HAITI:Dec. 12, 2010 Update—Die Now or Die Later, They Plan To Kill Us If We Resist

Haiti - Elections : Violence is not only partisan or political...
10/12/2010 14:29:26

Haiti - Elections : Violence is not only partisan or political...

Fueled by a great number of rumors, fear in the population is palpable. The Haitians fear and prepare for armed confrontation in the coming hours or the next days... While the candidates are launching appeals for calm to their supporters in the streets.

Rumors of distribution of weapons, money paid to gang leaders fueling this fear in the population. Especially, that beyond the political protests by supporters of candidates, it is obvious that these social disorders, have promoted the criminal activities (ransacking of homes, theft, assault passersby to ask for ransom, looting shops, murder etc...) that have nothing of political and which does not concern any the candidates who are opposed.

The Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) announced Thursday afternoon that he would conduct an audit of the results of the first round of presidential elections, announce which is far from having made the unanimous... The three leading candidates from the elections are invited to attend the operation, said Dorsinvil Gaillot, president of CEP. An announce which did not prevent the situation from continuing to worsen in the country.

The United States has again advised their citizens to avoid non-essential travel to Haiti, citing high crime rates, the cholera epidemic and social unrest. For its part, Canada has closed its embassy until further notice due to post-election violence. All flights to and from the capital were severely disrupted or canceled.

The former commander of the paramilitary organization the "Front de résistance nationale (FRN)", Guy Philippe, has publicly accused all candidates to have cheating during the presidential, reviving even more the tensions on the ground, although this is not new, and widely observed and reported in the preliminary observation report of the National Network for the Defence of Human Rights (RNDDH) about the elections day on 28 November 2010.

The candidate Michel Martelly, for its part, accuses the campaign manager of the candidate Célestine, Senator Joseph Lambert, to be at the origin of violences.

In the circumstances and the confusion which reigns, everyone have interest to accuse his opponent and make him responsible for the crisis and violence. Make wear a T-shrirt of the opposing party at its partisans, is now the rule, in this way it is difficult to distinguish in the ground who is responsible... Criminals do not hesitate to use the same ploy.

>via: http://www.haitilibre.com/en/news-1885-haiti-elections-violence-is-not-only-p...

 

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Carel's Blog

Violence in Haiti – GRAPHIC VIDEO CONTENT

By Carel Pedre

This post is not to accuse anyone. What you gonna see in this video can be a “montage” with people wearing presidential candidate Jude Celestin’s T-shirts. In my country unfortunately, everything is possible. But one thing is sure, one of my Haitian brother was killed because somewhere in Port-au-Prince, A man is paying thugs to kill their own blood, in order to retain power or take advantage of the chaotic situation.
WARNING:  GRAPHIC VIOLENT CONTENT.

R.I.P Brother

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About Me

The birth of Carel Pedre, the journalist, began in 1995 as he took his first steps as a board operator at Melodie FM, a radio station in Port-de-Paix, Haiti. Knowing that he had what it took to move from behind the board, Carel pursued a position in front of the microphone. A year later he made his debut reporting the news as a DJ at Radio Etincelle, while still maintaining the experience he learned as an operator and flexing both biceps to do a little bit of everything, as a true professional should. In 1998, Carel’s hard work and perseverance made way for him to become the Program Director at Radio New Star, where he remained until 2000.

Relocating to the capital of Port-au-Prince to continue his education by majoring in Computer Sciences at L’ESIH, Carel’s aspirations of being a top-notch journalist never wavered. In April 2001, Carel was ecstatic to showcase his talent in another platform by hosting a myriad of shows at Radio Planet Kreyol, including Pawol Travay, translated Work Talk, Connexion, Generation X and Pulsations, all of which helped him earn a spot as a house hold name.

Further creating a public persona, Carel’s perseverance got him on one of the country’s more edgy and innovative radio stations, Radio One – 90.1, where his Morning Show ranked number one and led him to become Broadcasting Manager.

