself served on the board of directors of Broad’s education division until February 2009 (as did former treasury secretary Larry Summers).

How to Set Government Policy 

Nothing illustrates the operation of Duncan’s “open for business” policy better than the administration’s signature education initiative, Race to the Top (RTTT). The “stimulus package” included $4.3 billion for education, but for the first time, states didn’t simply receive grants; they had to compete for RTTT money with a comprehensive, statewide proposal for education reform. It is no exaggeration to say that the criteria for selecting the winners came straight from the foundations’ playbook (which is, after all, Duncan’s playbook). To start, any state that didn’t allow student test scores to determine (at least in part) teacher and principal evaluations was not eligible to compete. After clarifying this, the 103-page application form laid out a list of detailed criteria and then additional priorities for each criterion (“The Secretary is particularly interested in applications that…”). Key criteria included
(C)(1) Fully implementing a statewide longitudinal data system 

(D)(2) Improving teacher and principal effectiveness based on performance [this is followed by criteria for evaluating performance based on student test scores]

(E) Turning around the lowest-achieving schools 

(F)(2) Ensuring successful conditions for high-performing charter schools and other innovative schools

States were desperate for funds (in the end, thirty-four applied in the two rounds of the contest). When necessary, some rewrote their laws to qualify: they loosened or repealed limits on the number of charter schools allowed; they permitted teacher and principal evaluations based on test scores. But they still faced the immense tasks of designing a proposal that touched on all aspects of K–12 education and then writing an application, which the DOE requested (but did not require) be limited to 350 pages. What state has resources to gamble on such a venture? Enter the Gates Foundation. It reviewed the prospects for reform in every state, picked fifteen favorites, and, in July 2009, offered each up to $250,000 to hire consultants to write the application. Gates even prepared a list of recommended consulting firms. Understandably, the other states cried foul; so did the National Conference of State Legislatures: Gates was giving some states an unfair advantage; it was, in effect, picking winners and losers for a government program. After some weeks of reflection, Gates offered the application money to any state that met the foundation’s eight criteria. Here, for example, is number five: “Does the state grant teacher tenure in fewer than three years? (Answer must be “no” or the state should be able to demonstrate a plan to set a higher bar for tenure).”

Who says the foundations (and Gates, in particular) don’t set government policy? 

On October 9, 2009, Edward Haertel, chair of the National Research Council’s Board on Testing and Assessment (BOTA) sent a letter-report to Arne Duncan to express BOTA’s concern about the use of testing in RTTT’s requirements.
Tests often play an important role in evaluating educational innovations, but an evaluation requires much more than tests alone. A rigorous evaluation plan typically involves implementation and outcome data that need to be collected throughout the course of a project.

REFLECTING “A consensus of the Board,” the nineteen-page letter went on to review the many scientific studies that demonstrate the pitfalls of using standardized test scores as a measure of student learning, teacher performance, or school improvement. BOTA recommended that the DOE use these studies to revise the RTTT plan. Unfortunately, as Haertel explained in his cover note, “Under National Academies procedures, any letter report must be reviewed by an independent group of experts before it can be publicly released, which made it impossible to complete the letter within the public comment period of the Federal Register notice [for RTTT’s proposed regulations].” The scientists needed a peer review of their work, so they missed theFederal Register deadline, and that meant Duncan could ignore their recommendations—which he did. Haertel’s letter (www.nap.edu/catalog/12780.html) makes for poignant reading in the twenty-first century: science imploring at the feet of ideology. 

Other Ways to Invest for Political Influence

Private foundations are not allowed to lobby government directly, but they can, and all do, “share the lessons of their work” with lawmakers and their staffs. As the RTTT story shows, the Big Three also intervene more directly in policy and politics in ways available only to the mega-rich. 

Consider the case of school reform in Washington, D.C. Former schools chancellor Michelle Rhee battled the teachers’ union in acrimonious contract negotiations for more than two years; she wanted greater control over evaluating and firing teachers. Her breakthrough move was to get $64.5 million from the Broad, Walton, Robertson, and Arnold foundations to finance a five-year, 21.6 percent increase in teachers’ base salary. The union took the money in exchange for giving Rhee some of the changes she wanted. The money came with a political restriction: the foundations could withdraw their pledges if there was a “material change” in the school system’s leadership. When critics challenged the legality of the arrangement (Hadn’t Rhee negotiated a deal that served her personal financial interests?), the chancellor found a way to shuffle funds and spend on a schedule that made the leadership clause irrelevant. The foundations’ attempt to dictate who would be D.C. schools chancellor failed, but their investment paid off with highly publicized (and, the foundations hoped, precedent setting) concessions in a union contract.

