VIDEO: INFLUENCERS FULL VERSION on Vimeo

INFLUENCERS FULL VERSION
<p>INFLUENCERS FULL VERSION from R+I creative on Vimeo.</p>
INFLUENCERS is a short documentary that explores what it means to be an influencer and how trends and creativity become contagious today in music, fashion and entertainment.

The film attempts to understand the essence of influence, what makes a person influential without taking a statistical or metric approach.

Written and Directed by Paul Rojanathara and Davis Johnson, the film is a Polaroid snapshot of New York influential creatives (advertising, design, fashion and entertainment) who are shaping today's pop culture.

"Influencers" belongs to the new generation of short films, webdocs, which combine the documentary style and the online experience.

 

VIDEO: Miles Davis

Music: "Kind of Blue" -- Kind of "Wasn't a Big Thing"

 

Miles Davis' "Kind of Blue," released in 1959, was officially 50 years old last month. Below, CNN talks to the only surviving member of that sextet, drummer Jimmy Cobb. Like with Dylan on June 15, 1965, Cobb says as they all filed in on March 2, 1959, of course, no one thought that they were about to record the greatest album in the history of recorded music.

 


The doc below came out with the September 30, 2008 release of the three-disc box set 50th Anniversary Collector's Edition:

I've always thought there are albums you get and there are those albums that get you. "Kind of Blue" belongs to the later.

 

------------------------------------------------------

Miles davis live at Berkshire Music Center, Tanglewood, August 18, 1970

GO HERE TO VIEW FULL CONCERT

August 18, 1970 
Berkshire Music Center, Tanglewood MA 

Miles Davis (tpt); Gary Bartz (ss, as); Chick Corea (el-p); Keith Jarrett (org); Dave Holland (b, el-b); Jack De Johnette (d); Airto Moreira (perc) 

Directions (J. Zawinul) 9:13 
Bitches Brew (M. Davis) 9:34 
The Mask (M. Davis) 3:42 
It's About That Time (M. Davis) 7:41 
Sanctuary (W. Shorter-M. Davis) 1:35 
Spanish Key (M. Davis) 5:35 
The Theme (M. Davis) 2:07 
Miles Runs the Voodoo Down (M. Davis) 3:58 
The Theme (M. Davis) 1:01

 

PUB: The Malahat Review

Cover of issue 169

Long Poem Prize

The Malahat Review, Canada’s premier literary magazine, invites entries from Canadian, American, and overseas authors for the Long Poem Prize. Two awards of $1,000 CAD each are given. Poets contributing to The Malahat Review have also won or been nominated for National Magazine Awards for Poetry and the Pushcart Prize. The Long Poem Prize is offered every second year, alternating with the Novella Prize.

2011 Deadline

The deadline for the 2011 Long Poem Prize is February 1, 2011 (postmark date).

Guidelines

  • A single poem or cycle of poems with a minimum of 10 published pages to a maximum of 20 published pages. A published page is up to 32 lines (or less), including breaks between stanzas.
  • No restrictions as to subject matter or aesthetic approach apply.
  • Entry fee required:
    • $35 CAD for Canadian entries
    • $40 US for American entries
    • $45 US for entries from Mexico and outside North America
  • Entrants receive a one-year subscription to The Malahat Review for themselves or a friend.
  • Entries previously published, accepted or submitted for publication elsewhere are not eligible.
  • Entrants’ anonymity is preserved throughout the judging. Contact information (including an email address) should not appear on the submission, but along with the title on an enclosed separate page.
  • No submissions will be accepted by email.
  • No entries will be returned.
  • Entrants will not be notified by separately by letter about the judges’ decisions even if a SASE is included for this purpose.
  • Winners and finalists will be notified via email.
  • Winners will be announced with the publication of their entries in The Malahat Review’s Summer 2011 issue, on the Malahat web site, and in Malahat lite, the magazine’s quarterly e-newsletter, in April 2011.
  • Send entries and enquiries to:
    The Malahat Review
    University of Victoria
    P.O. Box 1700
    Stn CSC
    Victoria, B.C. V8W 2Y2
    Canada

    Email: malahat@uvic.ca
    Telephone: 250-721-8524
    Fax: 250-472-5051

Entrants wishing to pay by credit card may download and complete our Credit Card Payment Form then enclose it with their entries.

 

PUB: Writers' Journal Fiction Contest

 Fiction Contest 

Prizes: First: $500.00, Second: $200.00, Third: $100.00, Plus Honorable Mentions

First, Second, Third, and selected Honorable Mention winning stories will be published 
in future issues of the WRITERS' Journal.

For Contest Winners, please click here.

Guidelines

For printable version, click here

Annual Deadline:

January 30

 

Reading Fee:

$15.00/entry

U.S. funds only

 

Send Entries to:

(Multiple entries from one party may be mailed in one envelope.)

 

"Fiction Contest"

Val-Tech Media

P.O. Box 394

Perham, MN 56573

 

Please make checks or money orders payable to:

WRITERS' Journal

Submissions must be postmarked by the deadline date. (January 30)

Rules:

Length must not exceed 5,000 words.

Manuscripts must be typed, double-spaced

on 8 1/2" x 11" paper.

Only one copy of each entry required:

~ Writer's name must not appear on submission.

Each submission must include:

~ A separate cover page with the name of contest, title of manuscript, writer's name, address, telephone number, and e-mail address if available.

~A title page with the manuscript title only.

~On the manuscript itself, each page headed with a title key word and page number. Nowhere on the manuscript should the author's name appear.

No staples please.

Photocopies accepted - manuscripts will not be returned.

For those without Web access, a winner's list can be obtained by sending a #10 SASE.

Only previously unpublished stories accepted.

Copyrights to manuscripts remain with author. WRITERS' Journal requires only one-time rights to winning entries.

Reading fee must be included.

These guidelines supersede guidelines found elsewhere whether in print or online.

 

PUB: Contests | PRISM international

Contests

Check out our submissions page for guidelines. Mail your entries to:

PRISM international
Creative Writing Program, UBC
Buch. E462 – 1866 Main Mall
Vancouver, BC, V6T 1Z1
Canada

For all inquiries regarding the Non-Fiction, Fiction, and Poetry contests, please contact the contest manager at prismwritingcontest@gmail.com.