Walking proudly through several open doors, Carel flexed his muscles as a writer and editor of one of Haiti’s newest and youthful weekly newsletters, Spotlight Entertainment, which also guided him towards becoming the Artistic Director of Soley Sounds, a record label that has discovered the rawest, most popular talent in Haiti of the younger generation. Through all of this Carel has found the time to also lend a hand in promotion young talent as the Co-Producer and Host of Ayiti Deplogue, Haiti’s version of MTV Unplugged.

From Radio to Television Carel has done it all and in March 2007 he became the Ryan Sycrest of Haitian television as the host of Digicel Stars, a televised talent showcase that travels throughout Haiti to find hidden talents in all the crevasses of the nation.

Though everyone’s life changed after the devastating 7.0 magnitude earthquake that claimed the lives of many and left Haiti gasping for air, Carel’s humanity resuscitated the country as he became the voice of Haiti by using the tools of new age technology like Twitter, Facebook and Skype to exhibit the plight of the country to the world only a few hours after the quake hit. For weeks after the catastrophe Carel utilized his media prowess to be interviewed by world-wide affiliates to continue spreading much needed information about aid and relief efforts throughout the country. Since, he has remained relentless to his civic endeavors as a vital part of the New Haiti Project, a collaborative effort to build a bigger, better, brighter Haiti.

Earning a plethora of accolades, including a Special Shorty Award by the Real-Time Academy of Short Form Arts & Sciences for his Humanitarian efforts, it is clear that the strength of mind, willpower and pure resolve that Carel has innately instilled within him will lead him towards greater things to come, as his wisdom, knowledge and flair for journalism continue to flourish.

>via: http://blog.carelpedre.com

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Violence in Port-au-Prince

December 11, 2010

Joegodson Déralciné and Paul Jackson

The streets of Port-au-Prince were still calm today, Friday. Joegodson went to Cite Soleil to stroll around. He talked with everyone he knew and others he didn’t.

People are extremely poor there. In the present situation, a few dollars can keep you or your loved ones alive.

Throughout Cite Soleil, everybody he spoke with was aware that Célestin is hiring. All you have to do is to join the protests and create chaos: sign up as an agent provocateur. In return, you get money and a gun. You don’t have to pretend to be a Célestin supporter. In fact, the intention seems to be to attribute the violence to Martelly supporters. We’ve seen this before.

Although the long-term goals are not shared with the recruits, it would seem that Célestin and Préval are recreating the 2004 post-coup situation that led to the MINUSTAH assault on the poor of Port-au-Prince. We have discussed it in more detail here and there. In short, they will create a situation whereby the authorities will claim that the heavily-armed MINUSTAH troops must restore order. Those soldiers will need little encouragement. They are bitter that the Haitian poor have not taken a liking to them. In keeping with occupations everywhere, the occupying forces and the subjugated population are headed for open conflict. Ignorance and arrogance combine to make the MINUSTAH troops foolish pawns in a deadly game.

And so the poorest people see that there are sides to choose. Some are turning their backs on their neighbours for dirty money. Others are supporting Martelly who defies the corrupt powers in their name. Today, Friday, he played his role well, refusing to cooperate with the recount. He continues to insist that the Electoral Council (CEP) resign and be replaced … but go forward. He argues that the CEP is responsible for the fraudulent farce that has brought us to this point. “You don’t report a theft to the thief,” said his spokesperson lucidly, underlining the absurdity of the CEP overseeing the audit. Many disenfranchised Haitians are looking for a champion to represent them in precisely that manner in relation to illegitimate authority.

There are many more perspectives in Haiti than those represented by Martelly supporters and recipients of Celestin’s largesse. Our guess is that the latter are only intended to legitimate the coming MINUSTAH counter-offensive. Money seems fragile in the face of the passion and pent-up anger of Martelly’s supporters. There is evidence that Martelly is looking to ride that violence to the presidency. However, there is also much support for a position that would displace the violence altogether: redo the elections from scratch within a constitutional framework that encourages open discussions and the inclusion of all political parties.