On the question of who controls public schools, the Big Three much prefer mayoral control to independent school boards: a mayor with full powers can push through a reform agenda faster, often with less concern about the opposition. On August 18, 2009, the New York Post quoted Bill Gates on mayoral control: “The cities where our foundation has put the most money is where there is a single person responsible.” In the same article, the Post broke the news that Bill Gates had “secretly bankrolled” Learn-NY, a group campaigning to overturn a term-limit law so that Michael Bloomberg could run for a third term as New York City mayor. Bloomberg’s main argument for deserving another term was that his education reform agenda (identical to the Gates-Broad agenda) was transforming city schools for the better. Gates put $4 million of his personal money into Learn-NY. “The donation helped pay for Learn-NY's extensive public-relations, media, and lobbying efforts in Albany and the city.” The Post also reported that Eli Broad had donated “millions” to Learn-NY. Since Bloomberg’s reelection, however, the results of one study after another have shown that his reform endeavors are not producing the positive results he repeatedly claims.

In its “advocacy and public policy” work, the Gates Foundation also funnels money to elected officials through their national associations. The foundation has given grants to the National Governors Association Center for Best Practices, National Conference of State Legislatures, United States Conference of Mayors, National Association of Latino Elected Officials Education Fund, and National Association of State Boards of Education. They’ve also funded associations of high nonelected officials, such as the Council of Chief State School Officers (see gatesfoundation.org).

Ventures in Media

On October 7 and 8, 2010, the Columbia Journalism Review ran a two-part investigation by Robert Fortner into “the implications of the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation’s increasingly large and complex web of media partnerships.” The report focused on the foundation’s grants to the PBS Newshour, ABC News, and the British newspaper the Guardian for reporting on global health. Of course, all three grantees claim to have “complete editorial independence,” but the ubiquity of Gates funding makes the claim disingenuous. As Fortner observes, “It is the largest charitable foundation in the world, and its influence in the media is growing so vast there is reason to worry about the media’s ability to do its job.” The Chronicle of Philanthropy, too, questioned the foundation’s bankrolling of for-profit news organizations and its “growing involvement with journalism” (October 11, 2010). Neither publication mentioned that Gates is also developing partnerships with news and entertainment media to promote its education agenda.

Both Gates and Broad funded “NBC News Education Nation,” a week of public events and programming on education reform that began on September 27, 2010. The programs aired on NBC News shows such as “Nightly News” and “Today” and on the MSNBC, CNBC, and Telemundo TV networks. During the planning stages, the producers of Education Nation dismissed persistent criticism that the programming was being heavily weighted in favor of the Duncan-foundation reform agenda. Judging by the schedule of panels and interviews, Education Nation certainly looked like a foundation project. The one panel I watched—”Good Apples: How do we keep good teachers, throw out bad ones, and put a new shine on the profession?”—was “moderated” by Steven Brill, a hardline opponent of teachers’ unions and promoter of charter schools. The panel did not belong on a news show. 

Gates and Broad also sponsored the documentary film Waiting for Superman, which is by far the ed reform movement’s greatest media coup. With few exceptions, film critics loved it (“a powerful and alarming documentary about America’s failing public school system,” New York Times, September 23, 2010). Critics of the reform agenda found the film one-sided, heavy-handed, and superficial. 

In 2009 the Gates Foundation and Viacom (the world’s fourth largest media conglomerate, which includes MTV Networks, BET Networks, Paramount Pictures, Nickelodeon, Comedy Central, and hundreds of other media properties) made a groundbreaking deal for entertainment programming. For the first time, a foundation wouldn’t merely advise or prod a media company about an issue; Gates would be directly involved in writing and producing programs. As a vehicle for their partnership, the foundation and Viacom (with some additional funds from the AT&T Foundation) set up a tax-exempt 501(c)(3) organization called the Get Schooled Foundation. The interpenetration of foundations and the spawning of new ones is endless. In July 2010, Get Schooled hired Marie Groark, then senior education program officer at Gates, as its executive director. Among its initiatives, Get Schooled lists Waiting for Superman, which is produced by Paramount Pictures, a subsidiary of Viacom. This is how the New York Times (April 2, 2009) described the Gates-Viacom deal:
Now the Gates Foundation is set to expand its involvement and spend more money on influencing popular culture through a deal with Viacom….It could be called “message placement”: the social or philanthropic corollary to product placement deals in which marketers pay to feature products in shows and movies. Instead of selling Coca-Cola or G.M. cars, they promote education and healthy living….Their goal is to weave education-theme story lines into existing shows or to create new shows centered on education.