NON-FICTION CONTEST

We’ve extended our deadline: ** post-marked December 15, 2010 **

PRISM international‘s Non-fiction Contest has an exciting $1500 Grand Prize.

The entry fee is $28 for one story, and $7 for each additional story. All entrants receive a one-year subscription to PRISM international.

Our judge this year is Brian Brett, a poet, novelist and non-fiction writer whose latest book, for Trauma Farm: A Rebel History of Rural Life, won the Writers’ Trust Non-Fiction Prize in 2009.

You may pay entry fees via cheque or pay online through our store. Download a PDF entry form and guidelines.


SHORT FICTION CONTEST

Deadline: Post-marked January 29, 2011

A $2000 grand prize is awarded to the best original, unpublished story (maximum 25 double-spaced pages) and the winner receives publication payment in the Fiction Contest Issue! Three runner-up prizes of $200 dollars are also conferred. Works of translation are eligible.

The entry fee is $28 for one story, and $7 for each additional story. All entrants receive a one-year subscription to PRISM international.

Our fiction judge this year is John K. Samson, lead singer of the Weakerthans and founding member of Arbeiter Ring Publishing.

You may pay entry fees via cheque or online through our store. Download a PDF entry form and guidelines.


POETRY CONTEST

DEADLINE: Post-marked January 29, 2011

A $1000 grand prize is awarded for the best original, unpublished poem and the winner receives publication and payment in our upcoming Poetry and Fiction Contests Issue. $300 and $200 are awarded to runners-up. Works of translation into English are eligible.

Entries may include up to three poems, and additional poems are $7 each. All entries receive a one-year subscription to PRISM international.

This year’s poetry judge is Brad Cran, Vancouver poet laureate and author of The Good Life (2002; Nightwood Editions). He is a contributing editor at Geist magazine, and you can read some of his work on their site.

You may pay entry fees via cheque or online through our store. Download a PDF entry form and guidelines.


ANNUAL EARLE BIRNEY PRIZE FOR POETRY

An annual prize of $500 is awarded by the outgoing poetry editor to an outstanding poetry contributor published in PRISM international. Enter by regular submission only: no fee required.

We thank Wailan Low for her continued support.

 

VIDEO: “Black Gold” (Do You Know Where Your Coffee Comes From?) > Shadow And Act

Watch Now – “Black Gold” (Do You Know Where Your Coffee Comes From?)

Not oil, but coffee!

I received another email from California Newsreel, alerting us that the full-length documentary, Black Gold, is available for free online viewing through the end of this month, so you’re encouraged to head over there and watch it!

In short, the 2006, 77-minute Black Gold traces the complex, conflicted trail from the two billion cups of coffee consumed each day around the world, back to the tens-of-thousands of Ethiopian coffee farmers who produce the beans, and the efforts of 1 man, Tadesse Meskela, campaigning to get a living wage for the many farmers he represents.

Black Gold provides the most in-depth study of any commodity on film today and offers a compelling introduction to the ‘fair trade’ movement galvanizing consumers around the globe.

The 2002 film was produced and directed by Marc Francis and Nick Francis.

Click HERE (or the image above) to go to the California Newsreel page where you can watch the film in its entirety! But hurry, because, as I said, it’s available only through the end of December.

Also, while you’re there, you are encouraged to browse through the Newsreel’s library of films, and if you see any others that you’d like to view, let me know, because they’d like to accommodate.

OP-ED: Ben Okri on why teenagers are poets - Telegraph

Ben Okri on why teenagers are poets

Ben Okri on why teenagers are poets
As a child, Ben Okri wrote more than a hundred poems 

 

As the closing date of the Sunday Telegraph Poetry for Performance competition approaches, Booker-winning author Ben Okri explains why young people should put pen to paper.

There’s something about being a teenager that lends itself to writing poetry. It’s a solitary time when individuals attempt to understand themselves and make sense of the world. Yet, all that upheaval and uncertainty that goes with that time of life, the questioning of rules and parents, the anxieties, crises and self-doubt, can make for wonderful poetry.

It’s because the richness and exuberance of teenage feelings cannot be contained that poetry makes the perfect receptacle for the overspill. Teenagers have such a vibrant response to everything. When you have such feelings, there’s not much you can do but rebel. When I was young, I wrote poetry for the same reasons that young people take to drugs: to get into it, to get out of it, to rage, to be free. Poetry did all of that for me. It was my rock and roll.

As a teenager, I wrote about everything, about love and rainfall, mosquitos and space travel. It was a kind of overflow of the soul singing, and a way of dealing with the need to think. The act of writing is to engage with one’s feelings, and it has a wonderful way of helping us explore ourselves. It’s a crystallisation of what a person is feeling, what people are thinking, what a nation is feeling, at any one time. But it fills us without clarity and without outline, and for those reasons I think it is an important outlet for the young. It helps you know where your anger is, where your joy is.

It is difficult to communicate normally when we are full of feeling, so we turn to the magic properties of poetry. It has the same intoxicating effect; it is the wine of life.

When the young reach for their notebook and pen, it is because of intoxication. Poetry connects us to the wonderful and the normal. It is the electrification of the ordinary. It is the celebration of all aspects of life, of new experiences, new understandings. It is surprising how much poetry there is in people without their knowing it. If you listen carefully, more often than you think, you will hear the most extraordinary images and symbolism come out of daily speech. It must be that poetry is the condition of the soul.

True poets try to keep an aspect of their teenage self alive as far as possible, to be sensitive to life and its changes. But writing poems in your teens doesn’t mean you will become a poet, and a teenage outpouring doesn’t necessarily amount to poetry. But it helps translate things. In some ways, it’s a distillation. The hard part is acquiring a feeling for the music of poetry, for the meaning and magic of words.

As a child, I wrote more than a hundred poems, but before I left Nigeria with one suitcase, I destroyed almost all of them. It was fiendish, like cutting off an arm. But in many ways it was also the best thing I ever did; it was important to shed them as it taught me about selectivity. The poems that survived are my best. I kept only five – and those were the five that saved my life.