Joegodson worries that the country is on a fast track to civil war. It will be fought initially between money (Célestin) on one side and Martelly supporters on the other. There is a non-violent alternative that would teach the ‘international community’ an important lesson in democracy. But that will be difficult to realize in the present circumstances. Tragically, the violent options will play into the hands of those with the biggest guns. The money behind those guns is invisible to those outside of Haiti. For instance, Connie Watson of the CBC reported on the protests in Port-au-Prince today: “It’s really hard to know what’s happening,” she kept saying. No kidding? We imagine it would be tough if you don’t speak the languages of Haiti, are ignorant about class relations, and have no intimate contacts that might lead you through the local terrain. (In fact, the situation in Haiti is far more complex than we have allowed ourselves to report so far. We haven’t even touched upon the importance of vodou in this affair. We will.)

However, on the streets of Cite Soleil, money has a big mouth. The problem for Célestin is that he can’t recruit his violence fomenters if he doesn’t let his intent be known and pay up front. Joegodson watched such financial transactions today, on the streets of Cite Soleil. What is common knowledge on those streets is simply off the radar for a first world journalist staying at the Hotel Mentana, geographically in Port-au-Prince but a world away from Cite Soleil. In any case, that kind of reporting will keep Canadians safe from Célestin’s secret. And, when the MINUSTAH troops start firing, Watson’s colleague Paul Hunter will fall back on the analysis that framed his reportage of the election fraud: “Well, this is Haiti.” That tautology must mean something to Hunter. What can it mean to the viewers? Do CBC journalists come by this honestly, or does the corporation draw strict limits around what questions can be asked and what answers given?

And so, the media will help Canadians spin a made-in-Canada explanation to account for the violence in Haiti. Curiosity is the first line of defence against misinformation. Canadians should ask themselves if the story as presented is credible. If they need to rely on racist and chauvinist presumptions to reach the same conclusions as the establishment media (Haitians are violent by nature, Haitians are incapable of self-direction), then they should inform themselves responsibly.

Below are a couple of short sketches of Joegodson and Paul. We write these articles together, with considerable difficulties. We have developed our friendship and trust over the years.  Since the earthquake, we maintain contact by telephone only. Joegodson has no access to Internet. When a friend from Europe donated the money to buy a camera after the earthquake, Joegodson was able to go to an Internet cafe to send the photos he took and you can see on this site. That was expensive. Since the camera was stolen in September, there has been no reason to waste money going to an Internet cafe. So, we continue our discussions by phone as often as possible. Unfortunately, that is expensive as well and Paul cannot keep up with the expense. So, there is much that we have to leave unexplored here for lack of means. In the future, if we can realize our plans, we will be able to work together to finish the book-length exploration of intercultural relations that we allude to from time to time in these pages.

These lines were written back in March 2010. Soon it became clear that media libre was Joegodson and Paul. However, some of the Haitians worked with us initially. They still support us. However, Joegodson and Paul have never received any money for their writings (December 2010). The other Haitians could not spare the time when they were scrounging to survive. So what is called media libre here is Paul and Joegodson.

Vilmond Joegodson Déralciné

me

I was born in Saut D’Eau in 1983. My father was working as a cultivator. However, the land was not very productive. His mother had taught him how to sew in order that he have a second trade. My mother was also a couturier. In 1988, my father left Saut D’Eau for Port-au-Prince to see if he could make a better living in the city. My brother and I were little and he put us both in one straw basket and filled a second basket with supplies to begin a new life in Port-au-Prince. We rode into Port-au-Prince on the back of his mule. He settled in Cité Soleil and began his new life as a tailor. Eventually, my mother joined him there.

 I went to various schools in Cité Soleil. My parents had five more children. In 1999, my mother died. Since both my father and mother had worked hard as tailor and couturier to maintain the family, my father had no option but to send the youngest children to orphanages. My older brother Johnny and I had to withdraw from school and leave home. I still had two years before I would have finished secondary school, but instead I went to live with the family of my father’s little sister in Delmas 33 and to work in his furniture shop. For three years, I worked in his shop. I learned the trade well and became an imaginative furniture maker. The shop became much more profitable and my uncle hired a couple of apprentices to work with me. I continued to go to school in the afternoons, to try to finish secondary school. However, I was repeatedly sent away from classes because I could not pay the monthly school fees. My uncle refused to pay me enough so that I might pay to complete school. I suspect he wanted me to remain tied to the furniture shop. Finally, I left the shop.