The Hubris That Comes from Power

On June 15, 2010, Gates Foundation CEO Jeff Raikes announced the results of the “Grantee Perception Report,” which the foundation had commissioned from the Center for Effective Philanthropy. The center, a nonprofit research group, has rattled the foundation world with surveys that show how grantees evaluate a funder and also how that evaluation compares to the evaluations of other funders. Some 1,020 Gates grantees, active between June 1, 2008, and May 31, 2009, responded to the survey. On questions relating to the experience of working with Gates, the foundation got bad grades. “Lower than typical ratings,” Raikes wrote.
Many of our grantee partners said we are not clear about our goals and strategies, and they think we don’t understand their goals and strategies.

They are confused by our decision-making and grant-making processes.

Because of staff turnovers, many of our grantee partners have had to manage multiple Program Officer transitions during the course of their grant, which creates more work.

Finally, they say we are inconsistent in our communications, and often unresponsive.

The report intrigued me because it shows another aspect of how Gates operates on the ground. More important, it helps explain why the Big Three can keep marketing and selling reforms that don’t work. Certainly ideology—in this case, faith in the superiority of the private business model—drives them. But so does the blinding hubris that comes from power. You don’t have to listen or see because you know you are right. One study after another sends up a red flag, but no one in the ed reform movement blinks. Insanity, defined as doing the same thing over and over and expecting different results, applies here. 

Can anything stop the foundation enablers? After five or ten more years, the mess they’re making in public schooling might be so undeniable that they’ll say, “Oops, that didn’t work” and step aside. But the damage might be irreparable: thousands of closed schools, worse conditions in those left open, an extreme degree of “teaching to the test,” demoralized teachers, rampant corruption by private management companies, thousands of failed charter schools, and more low-income kids without a good education. Who could possibly clean up the mess?

All children should have access to a good public school. And public schools should be run by officials who answer to the voters. Gates, Broad, and Walton answer to no one. Tax payers still fund more than 99 percent of the cost of K–12 education. Private foundations should not be setting public policy for them. Private money should not be producing what amounts to false advertising for a faulty product. The imperious overreaching of the Big Three undermines democracy just as surely as it damages public education.

Joanne Barkan, who graduated from public schools in Chicago, lives and writes in Manhattan and on Cape Cod. Her next article on education will focus on teachers and their unions.

*The Broad and Walton foundations had endowments of about $1.4 billion and $2 billion, respectively, in 2008 (the latest available figures, according to the Foundation Center). The Gates Foundation had an endowment of $33 billion as of June 2010, with an additional $30 billion from Warren Buffett, spread out over multiple years in annual contributions (from gatesfoundation.org). The Broad endowment comes primarily from the sale of SunAmerica to AIG in 1999; the Walton endowment from Wal-Mart Stores, Inc.; and the Gates endowment from Microsoft.

[Ed: due to a production error, this article first appeared online with the subtitle “Public School Reform in the Age of Venture Philanthropy.”]
__________________________

Resources and


Further Reading for


“Got Dough?


How Billionaires


Rule Our Schools”

(Web-Only)

IN the text of my article “Got Dough? How Billionaires Rule Our Schools,” readers can find the sources for any material that I have quoted. For those who would like to see general sources, background material, or suggestions for further reading and research, here is a list of selected studies, articles, reports, books, and websites that might be useful. (I apologize for not having had time to alphabetize the list.)