Now it’s your turn. The Sunday Telegraph is inviting readers, young and old, to submit poems on the theme of “relationships” for its annual Poetry for Performance competition. A nation that encourages poetry in its young is a nation that encourages the genius of its people.

  • Ben Okri is a Booker Prize-winning author and a judge of The Sunday Telegraph’s Poetry For Performance competition.

 

REVIEW: Book—Black Yeats: Eric Roach and the Politics of Caribbean Poetry - Clocking cadence • Vahni Capildeo > CRB

Clocking cadence

By Vahni Capildeo

 

Black Yeats: Eric Roach and the Politics of Caribbean Poetry,
by Laurence A. Breiner
Peepal Tree Press, ISBN 978-1845-230-470, 312 pp

In this impressive and much-needed book, Laurence Breiner sets out to present a study of Eric Roach “as a publishing poet . . . concentrating on how Roach in fact presented himself — or found himself presented — before the world of his contemporaries.” This means that while the work of Roach the Tobagonian playwright, fiction writer, and journalist exists as a sort of sunk context surrounding or permeating much within the scope of Breiner’s consideration, by the time page 279 (or page 297, for those who read endnotes) is reached, Roach stands forth from the crowd of named and unnamed tragic Caribbean figures who have pre-empted their natural time, forcing the sea to swallow them up (his suicide was in 1974) — to be known as himself, as much more than the author of the occasional anthologised federationist verse or the “hurt hawk” subject of posthumous tributes such as Wayne Brown’s [“For Eric Roach, Drowned (after reading the eulogies)”].

Breiner engages very closely in literary interpretation of Roach’s poetic texts. These texts are often quoted and summarised in the course of already dense argument. This reader, at least, sometimes had the feeling of suddenly bearing company with a scholar already plunged in conversation with a not-yet-present, implied reader. It would have been helpful to have a few key poems reproduced in full, especially as Breiner frequently calls attention to slips or discrepancies in the edition on which readers must depend, if they have access to it at all: The Flowering Rock: Collected Poems 1938–74, edited by Kenneth Ramchand and Danielle Gianetti (1992).  Breiner’s “Note on the Text of the Poems” shows his careful use of sources such as photocopies of transcripts from the BBC’s Caribbean Voices programme, but asserts that his own is “not a bibliographic study.” Despite this academic modesty, Breiner’s endnotes so often list variant readings and identify misprints or even mistakes of fact (such as the misdating by two years of a poem), that it might have been valuable to split the endnotes into two sections, separating out similar textual information from more general commentary, if only (of course, not only) because the study of the poet and the edition of the poetry demand to be read together, and the best source(s) and form(s) for future quotations assessed.

Breiner’s study does not rest with awakening the reader to the perils of citation from secondary sources or rewritten primary sources. It goes further, making the reader wish to do Eric Roach justice in every way possible, accurate reading being one of those. Dense it may be, but Breiner’s prose is never less than readable. Chapter one, quoting the disillusionment and self-hatred expressed in the space of a 1965 autobiographical note supplied by the poet for a British anthology, opens its next paragraph not with commentary but with an outcry: “It is terrible to read, and knowing that he had in fact been publishing for twenty-five years before he ‘abandoned the writing of verse’ only makes it worse.” Is this a novelist’s technique or a scholar’s? Either way, the note of personal response recurs, not to excess, but just often enough to jolt the book and reader into an urgent relation with their frustrated dead. If the reader has accompanied Breiner through to the ninth and final chapter to find this analysis —

“Witness” is a crucial word for Roach in his last years. A witness has two pertinent attributes: he is receptive (he sees something) and he is effusive (he testifies). It seems to have been important to Roach’s thinking that the testimony is not necessarily verbal, though as a poet his own usually was: we can testify when we simply stand up to be counted. Being there, in the past, we witnessed, being here in the present, we testify. We witness (happen to see) by inadvertent presence, we testify by intentional presence.

— Breiner’s reader will find her- or himself shadowing both past poet and present scholar, written in as another witness to this concern with what could equally be called the “morality” or the “politics” of Caribbean poetry. For the entire study is an act of witness to Roach’s life and work. There is even a deep mirroring at the level of formal composition. With something akin to the pan-Caribbean geographical vision identified in so many of Roach’s poems — their variously significant archipelago or eyot or hillock, and vast or reef-bounded, breaking and broken sea — Breiner brings us to envision his study of Roach as curved in on itself, loosely crescented rather than ringed, with chapter seven recalling:

Solicitation to publish in England ought to have been empowering for Roach, but when the poem appeared in print he attached the despairing autobiographical note with which my first chapter began.

“Solicitation to publish”: along the way, Breiner evidences the story of Roach actually being a Caribbean poet in the sense of the draft and re-draft, year-to-year work of it. It is fair to say that, for this reviewer, the material conditions of Caribbean writers during Roach’s period (the 1930s to the 1970s) — quite simply, whether and when they were published or heard, how and by whom, whether they could physically or in print or via the airwaves speak to one another, and in what accents — emerged, in Breiner’s handling, as (depending on one’s stance) a different issue from the pure politics of Caribbean poetry. Breiner acutely registers the consequences of these material conditions — the empowerment, slant, or silencing, the freedoms and unfreedoms — which, because they are real if they are felt to be real in the mind that, stirred or halting, is trying to do poet’s work, could in a different vein of criticism be conceptualised in terms of the creative or spiritual. Breiner brings into focus how poems that appear individual may be re-workings of earlier published verse, telling therefore of a changed set of emotions and beliefs; less easy for the non-academic reader to reconstruct, so more important, Breiner traces which of Roach’s poems appeared in groups or closely associated, and where engagement with other poets (Lamming, Brathwaite, Walcott, but also the some of the no-longer-anthologised) underlies or surfaces in a lyric voice that spurs itself to be dialogic.