In a sack on the side of a mule like this my brother and I first entered Cite Soleil in Port-au-Prince

 In 2003, my friend Jetro allowed me to live in a room behind an abandoned medical clinic where he worked to guard the grounds. In 2006, I was out late one night with a couple of friends when I saw two blan, a man and a woman, staring at a big fire in the street near the clinic. I told my friends that I would try out my English on them and maybe I would find someone who could help me materially. I said, “Good afternoon.” They were surprised to see a huge fire in the streets in the middle of the city. I didn’t understand why they were surprised because that was how we always got rid of our garbage. Paul told me that in Canada there are people who are employed by the city to take garbage away from all the neighbourhoods. I thought that was strange.

 Paul and I began to exchange languages. He taught me English in exchange for Creole. At first, we had to use French as our common language. In the process, we became good friends. I also introduced him to my friends and we went to different places outside of the capital. After Paul left Haiti, we remained friends and spoke often on the phone.

This is the clinic after the earthquake. Joegodson lived in what had been the cook's room on the grounds behind this abandonded clinic. This remaining structure tumbled in March under heavy rains and is now entirely flattened to rubble.

 After the earthquake, Paul and I continued to talk and to write articles that Canadian Dimension Magazinepublished. Then we decided to write a book together. We created the story and began writing the chapters in Creole and English. In the meanwhile, Paul was telling me what Canadians read and heard about Haiti. My friends and I responded by researching the reality of life in Port-au-Prince and in the provinces. A number of my friends from different groups in Port-au-Prince joined me in wanting to communicate our own experiences. A few of us have christened ourselves Media libre. We mean by that a free media: not simply independent, but liberated. We want to research and to communicate the reality of our lives in Haiti after the earthquake. We have little access to Internet services. We have no computers. We seldom have electricity. We are not all literate. We speak Creole and sometimes French. We think we know our lives better than those who write about us.

 Haiti’s motto is L’union fait la force, “in unity, there is strength.” However, what we want to do is to create a universal unity. We are not the same as Canadians. Paul and I discover our differences all the time. However, it is clear to us that we cannot be free in Haiti until those who live outside of Haiti understand that we have our own culture and our own desires, just as we assume that Canadians have.

 We have no final destination in mind. But we believe that the truth leads in the right direction. It is to communicate the truths of our lives to those outside of Haiti that we embark on this project.

 (translated from French by Paul Jackson)

Paul Jackson

 

 I wrote One of the Boys: Homosexuality in the Military during World War II, now in its second edition with McGill-Queen’s University Press as well as several articles on Canadian foreign policy published in academic journals. I taught some courses on labour and Canadian foreign policy at McGill and Concordia Universities in Montreal, and worked in a number of jobs. In 2006, I spent five months in Haiti. I was fortunate to have met Joegodson during my second week in Port-au-Prince. We exchanged our mother tongues, English for Creole, using French as a common language. We became close friends. He introduced me to his friends and family and I was soon totally immersed in Creole and Haitian culture.

 In Haiti, I stood out as different, a foreigner: in Creole, blan. Haitians and I related to each other according to our assumptions and expectations. I took their assumptions about me seriously and tried to be sensitive to how I was responding to them. This project is my attempt, with Joegodson, to discover the opportunities that exist between Canadians and Haitians for honest relations and mutual respect. Joegodson and I are aware that our personal and national histories are deeply rooted in a global system of domination constructed by the generations that precede us.

 Underneath the illusions that order our national and personal lives, there is a deeper reality that must be the basis of interpersonal, international, and intercultural relations. My purpose is to help Joegodson and his colleagues in Media libre disseminate their research and writings to the North American audience. In my own writings on the site, I explore the obstacles in the way of honest exchanges between Haitians and North Americans from a Canadian perspective.