Studies:

“Multiple Choice: Charter School Performance in 16 States,” Center for Research on Education Outcomes (CREDO), June 2009, http://credo.stanford.edu/reports/MULTIPLE_CHOICE_CREDO.pdf

Caroline M. Hoxby, “A Statistical Mistake in the Credo Study Of Charter Schools,”
Stanford University and NBER, August 2009, http://www.nber.org/~schools/charterschoolseval/

Caroline M. Hoxby, Sonali Murarka, and Jenny Kang. “How New York City's Charter Schools Affect Achievement, August 2009 Report.” Second report in series. Cambridge, MA: New York City Charter Schools Evaluation Project, September 2009, http://www.nber.org/~schools/charterschoolseval/

Sean Reardon, “Review of ‘How New York City’s Charter Schools Affect Achievement,’” by Caroline M. Hoxby, Sonali Murarka & Jenny Kang,” Sean Reardon, National Education Policy Center, http://nepc.colorado.edu/thinktank/review-how-New-York-City-Charter

“The Evaluation of Charter School Impacts: Final Report,” U.S. Department of Education, http://ies.ed.gov/ncee/pubs/20104029/

“The Reading Literacy of U.S. Fourth-Grade Students in an
International Context: Results From the 2001 and 2006 Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS),” U.S. Department of Education, November 2007: http://nces.ed.gov/pubsearch/pubsinfo.asp?pubid=2008017

Matthew G. Springer, et al, “Teacher Pay for Performance, Executive Summary,” National Center on Performance Incentives, http://www.performanceincentives.org/data/files/gallery/ContentGallery
/POINT_Report_Executive_Summary.pdf

Shelby Dietz, “How Many Schools Have Not Made Adequate Yearly Progress Under
the No Child Left Behind Act?,” Center on Education Policy, March 11, 2010, http://www.eric.ed.gov:80/PDFS/ED508803.pdf

Joshua D. Angrist, et al, “Who Benefits from KIPP?” National Bureau of Economic Research, May 2010, http://www.nber.org/dynarski/kipp_may05_2010_web.pdf

“Error Rates in Measuring Teacher and School Performance Based on Student Test Score Gains,” U.S. Department of Education, July 2010, http://ies.ed.gov/ncee/pubs/20104004/

Jesse Rothstein, “Review of Learning About Teaching by Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation,” National Education Policy Center, January 13, 2011, http://nepc.colorado.edu/thinktank/review-learning-about-teaching

‘Highlights From TIMSS 2007: Mathematics and Science Achievement of U.S. Fourth- and Eighth-Grade Students in an International Context,” December 2008, U.S. Department of Education, http://nces.ed.gov/pubsearch/pubsinfo.asp?pubid=2009001

Articles, Reports, Blog Posts:

David C. Bloomfield, “Come Clean on Small Schools,” Education Week, January 24, 2006: http://www.edweek.org/ew/articles/2006/01/25/20bloomfield.h25.html

Erik W. Robelen, “Gates Learns to Think Big,” Education Week, October 10, 2006: http://www.edweek.org/ew/articles/2006/10/11/07gates.h26.html?display=all#gates

Ann Bradley, “Gates Takes a Risk on Teacher Evaluation,” Education Week, April 9, 2010: http://www.edweek.org/tsb/articles/2010/04/12/02gates.h03.html

Paul D. Bowker, “Schools get $10M from Gates“Chi-Town Daily News, January 31, 2008: http://www.chitowndailynews.org/Chicago_news/Schools_get_10M_from_Gates,12032

“All Students Ready for College, Career and Life: Reflections on the Foundation’s Education Investments 2000-2008,” report, Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, http://www.gatesfoundation.org/learning/Documents/reflections-foundations-education-investments.pdf

John Chase and Kristen Mack, “Emanuel wants private funds for Chicago school reform,” Chicago Tribune, October 18, 2010: http://www.chicagobreakingnews.com/2010/10/emanuel-wants-private-funds-for-chicago-school-reform.html?obref=obinsite

John Merrow, “Four Days IN Education Nation,” Huffington Post, September 29, 2010, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/john-merrow/four-days-in-education-na_b_744356.html

Donna Gordon Blankinship, “Gates Foundation spending $30 million for charter schools,” Seattle Times, October 11, 2006: http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/localnews/2003299382_webgates11.html

Valerie Strauss, “The strange media coverage of Obama's education policies,”Washington Post, September 30, 2010: http://voices.washingtonpost.com/answer-sheet/school-turnaroundsreform/the-wrong-way-to-cover-school.html

Marc Bousquet, “NBC’s Education Nation: Policy Summit or Puppet how?” Chronicle of Higher Education, September 28, 2010:
http://chronicle.com/blogs/brainstorm/nbcs-education-nation-policy-summit-or-puppet-show/27264

Diane Ravitch, “Merit Pay Fails Another Test,” Education Week, September 28, 2010 http://blogs.edweek.org/edweek/Bridging-Differences/2010/09/merit_pay_fails_another_test.html