The compelling tensions in Eric Roach, for example between an Antillean avatar of the Romantic idea of the natural or heroic poet — poet on the edge of a place that whispers historical blood, or of a non-speaking, sometimes mythologised community — and the political poet who feels the duty to make his words do something quantifiably or definably useful towards the work of West Indian federation, are admirably narrated in Black Yeats. It is to be hoped that companion volumes will follow, placing the poetry in the context of Roach’s work as a whole, work which is difficult to imagine if one does not already know it, so distinct is it while yet clearly the product of the same mind. A few of the questions raised in this volume could be answered differently by looking at the other forms in which Roach worked. Let us look at some examples. Breiner frequently asserts, and proves, the excellent point that, unlike many of his writer contemporaries, Roach was genuinely from a peasant background and unaffectedly spoke from an insider’s position when dealing with peasant life. (Breiner’s scope is sufficiently wide, and his common sense good, to ensure that the term “peasant” is given its more positive Caribbean valency, in contrast with, say, “slave.”) Breiner notes this self-identification at every level from Roach’s imagery (mud and harvest winning more attention than sea and seine) through to his overt declarations. However, he claims:

Roach . . . plainly regards himself not as visualising or describing the peasantry, but as one of their own speaking for them. Similarly Roach does not participate in the drive of West Indian poets towards increasing dramatisation, which originates in the writers’ discomfort with depicting the folk as mute objects of curiosity. Confident that he speaks for and from the village, Roach feels no obligation to provide his people dramatic (that is, distanced) speech.

Accurate representation of peasant life [was] something about which Roach felt little or no anxiety, as a poet . . .

This is all true, but is it true enough? “Black Yeats” in his poetry perhaps, Roach could half-transform into Synge or O’Casey when it came to writing plays. There is plenty of the descriptive, non-rhapsodic detail that Breiner occasionally finds lacking in the poetry in a play such as Belle Fanto (1967), set largely in a dooryard, with no winners among the landlocked or emigrant roles. When Breiner observes that Roach’s 1954 poem “The Fighters” treats of African-American boxers, not (as the poet Ian McDonald does) “the entirely indigenous stick fighters of Trinidad and Tobago,” absent is any reference to the strutting, crowing gayelle veteran in Belle Fanto. Is it possible that there is an aesthetic, not political or even self-conscious, motivation for the difference in texture and emphasis between Roach’s drama and his verse? Roach may just have been dividing his treatment of his subjects according to how he felt able to work in the different genres. Indeed, Breiner himself makes exactly this point elsewhere about the possibly complementary relation of genres within an oeuvre: “This contemporaneous willingness to use life experience directly in fiction reinforces the impression that Roach programatically excluded it from his poetry as part of his conception of the function of poetry.”

“Laurence Breiner shows how the swagger of the Trinidad Carnival figure of the Midnight Robber, with his characteristic exaggerations, might shake up the cadences of some of Eric Roach’s lines that otherwise risk being misread”

Looking outside the oeuvre, Breiner offers consistently brilliant readings of the models and styles against which Roach’s writing can be sounded. Breiner discusses Roach’s appropriation of classical music terms, or musical poetic terms: “cansonet”; “fugue.” He shows how the swagger of the Trinidad Carnival figure of the Midnight Robber, with his characteristic exaggerations, might shake up the cadences of some lines that otherwise risk being misread with a more negative or passive fall. He bravely takes on the issues of craft, orality, literature, and calypso, demonstrating the eventual alienation of the “Afro-Saxon” Roach, despite his integrity of diction, from (name them as you will) the poetic practice of the younger, Independence, “Black Power”, or Savacou generation.

To criticise Breiner is not to disagree with, but to praise him. He is the sort of strong and exciting interpreter who inevitably provokes the reader to argue, answer back, learn, and reconsider; to gift pencilled footnotes to this book’s generous information, or bring fresh likenesses to set with or against the comparisons. Remaining with the idea of sound, to which Breiner is especially sensitive — poems on the page do not stay mute for him — let us look briefly at two such provocations. Commenting on the voice and technique of “For Freedom” (1944), Breiner remarks:

Roach’s free verse ingeniously achieves closure without any sense of formal constraint by grouping assonances in the second strophe in a way that merely suggests rhyme (the sequence of terminal words “dawns” / “gone” / “free” / “song” / “harmony” / “intensity” / “freedom” / “dawn” / “born” implying AAB ABB AAA).

Here are five of these lines, as cited by Breiner:

’Twas such a dawning when a century gone
The slave men were set free,
When fields were cradles rocked with song
And woods were hung with a wild harmony,
And the winds hummed joy’s deep intensity.

Here this reviewer wishes that Breiner could have pointed out that in most Trinidadian and Tobagonian accents there is a stronger pronunciation of the “n” in “gone” than in Received Pronunciation English, and that the long, pure vowel of “free” finds a better, wilder, or more upbeat match with “harmony” and “intensity” in these local accents, which shift stress towards the third syllable of these words and do not swallow or cut off the “y.” This is a wish for more of the same. It is not an unnecessary wish, for Breiner’s book may well be used in educational institutions where students are without sure knowledge of Trinidadian or Tobagonian native speakers, let alone those of the older generation. (Presumably this is the readership who sincerely would need the first endnote to Breiner’s preface, which begins: “Trinidad and Tobago are two separate and very different islands which now form a single country, officially called ‘Trinidad and Tobago’ but almost invariably referred to as ‘Trinidad’” — a South African university graduate was recently overheard asking whether Trinidad was ruled from Jamaica. Perhaps the power of Federation would indeed have been a prerequisite for individual states to be adequately known . . .)

Now for a second example. Remarking how the poem “March Trades” makes the “most striking use of rhyme” in “the very prominent passage on history in the third and final section,” Breiner quotes:

Make all ship-shape
In stubborn Colon’s simple way,
In the black slave-traders way,
In buccaneer and pirate way,
In the sturdy sea tramp’s way,
Make all ship-shape.

According to Breiner’s analysis,

These four successive lines end with the word “way” for rhetorical reasons, and so chime without constituting “rhyme” in the usual sense — the repetition functions as a kind of suspension, a marking of time behind the solo flight. But it is noteworthy that the long “a” vowel sound of “way,” so common in rhyming poetry in English, does not occur at the end of any other line in the poem; indeed, only one other line ends in any vowel at all — interestingly enough, the final line of stanza one, already noted for its closural force on other grounds.