>via: http://heartofhaiti.wordpress.com/2010/12/11/violence-in-port-au-prince/

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Death and decay in Haiti's hospitals

Published On Fri Dec 10, 2010


Executive Director of Haiti's State University Hospital, Alix Lassegue, ouside the hospital in Port-au-Prince. The French-trained gastroenterologist is hoping for a government socialized health plan within four years.

Executive Director of Haiti's State University Hospital, Alix Lassegue, ouside the hospital in Port-au-Prince. The French-trained gastroenterologist is hoping for a government socialized health plan within four years.

LUCAS OLENIUK/TORONTO STAR
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By Catherine PorterColumnist

 

 

 

FERMATHE, HAITI


The newest member of Lovely’s family was born here last month, the cord yanked from around his howling throat.

He died, still unnamed, 15 days later.

No one knows why.

“Everyone’s sorry,” whispers his mother Lina Elistin, Lovely’s 25-year-old cousin, curled on a wooden chair in the family’s dirt yard. The last time I’d seen her, she was proud and pregnant. Now, she’s almost disappeared in layers of dirt-smudged clothing and sorrow. She keeps her eyes locked on the ground.

“I just stopped crying this week,” she says softly.

She had hoped to give birth in the local hospital. But her father Delius said it was too expensive. Instead, he hired a nurse to deliver the baby at home. The nurse didn’t make it in time.

Lina pushed out her thin child on Lovely’s bed, assisted only by her step-mother and a family friend. They used one of her father’s tailoring razorblades to cut the umbilical cord.

Fet ak kwaf. He arrived in a chokehold, which in Haitian folklore predicts a lucky life. But after a week, the little boy turned his head from his mother’s breast. He began to wheeze. Delius’s wife, Rosita and her sister Rosemene took turns comforting him — feeding him softened crackers and massaging his naked body with oil.

Lina was sleeping beside him one afternoon when the family discovered he’d stopped breathing.

Less than an hour later, Delius buried him in an unmarked grave. They had been waiting for his baptism to give him a name.

Everyone mourns. The weight of guilt is heavy, fueling blame. Rosita thinks Lina dropped him. Lina thinks an angry neighbour killed him with a voodoo curse.

But the real villains are ignorance and poverty. When I ask Rosita why she didn’t rush him to the nearby hospital, she says she didn’t think of it. When I ask Delius, he responds: “No money.” A bed there costs only $1.50 a day, but the lab tests and medicine are extra.

The baby’s death does not fully capture the tragedy of Haiti’s pitiful health-care system. Statistically, Lina should have died too.

Haiti is one of the easiest places on Earth to die — not from violence, although last week more than a dozen people were shot in post-election protests, but from easily treated illnesses.

Cholera, a disease cured with sugar, salt and clean water, is just the most recent example: It has killed more than 2,100 Haitians since October.

Almost six babies of every 100 die soon after birth. One in 12 won’t make it to age 5 — most succumbing to diarrhea and the flu. What child in Canada hasn’t had those?

More women die during childbirth here than in any other country in the western hemisphere. A lot more. For every 100,000 live births, 630 Haitian mothers perish — more than triple the number of mothers in Bolivia, which has the next-worst chance of survival (200 per 100,000). In Canada, only 7 die.

Most of those Haitian women bleed to death because, like Lina, they give birth at home.

“We are talking about 2,000 young women dying year after year because they don’t have the money to go to a hospital. For no other reason, they’re dying,” Christian Morales tells me from inside his small trailer-office in a barren field by the city’s airport. A naturalized Canadian, Morales has lived in Haiti for five years as the Pan American Health Organization’s health systems expert.

Haiti’s health-care system is a moth-eaten quilt of public and private facilities. Threadbare budgets mean even public hospitals charge patients for basics such as intravenous tubes and syringes, which most Haitians — living on less than $2 a day — can’t afford. Only one in 10 people here is covered by public health insurance.

Money often doesn’t buy care. A group of American doctors and nurses volunteering at the Haitian Community Hospital in Pétionville scrounged among themselves for $400 to admit Revaldo, a tiny 2-pound premature baby arriving at the hospital in the arms of his panicked father. His twin brother had died in their tin shed shortly after birth.