Jeff Raikes, “Grantee Perception Report Summary, Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, June 15, 2010,” http://www.gatesfoundation.org/learning/Pages/grantee-perception-report.aspx

Bill Turque, “D.C. agency to probe Rhee critic's complaint over ethics of school funds clause,” Washington Post, June 8, 2010: http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/06/07/AR2010060703046.html?nav=emailpage

Julie Schmit, “Gates Foundation CEO: Listening is key to success,” USA Today, June 2, 2010: http://www.usatoday.com/money/companies/management/2010-06-02-gatesfoundation02_CV_N.htm

Beryl Lieff Benderly, “The Real Science Gap,” Miller-McCune, June 14, 2010 http://www.miller-mccune.com/science/the-real-science-gap-16191/#

Carl Campanile, “Gates' $4 Mil Lesson Aided School Control,” New York Post, August 18, 2009, http://www.nypost.com/p/news/regional/item_ekjA6OeXIrxZjDATHPbkuJ#ixzz0t95AjIZV

“Gates Foundation and British Newspaper Join Forces to Spotlight Global Development Work,” Chronicle of Philanthropy, September 15, 2010, http://philanthropy.com/blogs/philanthropytoday/gates-foundationbritish-newspaper-join-forces-to-spotlight-global-development-work/26933

Sandi Doughton, “Not many speak their mind to Gates Foundation,” New York Times, August 3, 2008 http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/localnews/2008088717_gatescritics03m.html

Bill Carter, “Gates Foundation Backs ABC News Project,” New York Times, October 6, 2010, http://mediadecoder.blogs.nytimes.com/2010/10/06/gates-foundation-backs-abc-news-project/

Tim Arango and Brian Stelter, " Messages With a Mission, Embedded in TV Shows,”New York Times, April 1, 2009, 
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/04/02/arts/television/02gates.html

“Record Number of Broad Residents Take on Local, State, Federal Roles Managing Education Reform,” press release, Eli and Edythe Broad Foundation, September 8, 2010, http://www.broadfoundation.org/asset/1165-100908tbrnewclassgates.pdf

Leonie Haimson, “The most dangerous man in America,” The Huffington Post
July 10, 2010, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/leonie-haimson/the-most-dangerous-man-in_b_641832.html

Sherri Ackerman, “Gates grant tracking program on today's school board agenda,” The Tampa Tribune, February 23, 2010, http://www2.tbo.com/content/2010/feb/23/gates-grant-tracking-program-todays-school-board-a/

Howard Blume, “L.A. Unified hires Gates Foundation official as deputy superintendent,” Los Angeles Times, June 23, 2010, http://articles.latimes.com/keyword/ramon-c-cortines

Sherri Ackerman, “Hillsborough school district celebrates $100 million grant,” The Tampa Tribune, December 11, 2009, http://www2.tbo.com/content/2009/dec/11/na-school-district-celebrates-grant/

Sam Dillon, “After Complaints, Gates Foundation Opens Education Aid Offer to All States,” New York Times, October 27, 2009, http://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/28/education/28educ.html

Dakarai Aarons, “Bill Gates: Charters Should Lead Innovation,” Education Week, June 29, 2010, http://blogs.edweek.org/edweek/District_Dossier/2010/06/bill_gates_charters_should_lea.html

Susan Ohanian, “Tough Challenges Ahead in U.S. Effort to Reshape Failing Schools,” http://www.susanohanian.org/show_atrocities.php?id=8596

Maura Walz, “UFT helping city recruit for Gates-funded teacher quality study,” http://gothamschools.org/2009/09/01/uft-helping-city-recruit-for-gates-funded-teacher-quality-study/

“The Turnaround Challenge,” Mass Insight Education & Research Institute,
http://www.massinsight.org/publications/turnaround/51/file/1/pubs/2010/04/15/...

Mary Beaudoin, “The Occupation of U.S. Public Schools: Kids as Cannon Fodder and Consumers,” http://www.worldwidewamm.org/newsletters/2010/0310/fodder.html

Roundtable, “How Many Billionaires Does It Take to Fix a School System?” The Money Issue, New York Times Magazine, March 9, 2008. 