If this level of detail is acceptable, this reviewer wishes Breiner would close in even more upon the sounds at play. For the long “a” vowel actually is present. It is present at the beginning and end of the stanza, in “shape,” but literally comes up against a stop. It might be taking it too far to see this as Roach’s poem’s resistance to an easy rhyming sound from the English tradition. It is perhaps not taking it too far to appreciate the “closural force” (to borrow Breiner’s phrase) of placing “a” with a stop before and after the sequence of “a”s permitted free sounding.

Breiner writes with the American critic Harold Bloom’s “anxiety of influence” in mind. He sometimes ascribes to Roach a greater degree of intentionality, or arrives at a readier diagnosis of anxiety, than this reader would agree with (the phrase “chronic refusal,” say, as in “Roach’s chronic refusal to distinguish ‘I’ from ‘we’ suggests that the technique may be intentional,” does not seem to allow enough for the self-contradictoriness and drift of a composing mind). But the argument is thorough and productive. If a supplementary (not competitive) paradigm may be proposed, sparagmos — the dismemberment of the hero and casting forth of his elements into the elements of his environment, as happened to Orpheus when torn apart by the Bacchæ, his limbs scattered and his head sent still singing down the stream — could be seen as a natural mode for Roach. A critic contemporary with Roach, Northrop Frye, defines sparagmos thus: “Sparagmos, or the sense that heroism and effective action are absent, disorganised, or foredoomed to defeat, and that confusion and anarchy reign over the world, is the archetypal theme of irony and satire.” From the Orphic example it is clear that there is as well a kind of ecstatic generosity to this theme. The Christian communion, referred to in Roach, is allied to sparagmos. In the light of this, Roach’s words can be re-angled, read beyond their proper sense as a text about emigration, written into a long cadence reaching down the years past his horrifying death and his obstinate achievement, finally not unredeemed if we can pick up his sounds:

…..If I go out as I came in, across Atlantic,
…..Become adventurer, world will know me
…..Feeling my footsteps on the latitudes,
Clocking my cadence down the long meridians.

It is through his literary skill as writer and reader, working with his historical knowledge, that Breiner establishes his interpretations of Roach’s evolving sense of self as a federationist poet, and the tragedy of this rural Tobagonian whose voice did not find itself heard in time for the times according to which it launched song and endeavoured speech.

•••

The Caribbean Review of Books, August 2008

Vahni Capildeo was born in Trinidad. She went to England in 1991, and completed a DPhil in Old Norse at Oxford in 2000. Her poetry includes No Traveller Returns (2003) and Person Animal Figure (2005).

 

HAITI: Update

Passion Hits Streets After Haitian Election Results Announced

Emily Troutman

Emily Troutman Contributor

Follow Emily Troutman on Twitter for the latest updates.

PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti (Dec. 8) -- For a few weeks, news of the presidential election was a welcome distraction here from cholera and rubble and aid. To pretend, for a second, that all this international attention meant something and that change was imminent. But all along, there were only two outcomes to this election and everyone knew it: legitimate or illegitimate. It will be a carnival or a bloodbath, one man told me.

That prophecy was coming true this morning as protesters set fire to the headquarters of the ruling political party, according to The Associated Press, after popular candidate Michel "Sweet Micky" Martelly was left off January's runoff. On Tuesday night it was announced he had finished third behind Mirlande Manigat and Jude Celestin, President Rene Preval's pick.

"The thing about Haiti is that people aren't stupid," said one young man after the vote was announced. "Even with the little education people get, what you find is that kids still learn how to read, still better themselves. And they're smart enough to know when they've been robbed."

Buring campaign poster for Jude Celestin
Emily Troutman for AOL News
A campaign poster for Jude Celestin goes up in flames. Election officials say he received more than 20 percent of the vote in Haiti's presidential election. He is the favorite of the current president, Rene Preval.

For hours, crowds of dozens, and sometimes hundreds, circled the suburb of Petionville, throwing rocks and shouting their support for Martelly. They burned and destroyed posters of both Celestin and Manigat, whom some believe is also in collusion with the president.

"I'm doing this because the results don't represent my views. These are the results of the government, not the people," one man said.

The crowds, mostly of young men and boys, set fires and paused only to exclaim "Tet Kale!" -- Martelly's slogan, meaning both "bald" and "no sweat."

Many showed off their campaign paraphernalia, pulling out small, wallet-sized cards of the candidate, pink posters folded in their back pockets and T-shirts. Though they aggressively opposed having photographs taken of their faces, they were happy to pose with burning posters of Celestin.

A rioter hurls a rock at a light in Petionville.
Emily Troutman for AOL News
A rioter hurls a rock at a light in Petionville.

Much earlier, at about 4 p.m. Tuesday, in advance of official numbers, Celestin's campaign tweeted, "It's Settled! Jude Celestin Will Face Mirlande Manigat In Second Round." Though almost no one re-tweeted the statement, everyone saw it. The exclamation point rankled.

Though the voting process itself was flawed, early numbers revealed that Manigat and Martelly were ahead. Celestin was an unpopular candidate, mostly because of his association with the current government.

On Tuesday night, the provisional electoral council called a press conference at 6 p.m. At 8:30 p.m. they sent a representative, who sat alone at a table prepared for nine people. He read the detailed results of the senatorial races, along with the totals for each candidate and province.

A man went through the crowd of journalists, passing out a photocopied statement with signatures of the entire council, verifying that these were their results.

Then the spokesman read off the presidential results: Mirlande Manigat, 31 percent; Jude Celestin, 22 percent; and Michel Martelly, 21 percent. He shared none of the tallies for the provinces.

The journalists in the room stood up before he finished. The ones who didn't ended up stuck in that room for most of the night, as within minutes, streets in the town of Petionville exploded in riots.

Riots broke out in Haiti after the election results were announced.
Emily Troutman for AOL News
Smoke rises from the streets of Petionville after the start of rioting.

Damian Merlo, a political consultant from OstosSola and part of Martelly's campaign team, told AOL News the candidate was preparing a vigorous legal response, but he did not initially make a statement.

Martelly's cause was bolstered, Merlo said, by a 10 p.m. statement from the U.S. Embassy stating that officials were "concerned" with the announced results because they were "inconsistent" with the tallies of international monitors.

When they heard about the statement, boys in the streets just rolled their eyes. "Yeah, we know," they all said.

"No one voted for Celestin," said a young woman. "It's Preval's candidate and Preval's in power. How do they think we won't see through that? We voted for change."