Two days later, I visited Revaldo and his exhausted mother, Fania Saint Juste, in a dim room they shared with two other sick babies — one with highly contagious pneumonia. Instead of being protected and warmed in an incubator, his tiny body lay under blankets on an adult gurney, warm air pumping over him from a heater. His face was tinged yellow.

Saint Juste slept slumped in a chair nearby. After prodding from Massachusetts pediatrician Gail Ryan, nurses showed her how to pump her breasts, and gave Saint Juste a rinsed-out plastic orange juice bottle to collect her milk for the baby. The bottle of breast milk was then left out, unrefrigerated, for more than a day.

“Babies this little tend to get infections. Their skin is thin, their immune systems are immature — nothing is ripe yet. That’s why breast milk is his best chance,” Ryan said, erupting in frustration. “How basic can you get?”

Had he stayed in his mud shed, Revaldo’s chances of survival were zero, Ryan said. Here, in this hospital, she pegged them at 30 per cent.

“Now with the cholera outbreak, I’d make them more dismal,” she says months later, when I reach her by phone in her North American office.

Revaldo survived the 10 days she helped pay for in the hospital. What happened to him afterward, she doesn’t know.

If there was a silver lining to the earthquake, it was this: hundreds of thousands of Haitians saw a doctor for the first time.

Public and private hospitals operated in the rubble. Haitian physicians bandaged people in their back yards. Hundreds of medical groups flooded in to perform Civil War-style surgeries — no antiseptic, no electricity, charts scrawled on patients’ bandaged stumps because there were no clipboards.

Ten months later, dozens of health clinics funded by non-government organizations continue to offer free, rudimentary medical care under tarps and in buses around the broken city.

It’s what happens next that is the big question.

In April, the health ministry proposed rebuilding the many damaged hospitals, and adding others throughout the country so that every Haitian will be within 30 minutes of a health facility.

The plan describes a new universal health-care system, extended first to the most vulnerable Haitians — young children, pregnant women, the elderly, amputees and the mentally ill — and eventually, to everyone.

All this is supposed to be underway in the next 18 months.

“Everyone’s in agreement that we need a social system, even before the earthquake,” says Dr. Jean Hugues Henrys, a health ministry member and the dean of the private Catholic Notre Dame University medical school. “The problem was finances.”

That’s not entirely true. Yes, the Haitian health ministry runs on an anemic budget of $30 million. But the country receives a monetary transfusion every year — $190 million in 2008 — from international donors for health programs.

Since the Jan. 12 earthquake, health-care spending has almost doubled from 2008, with donors pouring $460 million into health services — the exact amount the government says it needs to complete its 18-month plan.

The problem is leadership. Traditionally, Haiti’s health ministry has been a junior partner of the big international donors. The result is a patchwork, incoherent health-care system. Foreign-funded programs for patients with HIV and AIDS flourished, while public hospitals slumped with neglect.

Morales, the Canadian health systems expert with PAHO, gives this example: Last year, the Cuban and Venezuelan governments built six state-of-the-art diagnostic centres. The problem: there were few places to transfer the patients once they had been diagnosed. The centres were better equipped than the hospitals.

“And nobody said, ‘You know guys, this won’t work,’” says Morales. “That’s a huge problem.”

“This is one of the few areas where there are five main actors — USAID, CIDA, Cuba, UNICEF and thousands of NGOs (non-governmental organizations). They all have their own ideas. They all think they know what’s best to do.”

Bolivia is an apt model of what leadership can do. Fourteen years ago, its health statistics paralleled Haiti’s. Then the Bolivian government directed aid money into a health insurance scheme, granting free care to all children under 5 and pregnant women. As a result, the country’s infant and maternal mortality rates have been cut in half.

“At some point, it’s not a matter of money,” Morales says. “It’s what you do with that money.”

Push through the crowded green gates into the courtyard and the smell of urine becomes overwhelming.