Andrew J. Rotherham, “Charter Schools: The Good Ones Aren't Flukes” Time, Thursday, October 14, 2010, http://www.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,2025310,00.html

Gerald Bracey, “The Education Trust's Disinformation Campaign,” http://www.huffingtonpost.com/gerald-bracey/the-education-trusts-disi_b_57327.html

Susan Ohanian, “State-By-State Report Card Calls for Education Reform,” http://www.susanohanian.org/show_atrocities.php?id=8982

Vivek Wadhwa, “The Science Education Myth,” Bloomberg Business Week, October 26, 2007, http://www.businessweek.com/print/smallbiz/content/oct2007/sb20071025_827398.htm

B. Lindsay Lowell, Harold Salzman, “Into the Eye of the Storm: Assessing the Evidence on Science and Engineering Education, Quality, and Workforce Demand,” Urban Institute, October 29, 2007, http://www.urban.org/publications/411562.html

Philip E. Kovacs and H.K. Christie, “The Gates’ Foundation and the Future of U.S. Public Education: A Call for Scholars to Counter Misinformation Campaigns,” Journal for Critical Education Policy Studies, December 2008, http://www.jceps.com/index.php?pageID=article&articleID=128

Gerald W. Bracey, “The First Time ‘Everything Changed,” The 17th Bracey Report on the Condition of Public Education, http://www.america-tomorrow.com/bracey/EDDRA/k0710bra.pdf

Greg Hinz, “Venture capitalist Bruce Rauner floats plan to raise cash for public schools while supporting charters,” Crain's Chicago Business, July 26, 2010, http://www.chicagobusiness.com/article/20100724/ISSUE05/100033712/venture-capitalist-bruce-rauner-floats-plan-to-raise-cash-for-public

Jackson Potter, “Another charter school privatization rip-off...,” Substance News, July 27, 2010, http://www.substancenews.net/articles.php?page=1567

Patricia Burch, “Hidden Markets: Global Patterns in the Privatization of Education?”global-e, January 13, 2009, http://global-ejournal.org/2009/01/13/hidden-markets-global-patterns-in-the-privatization-of-education/

Mary Beaudoin, “The Occupation of U.S. Public Schools: Kids as Cannon Fodder and Consumers,” worldwideWAMM March 2010, http://www.worldwidewamm.org/newsletters/2010/0310/fodder.html

Eli and Edythe Broad 2009/10 Foundation Report, http://broadeducation.org/news/biannualreport.html

Howard Blume, “Broad Foundation training percolates deeply into L.A.'s school leadership,” Los Angeles Times, December 16, 2009, http://latimesblogs.latimes.com/lanow/2009/12/broad-foundationtraining-percolates-deeply-into-las-school-leadership-.html

Howard Blume, “L.A. Unified hires Gates Foundation official as deputy superintendent,” Los Angeles Times, June 23, 2010, http://articles.latimes.com/2010/jun/23/local/la-me-lausd-20100623

Diane Ravitch, “Obama's Race to the Top Will Not Improve Education,” Huffington Post, August 1, 2010, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/diane-ravitch/obamas-race-to-the-top-wi_b_666598.html

Bill Turque , “D.C. agency to probe Rhee critic's complaint over ethics of school funds clause,” Washington Post, June 8, 2010, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/06/07/AR2010060703046.html

Sam Dillon, “Backer of Charter Schools Finds They Trail in Financing,” New York Times, August 23, 2005, http://www.nytimes.com/2005/08/23/national/23charter.html?_r=1&oref=slogin&adxnnlx=1211806934-JnadxSdjmbwMpmYU%20Hsg0Q&pagewanted=print

Daniel Golden, “Bill Gates' School Crusade,” Bloomberg Business Week, July 15, 2010, http://www.businessweek.com/print/magazine/content/10_30/b4188058281758.htm

Tim Arango and Brian Stelter, “The Microsoft founder's foundation is betting billions that a business approach can work wonders in the classroom,” New York Times, April 1, 2009, http://www.nytimes.com/2009/04/02/arts/television/02gates.html [The date of this article was mistakenly cited as April 2 in my article. JB]

Bill Carter, “Gates Foundation Backs ABC News Project,” New York Times, October 6, 2010, http://mediadecoder.blogs.nytimes.com/2010/10/06/gates-foundation-backs-abc-news-project/ 

Frederick M. Hess, “The Value of Value-Added,” Education Week, April 21, 2010, http://blogs.edweek.org/edweek/rick_hess_straight_up/2010/04/the_value_of_value-added.html