Late Tuesday night, Martelly's campaign team traveled from his home to their campaign headquarters at Hotel Karibe. They navigated the empty, blazing streets, but when stopped by the police, they were hurried through after saying they were with the campaign. Martelly stayed at home. He was the talk of the town last night, and this morning the country waits for his statement.

Martelly is under tremendous pressure to say something that is both reassuring to the crowds but won't stoke further unrest. Manigat has not made a statement, though her campaign website posted the announced numbers of the electoral council and stated, "The results have finally been unveiled."

Earlier in the evening, groups of young men gathered as the sun set in Petionville. They hung out in the back of pickup trucks and on corners, watching traffic. The white SUVs belonging mostly to aid workers were bumper to bumper on every street, leading up to the hillsides where most foreigners live. The city emptied, as if preparing for war.

One group of young men said they were waiting, not for election results but to hear from Martelly, "Micky will tell us what to do."

Haitian police wear riot gear while on a patrol in Petionville.
Emily Troutman for AOL News
Haitian police wear riot gear while on a patrol in Petionville.

Later, as the riots gained steam, Haitian national police circled through the streets of Petionville in a noisy, red and blue convoy of eight trucks. In the back, some officers in riot gear donned machine guns and occasionally fired into the air. They sometimes aimed directly at people in the streets to scare them.

Though a fire raged on nearly every corner, the crowds intentionally avoided destroying property.

"Hey, man!" shouted one protester as a comrade aimed his rubble at a parked car, "I told you! No rocks at trucks!"

For every kid and bandanna-wrapped hoodlum on the street, there were 10 ordinary people in the darkened corners, looking out from windows or standing on their front steps. By in large, people didn't drink. They said they were not celebrating.

As the groups of arsonists circled again and again, bystanders watched and listened to hand-held radios and sometimes broke out into angry political debates. Mostly, they were silent, scared and sad.

"Imagine someone just raped you, right there," one man said, pointing to the scorched and burning corner. "You would be angry. Haiti is a beautiful woman. And they've just raped her. This is rape."

Election Day, held Nov. 28, was also a sad day for many, who were unable to vote. In Petionville, a wealthy businessman said he could not find his name on the registry at L'ecole Freres.

When asked if he would protest, he said no, he would head to his house in the hills. "But other people, they will protest for me."

This morning, the city remained shuttered, and there were reports of violence from across the country. In a radio interview this afternoon, President Preval said people should put the violence aside and respect the decisions and election results of the electoral council, as announced last evening.

"It's not by destroying public and private property that you will find a solution," he said.

He said that he trusted the conclusions of the Organization of American States and the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), which earlier this week reported that the polling was flawed but did not "necessarily [invalidate] the process."

Regarding U.S. concerns, Preval simply said that the United States is not the arbiter of this election -- Haiti's electoral council is.

However, later this afternoon, the United Nations issued a statement from Secretary General Ban ki Moon, saying that he is
"concerned about allegations of fraud. He also noted that "these results are not final."

A torn Jude Celestin campaign poster lies on an empty street.


Emily Troutman for AOL News
A torn Jude Celestin campaign poster lies on an empty street.

 

__________________________

RADIO BROADCAST STATEMENT FROM 

MICHEL "SWEET MICKY" MARTELLY

________________________

 

Furious Protests Greet Haiti Election Results

>via: http://ht.ly/3lWpK

__________________________

Blazing protests demand carnival singer lead Haiti

Blazing protests demand carnival singer lead Haiti

PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti – Protesters enraged by the results of Haiti’s troubled presidential election set barricades and political offices ablaze, traded blows with U.N. peacekeepers and shut down the country’s lone international airport Wednesday, creating the social upheaval many have feared since the Jan. 12 earthquake.

The fallout from the Nov. 28 election, riddled by fraud, is violently shutting down cities across the impoverished country with gunfire and barricades at a moment when medical aid workers need to tackle a surging cholera epidemic that has claimed more than 2,000 lives.

The protesters back a popular carnival singer who narrowly lost a spot in a runoff election to Jude Celestin, a political unknown viewed by supporters and detractors alike as a continuation of unpopular President Rene Preval’s administration. The U.S. Embassy criticized the preliminary results Tuesday, saying Haitian, U.S. and other international monitors had predicted that Celestin was likely to be eliminated in the first round.

On Wednesday, demonstrators carried pink signs with the smiling face and bald head of their candidate, Michel “Sweet Micky” Martelly, and challenged heavily armored foreign soldiers to near-theatrical confrontations. Outside the provisional electoral council headquarters, a former gym in the suburb of Petionville, young men wearing their shirts as masks threw rocks at U.N. troops.

The soldiers — Indians and Pakistanis working as a single unit — responded with exploding canisters of tear gas that washed over a nearby earthquake-refugee camp, sending mothers running from their tarps with their crying, coughing children in tow.

Protesters set fire to the headquarters of Preval and Celestin’s Unity party. Multiple fire trucks responded to the scene as flames licked the roof — an unusual scene in a country with few public services — but in late afternoon piles of charred campaign posters continued to smolder.

“We want Martelly. The whole world wants Martelly,” said James Becimus, a 32-year-old protester near the U.S. Embassy. “Today we set fires, tomorrow we bring weapons.”

Other protesters said they would continue to mobilize but do so nonviolently, which Martelly urged them to do in a radio address Wednesday. He also told supporters to watch out for “infiltrators” who might try to incite violence.

“Demonstrating without violence is the right of the people,” he said. “I will be with you until the bald-head victory.”

Preval urged the candidates to call off the protests.

“This is not how the country is supposed to work,” he said in a live radio speech. “People are suffering because of all this damage.”

Preval’s administration has been condemned by many Haitians for failing to spearhead reconstruction of the country after the earthquake. More than an estimated 1 million people still live under tarps and tents and little of the promised international aid from the United States and other countries has arrived.

Preliminary election results put Celestin ahead of Martelly by just 6,845 votes for second place, while former first lady and law professor Mirlande Manigat took first place. The top two candidates advance to the Jan. 16 second round.