The once-white buildings arranged around a wilting patch of trees and mud look like they’ve been hauled up from the ocean floor. They are mottled with grey and brown spots and, since Jan. 12, long curving cracks. Metal bars curl out from one wall like eyelashes. A thin river of grey water pulses down the gutter, as half-naked people bathe from buckets outside a smattering of beige pup tents.

A man pushes his shriveled father, dressed only in underwear, around parked cars in a wheelchair that looks like it’s been fished from the trash — leather seat and backrest replaced by a white plastic chair.

This is Haiti’s top hospital, the Hopital de l’Universite d’Etat d’Haiti (HUEH). It is the country’s biggest as well as its only teaching hospital and it is the only hospital in Port-au-Prince with a 24-hour emergency room. If leading presidential candidate Mirlande Manigat was hit by a truck, this is where she would be rushed.

Haitians call it the place to come to die.

Dressed in a starched white lab coat, Dr. Alix Lassegue cuts through the chaos with purpose. A French-trained gastroenterologist, Lassegue was once a top bureaucrat in the health ministry. Today, he’s the hospital’s executive director. He’s a man of procedure, pen-scribbled notes and quiet optimism. If he notices the disarray and filth around him, he doesn’t let on.

He stops between two parked cars outside the cracked surgical building and gently nudges a mound of grey sand with the toe of his dress shoe.

“This is it,” he says. This is where a group of American and French dignitaries gathered in late September to lay the foundation of a new $53.2 million hospital. This pile of sand, now adorned with an empty juice can, symbolizes hope.

“We are going to completely rebuild the site. It will be a modern hospital. We’ll have all the specialties, more imaging, more technical approaches, oncology, radiotherapy, a CT scanner and MRI, a pediatric ICU. It will be like CDTI,” says Lassegue, referring to a swank, private hospital five minutes away where the country’s first organ transplant was done last year.

The hospital was funded like a university dorm, hence its pathetic legacy. While Toronto’s Mount Sinai spends $445 million a year, HUEH’s budget is $5 million — 90 per cent sapped by salaries, which were both low and irregular. Top doctors here make $590 a month, when they are paid, so everyone — including Lassegue — has a private clinic, where they work two to three days a week.

In principle, treatment here was free. In practice, patients were sent across the street to private pharmacies to buy everything from surgical gloves to needles.

“I remember one lady suffering from heart failure,” recounts Dr. Louine Martineau, a doctor with Partners in Health who interned at HUEH. “The medication was only 25 gourdes (62 cents) for a bottle, but she couldn’t afford it and she died.”

The earthquake came as a mercy killing. It destroyed buildings that should have been bulldozed years ago. It also infused the campus with dozens of international medical groups who established the hospital’s first intensive care unit. Lassegue says the supplies they brought will last into next year. In July, the Red Cross raised staff salaries for the year to nearly match what NGOs are paying. And the French and American governments have committed to help the hospital for five years, by which time that mound of sand should be replaced by a new earthquake-resistant building.

But what are the chances of all that happening?

Private hospitals like CDTI — the Centre de Diagnostique et de Traitement Intégré — still haven’t been reimbursed for the care they provided after the earthquake. It has since closed, going bankrupt after three months of treating earthquake victims for free.

No headway has been made on the government’s plan for universal health care. The Interim Haiti Reconstruction Commission approved a $20 million PAHO program to provide free health care for some patients, but didn’t fund it, so Morales is back to begging donors.

“It could take three or four years (to rebuild HUEH), depending on political stability,” Lassegue says. “But it will happen.”

Just across the dirt park, row upon row of babies cry and murmur from their rusty cribs in the hospital’s pediatric wing — now housed in a plywood bunker. Three of the babies were abandoned here by their parents, perhaps out of fear or poverty. “We don’t have time to hold or play with them,” explains Dr. Romy Morency, a sleep-deprived pediatric resident, rushing from the bunker in search of an IV tube. “There are so many kids here in bad shape.”

What will happen to them is beyond contemplation, Morency says.

Will the renovation plans help? Will they keep her at the hospital?

“Hell no,” she says, pulling a BlackBerry from her jeans to show a photo of her 3-year-old son. “I have a family to take care of. I’ll be long gone.”