Jeff Raikes, “Grantee Perception Report Summary,” June 15, 2010, http://www.gatesfoundation.org/learning/Pages/grantee-perception-report.aspx 

Lawrence Harmon, “Bill Gates’s risky adventure,” Boston Globe, April 27, 2010, http://www.boston.com/bostonglobe/editorial_opinion/oped/articles/2010/04/27/bill_gatess_risky_adventure/

Sandi Doughton, “Not many speak their mind to Gates Foundation,” Seattle Times, August 3, 2008, http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/localnews/2008088717_gatescritics03m.html

Editorial, “Gates Foundation cash wields influence,” The Jackson Sun, October 28, 2009, at http://www.susanohanian.org/show_atrocities.php?id=8956

Larry Ferlazzo, “Here We Go Again: Private Foundations Have A Place (And Have To Be Kept In Their Place),” May 19, 2010, http://larryferlazzo.edublogs.org/2010/05/19/here-we-go-again-private-foundations-have-a-place-and-have-to-be-kept-in-their-place/

Sponsors for NBC’s Education Nation: http://www.educationnation.com/index.cfm?objectid=EB7AF3A0-A41B-11DF-A44E000C296BA163

“The Guardian launches global development website with Gates Foundation,” Press release, September 14, 2010, http://www.guardian.co.uk/gnm-press-office/guardian-launches-global-development-site

Books:

Martin Carnoy, et al. The Charter School Dust-Up: Examining the Evidence on Enrollment and Achievement. Economic Policy Institute and Teachers College Press. 2005.

Frederick M. Hess., ed. With the Best of Intentions: How Philanthropy Is Reshaping K-12 Education. Cambridge: Harvard Education Press. 2005.

Philip E. Kovacs, ed. The Gates Foundation and the Future of U.S. “Public” Schools.New York: Routledge. 2011.

Diane Ravitch. The Death and Life of the Great American School System: How Testing and Choice Are Undermining Education. New York: Basic Books, 2010.

Richard Rothstein. Class and Schools: Using Social, Economic, and Educational Reform to Close the Black-White Achievement Gap. Economic Policy Institute and Teachers College Press. 2004.

Richard Rothstein, et. al. Grading Education: Getting Accountability Right. Economic Policy Institute and Teachers College Press. 2008.

Kenneth J. Saltman. The Gift of Education: Public Education and Venture Philanthropy. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 2010.

Jack Schneider. Excellence for All: How a New Breed of Reformers Is Transforming America’s Public Schools. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press. Forthcoming fall 2011.

Websites:

U.S. Department of Education: http://www.ed.gov/

The Foundation Center: http://foundationcenter.org/

Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation: http://www.gatesfoundation.org/Pages/home.aspx

Eli and Edythe Broad Foundation: http://www.broadfoundation.org/index.html

The Walton Family Foundation: http://www.waltonfamilyfoundation.org/

The Data Quality Campaign: http://www.dataqualitycampaign.org/about/partners/managing

Consulting firm for school “turnarounds”: http://www.massinsight.org/

The American Federation of Teachers: http://www.aft.org/index.cfm

National Education Association: http://www.nea.org/

Economic Policy Institute’s education section: http://www.epi.org/issue/education/

Gates Foundation watch site: http://gateskeepers.civiblog.org/blog

Broad Foundation watch site: http://thebroadreport.blogspot.com/

Charter school scandal watch site: http://charterschoolscandals.blogspot.com/

Democrats for Education Reform watch site: http://dferwatch.wordpress.com/

General education policy watch sites: 
http://www.susanohanian.org/index.php
http://perimeterprimate.blogspot.com/
http://www.schoolsmatter.info/
http://notwaitingforsuperman.org/
http://www.classsizematters.org/Contact_Us.html
http://pureparents.org/

A national organization for parents concerned about the current reforms: http://parentsacrossamerica.org/

 

 

 

 

 

 

VIDEO: Pharoah Sanders: Living Up to the Name > Revivalist Music

Pharoah Sanders:

Living Up to the Name

An unforgettable shock of white hair juts from his chin in stark contrast with the color of the brass, and punctuates the mouthpiece of the horn belonging to Pharoah Sanders, the soul stirring tenor saxophonist from the Bay Area by way of Little Rock, Arkansas.  Once known around the bay as Little Rock, Sanders soon replaced his given name, Farrell with Pharoah, and set about living up to the title – from the elongated beard to the unforgettable powerhouse of a stage presence created by his wailing vibrato and the mystical compositions that have come to typify his catalog.