Thousands were disenfranchised by confusion on the rolls, which were overstuffed with earthquake dead but lacked many living voters. There were reported incidents of ballot-stuffing, violence and intimidation confirmed by international observers, but U.N. peacekeepers and the joint Organization of American States-Caribbean Community observer mission said the problems did not invalidate the vote.

Turnout was low. Just over 1 million people cast accepted ballots out of some 4.7 million registered voters. It is not known how many ballots were thrown out for fraud.

In a televised address, Preval took a swipe at Washington’s criticism of the election results, saying that while he was open to discussing electoral problems with anyone, “the American Embassy is not (the electoral council).”

State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley said the U.S. is not fomenting the unrest.

“The United States is in no way responsible for the actions of any individual. What we are determined to help Haiti achieve is a credible election and a result — not one that the United States will impose — but one that the people of Haiti can participate in fully,” he told reporters in Washington.

Martelly had joined with 11 other candidates, including Manigat, to accuse Preval of trying to steal the election while polls were still open.

An appeals period is open for the next three days, and election observers said a third candidate might be included in the runoff if the electoral council decides the first-round vote was close enough — though the constitutionality of such a move would be debatable.

U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon expressed concern “about allegations of fraud” and “the acts of violence that have taken place in the aftermath of the announcement,” U.N. spokesman Martin Nesirky said at U.N. headquarters in New York.

He said all candidates have a responsibility to encourage their supporters to refrain from violence.

Vehicles were damaged by rocks and items were reportedly stolen from stores. Foreign aid workers complained that Haitian national police were slow to respond and that many officers refused to report to duty.

American Airlines canceled all flights in and out of the Haitian capital because airport employees were unable to get to work Wednesday because of demonstrations, spokeswoman Martha Pantin said. Flights will also be canceled on Thursday.

The U.S. Embassy reported that the smaller regional airport at Cap-Haitien was also closed due to demonstrations and barricaded roads.

___

Associated Press writers Jacob Kushner in Port-au-Prince, Ben Fox in San Juan, Puerto Rico, Bob Burns in Washington and Edith Lederer at the United Nations contributed to this report.

By JONATHAN M. KATZ, Associated Press

>via: http://www.ultimapalabra.mx/2010/12/08/blazing-protests-demand-carnival-singe...

 

 

 

OP-ED: Olbermann: Obama turned his back on his base - Countdown with Keith Olbermann - msnbc.com

  Video: Olbermann: Obama turned his back on his base

By Keith Olbermann Anchor, 'Countdown'
msnbc.com msnbc.com

Finally tonight as promised, a Special Comment on the tax compromise.

To paraphrase Churchill, again, let me begin by saying the most unpopular and most unwelcome thing: "that we have sustained a defeat without a war, the consequences of which will travel far with us along our road. We should know that we have passed an awful milestone in our history, when the whole equilibrium of American politics and policy have been deranged, and that the terrible words have for the time being, been pronounced against this Administration: 'thou art weighed in the balance and found wanting'."

In exchange for selling out a principle campaign pledge, and the people to whom and for whom it was made. In exchange for betraying the truth that the idle and corporate rich of this country have gotten unprecedented and wholly indefensible tax cuts for a decade. In exchange for giving the idle and corporate rich of this country two more years in which to accumulate still more, and more vast piles of personal wealth with which they can buy and sell everybody else.

In exchange for extending what he spent the weeks before the mid-terms calling  "tax cuts for millionaires and billionaires" to people who have proven, without a scintilla of doubt, without even a fig leaf of phony effort to make it look like they would do otherwise, that they will keep the money for themselves.

In exchange for injecting new vigor into the infantile, moronic, disproved-for-a-decade three-card monte game of an economic theory purveyed by these treacherous and ultimately traitorous Republicans, that tax cuts for the rich will somehow lead to job creation even though if that had ever been true in the slightest the economy would not be where it is today.

In exchange for giving tax cuts for the rich which the nation cannot afford, and extending their vintage through the next election and thus promising at best a reenactment of this whole sorry, amoral, degrading spectacle in the winter of 2012 and at worst a rubber-stamp from a wholly Republican House and Senate and even White House.

In exchange for this searing and transcendent capitulation, the President got just thirteen months of extended benefits for those unemployed less than 100 weeks. And he got nothing absolutely nothing for those unemployed for longer — the 99ers.

This the Administration is celebrating — taking the victims of Republican Economic Policy, taking the living breathing proof that the Bush Tax Cuts for the rich do not create jobs, and putting economic bullseyes on their backs as of  next December.

On the one hand— Unaffordable Tax breaks for the beneficiariesof the Bush tax cuts, made ever more permanent as they threaten to suck four trillion dollars out of government revenues in the next decade.

On the other hand: An insufficient dead-end unemployment solution for Americans who would actually work for a living, made ever more temporary.

And we are hearing nothing about those 99ers. Even though the numbers of them will balloon from two million to four million or more by next December, even with this deal. Even though just last Thursday, the President's own Council of Economic Advisers reiterated the reality that the easiest way to create jobs and keep jobs is to make sure that the unemployed continue to have money to spend.

The unemployed — unlike the rich whom this President has just bowed to are, in fact, the job creators.  They do not have investment portfolios to expand. They do not have vast savings into which to stuff the government checks. They have to spend the money. And the Council reported last week that when someone becomes a 99er his or her household loses at least a third of its income.

And where the 99er was the sole breadwinner — four households out of ten — they lose 9/10ths of their income.

The economy is surprisingly simple. If business and the rich won't spend, and the middle class can't spend, the only factor left to keep pushing money into the insatiable maw of capitalism is the government.

So, should the government give the money to the rich who keep it, or the not rich, who spend it? Apparently this President does not know the answer to that question. Even though he has his own Council of Economic Advisers.

Mr. President, for these meager crumbs, you have given up costly, insulting, divisive, destructive tax cuts for the rich and you have given in to Republican blackmail which will be followed by more Republican blackmail. Of course, it's not just tax cuts for the rich that you've given up.

There is also your new temporary payroll tax holiday, establishing a precedent that the way money is pumped into Social Security should be negotiated and traded off and making it just that much easier to gut Social Security later.