Sanders began as the child of musicians, quickly tapping into inherent musicianship with a stint on clarinet before picking up the tenor saxophone as a teen at the behest of high school band director and mentor, Jimmy Cannon, who would later introduce Sanders to the world of jazz following a primary interest in the blues.  Taking to jazz, Sanders came of age under the tutelage of bebop and free jazz enthusiasts during his time playing around Oakland, California, before moving to New York City.  After arriving in the big apple, Sanders played with a number of giants in the world of free jazz, including Don Cherry, Billy Higgins, and Sun Ra.  What makes his ascent in the city’s musical scene most intriguing is that Sanders was often found working odd jobs, sleeping on subways, and prone to pawning his horn in order to stay afloat despite the attention and respect of such noted collaborators – the unfortunate and all too familiar hallmarks of life as an artist for many people across eras and talents.

Sanders played in relative anonymity until a chance encounter with John Coltrane at New York’s Village Gate during a performance with his first trio in 1963; the group also included bassist Wilbur Ware and pianist John Hicks.  Sanders recorded his first album as a leader for ESP in 1964 with Pharoah’s First.  The same year, Coltrane asked Sanders to sit in with his band, beginning a professional relationship that would extend into other branches of the Coltrane family catalog and ultimately made Sanders an unofficial member of his band from 1964 until the group dissolved in 1967, following Coltrane’s death.  Both musicians noted for the emotion with which they lead their respective bands, Sanders’ profoundly raw approach was the kind of unabashed nudity that served as great punctuation to Coltrane’s ascending emotional gravitas.  Sanders continued the relationship post-Coltrane, as he collaborated briefly with the late musician’s wife, Alice Coltrane.

 

 

His is a tenor characterized by bursts of climactic fury that precede difficult pauses where theme and percussion often blend to create the multi-layered sound that any fan of Sanders’ can recognize almost immediately.  The only traits of Sanders’ music as distinctive as his individual performance are the contributions of his longtime collaborators and peers during the changing of the avant-garde, as world music slowly leeched into the landscape where brass and percussion were king.  Suddenly Sanders is pushed to the fore as he leads musicians like Idris Muhammad, Walter Booker, John Hicks, Reggie Workman, and Lonnie Liston Smith; all noted amongst the many pioneers of fusion and experimental jazz.

Combined with free love, spiritual enlightenment, demands for world peace, and the reclamation of African cultural identity as a major move away from the hallmarks of colonialism for black Americans, the end of the 1960′s saw the rise of a wide array of musicians incorporating influences and instruments that had not been previously explored or popularized to any great fanfare.  Sanders spent time away from the tenor saxophone on the reed flute, orchestra chimes, congas, bell tree, contrabass clarinet, kalimba, and other percussion.  This was the time when the sitar, tribal drum, and astral plane all found themselves in high demand.  Sanders’ ear for gleaning melodic beauty from what could be considered an intermittently abrasive performance style, coupled with his versatility as a musician is likely what led to his signature sound.  That and his penchant for overblowing; a technique facilitated by the use of a split reed.

 

 

While Sanders’ catalog spans several labels, it is punctuated by the common themes of spirituality, humanity, musical freedom, and the voice of singer Leon Thomas.  Thomas, of Flying Dutchman fame, lent the echo of his warbling vibrato to many of Sanders’ tunes and performances, most notably on Sanders’ chant of a jazz classic, “The Creator Has a Master Plan,” from the 1969 album Karma.  The original version of the track is over 30 minutes long and in some circles, stands as the unofficial follow-up to Coltrane’s “A Love Supreme;” both tracks a commentary on enlightenment and ascension in a pool of distinctly addictive melody.  Other notable releases from this period include Tauhid, Black Unity, Jewels of Thought, and Thembi.

 

 

While the relationship between Thomas and Sanders flourished over several recordings, Sanders’ choice of universally relevant themes has managed to stand the test of time more memorably than any other aspect of his catalog – even as the frequency of his releases has decreased over the past three decades.  With lyricism as touching as his solos, Sanders has turned a career in recording into something closer to a ministry, informed as much by an unmistakable sound as it is by a philosophy explained in the words of his very simple plea: “There is a place where love forever shines, and rainbows are the shadows of a presence so divine, and the glow of that love lights the heavens above, and it’s free, can’t you see, come with me.”

Words by Karas Lamb