And, oh by the way, in the middle of a crisis over making temporary Republican tax cuts permanent, you give the Republicans another temporary Republican tax cut that they can come back later to blackmail you into making permanent. Well, Sir, at least that's the end of it.
Except, of course, for the estate tax, what Republicans so happily call, "the death tax." Which will be reduced from its 2009 levels.

Huh?

The money given by one dead rich person to some living rich persons, will not be taxed, up to five million dollars. More than five million and it's 35 percent — which is less than it was under the tax laws of President Bush's last fiscal year. Sir, you have given undeserved tax breaks —and you have carved them a little more deeply into the stone of law - to rich people, living and dead.  And you want me to tell them which Democrat proposed the Estate Tax giveaway?

Blanche Lincoln!  Blanche Lincoln, repudiated by nearly half the Arkansans in her own party, and then repudiated by 63 percent of the voters in Arkansas. Mr. President, you're listening to Blanche Lincoln? What? Were Bob Beckel and Pat Caddell unavailable?

This President negotiates down from a position of strength better than any politician in our recent history. It is too late now to go back and ask why the President, why the wobbly Democratic leadership, whiffed on its chance to force John Boehner to put his money where his mouth was.  In September Boehner said if he had no other option, of course he would vote to extend tax breaks only for the middle class.

So the President and the Democrats gave him another option, naturally. But didn't extending the Bush Tax Cuts for the wealthy became necessary to get Republican support for extending the jobless benefits? Nonsense.

Five times in the last two years, the Republicans have gone along with extending those jobless benefits, and they've done it without being bribed with tax cuts for the rich. Even now Boehner's September confession, and the GOP's unwillingness to take the blame for killing off jobless benefits, offered an alternative blueprint for this President:

Let the law expire as scheduled in 24 days. Let all the tax breaks go, and when the Republicans take over the House and try to pass them anew, if they somehow are not stopped in the Senate, veto anything that does not keep tax cuts for the middle class and unemployment benefits as the dog, and perks for the rich as the tail. The GOP is still terrified of being blamed for cutting off the unemployed. You take that fact and you break them with it.

There is only one possible rational explanation for this irrational and childish transaction. There are Republicans and Tea Partiers who are still intent on cutting off their noses to spite their faces — the "Blind Rage Conservatives" for whom any compromise is disaster, just as for this President, apparently no compromise is disaster.

Maybe the reason the Administration's numbers don't add up in this deal is that it was too busy instead counting votes and there really are enough on the Far Right to sink it and the President winds up having his cake and eating it too, proposing what he can call a "tax compromise" and then having it derailed publicly and embarrassingly by the Republicans.  Maybe the political calculus here exceeds both in priority and quality, the real calculus.

But I deeply doubt it. Yesterday I had an exchange with a very Senior member of this Administration who wanted to sell me on this deal. I pointed out that that was fine, except that — as I phrased it to him — "frankly the base has just vanished." "Well," he replied, "then they must not have read the details." There, in a nutshell, is this Administration. They didn't make a bad deal — we just don't understand it.

Just as it was our fault, Mr President, for not understanding your refusal of even the most perfunctory of investigations of rendition or domestic spying or the other crimes of the Bush Administration, or why you have now established for those future Administrations who want to repeat those crimes, that the punishment for them will be nothing.

Just as it was our fault, Mr. President, for not understanding Afghanistan. Just as we didn't correctly perceive, Sir, the necessity for the continuation of Gitmo. Or how we failed to intuit, President Obama, your preemptive abandonment of Single Payer and the Public Option. Or how we couldn't have foreseen your foot-dragging on "Don't ask, don't tell." Just as we shouldn't have gotten you angry at your news conference today and made all the moderate Democrats wonder why in the hell you get publicly angry so often at the liberals who campaigned for you and whether you might save just a touch of that sarcasm and that self-martyrdom for the Republicans.

And of course, Mr. President how we totally betrayed your Administration by not concluding our prayers every night by saying "Thank you for preventing another Great Depression, you are entitled to skate along on your own wonderfulness indefinitely and if you get less than you could have on Health Care Reform or taxes, well, that'll be okay, we're happy to pay $10,000 for a $300 car because hey, it could've been $20,000, right? And because we only expect you to do one thing correctly during a presidency and you had pretty much cleared that obligation when it proved that you were, indeed, not John McCain."

We are very very sorry. In some sense, the Senior Member's remark about how we "did not read the details" is not utterly absurd. We have enabled this President, and his compromises-spinning-within-compromises. And now there are, finally, those within his own party who have said "enough." In the Senate, the Independent, Mr. Sanders has threatened to filibuster this deal. He deserves the support of every American in doing so, as does Mr. Conyers and Mr. McDermott and the others in the house. It is not disloyalty to the Democratic party to tell a Democratic president he is wrong; it is not disloyalty to tell him he is goddamned wrong.

It is not disloyalty for the 99ers and the 99ers-to-be to rally in the streets of Washington. It is not disloyalty to remind the President that he was elected by people to whom he had given a clear outline of what he would do for them, and if he does not steer out of the skid of what he is doing to them, he will not only not be re-elected, he may not even be re-nominated.

It is not disloyalty to remind him that we are not bound to an individual. We are bound to principles. If the individual changes, or fails often and needlessly, then we get a new man. Or woman. None of that is disloyalty. It is self-defense. It is the acknowledgment that, as my hero Thurber wrote, you might as well fall flat on your face as lean over too far backwards.

That is what the base is saying to this President, about his Presidency. "Well, then, (we) must not have read the details." The Churchill quotation — as opposed to the quotation from the very Senior member of your Administration, Mr. President — is from October 5th, 1938.

I don't want to make any true comparison to the historical event to which it related; the viewer can go ahead and look it up if they wish; I will confess I won't fight if anybody wants to draw a comparison between what you've done with our domestic politics of our day, to what Neville Chamberlain did with the international politics of his.

The rest of what Churchill said, paraphrased — but only slightly paraphrased — bears repeating again. The terrible words have for the time being, been pronounced against this Administration: "Thou art weighed in the balance and found wanting."  And do not suppose that this is the end. This is only the beginning of the reckoning. This is only the first sip, the first foretaste of a bitter cup which will be proffered to us year by year unless by a supreme recovery of moral health and political vigor, we arise again and take our stand for what is right.