There is a model for good health care in Haiti, for the rich and poor alike. To see it, you must leave the city, head northeast up into the desert mountains with their cacti and famers astride lumbering pack mules until you reach the dusty town of Lascahobas. At the end of the main road, lined with saloon-like stores, sits what could pass for an Oakville golf clubhouse: low-slung white buildings surrounded by manicured lawns and birds of paradise. People sit on benches under a trellis of white flowers awaiting prescriptions. No garbage, no pulsing gutter, no smell of urine. Yes, the hospital is basic, but it is clean and welcoming. Most importantly, it is free.

Officially, patients pay 25 gourdes (62 cents) as an admission fee, which covers all their treatments and medication. Most don’t pay even that.

The wards are packed with one comforting story after another: peasant women with bellies swollen from heart disease blessing the doctors; the farmer who donated his sugar cane and rice fields for the hospital contentedly recovering from malaria; 10-year-old Elmitha Felix sliding her crippled left foot up and down the hall, just like her physiotherapist taught her.

She arrived here from Port-au-Prince last March with what doctors thought was typhoid fever. Five days later, she slipped into a coma. Turns out she had tuberculosis meningitis.

“She’s the star,” says Dr. Louine Martineau, watching her do her exercises. “Here, we can actually help people. It’s not depressing.”

Most of the hospital’s $1.5 million budget comes from international grants and donations. But it is run with the approval of the health ministry, which pays a base salary for the staff.

“Rather than developing a parallel system to replace what the ministry can’t do, we’re trying to support what the ministry has the authority to do,” says Dr. Louise Ivers, the Irish-born chief of Partners in Health in Haiti who has spent seven years here. “That’s the only way to have a sustainable system.”

In nearby Mirebalais, backhoes are leveling corn and rice fields to make space for a larger version of this hospital — 320 beds and six operating rooms. It, too, will be government-sanctioned, but PIH-funded, treating the poor for free.

But what happens if, after the hospital opens in a couple years, Partners in Health can’t raise the $8 million it will cost to run it every year?

“There’s a Haitian proverb,” Ivers says, when I ask her if she is hopeful. “It says ‘As long as your head is not cut off, you have the hope of putting on a hat.’”

I am not hopeful. Health care will continue to be what it’s always been for most Haitians, I fear — a gift bestowed on the lucky and the rich. At least for the foreseeable future.

How many women like Lina will die for no reason? How many more babies will die from poverty? It is unconscionable.

I visit the Baptist Mission hospital in Fermathe, where Lina should have taken her baby, had she the foresight and the cash. Set behind an impressive stone church, it was built by American Christian missionaries as part of a complex of schools, a tree nursery, a 1950s-style American diner and a small museum with dusty displays of Haitian history and the perceived evils of voodoo.

The hospital is there to treat people’s souls as well as their bodies, Jean Angus, its business administrator, tells me. “Many of our patients meet with Christ at the hospital.” The chaplain runs a social assistance program, waiving fees for a handful of patients each year.

Had Lina brought her son here, he might have been among those lucky few.

But, given the cool reception the family received in June when I accompanied them here, he might also have been turned away.

“If we make a big publicity about our assistance program, we will go out of business because no one will have the means to pay,” Angus admits.

I take a tour. The hospital is small, but clean, and its two operating rooms look modern and well-equipped. There are four full-time doctors, a blood work lab, a dental clinic, a busy maternity ward and a small, quiet pediatric ward.

Compared to CDTI, a bed at the Fermathe hospital is cheap. But, like most private hospitals in Haiti, every service and treatment costs extra. When we came here in June, the consultation, blood work and medication for Lovely and three of her family members — they suffered urinary tract infections and Uncle Delius had his perpetually sore back X-rayed — cost me more than $50. That’s six months’ rent in a nearby apartment.

You can see why Lina’s family didn’t bring the child here. For them, the hospital might as well be in Canada, it’s so far out of reach.

But not anymore. After reading about Lovely, many Star readers sent me cheques for the family. So, I opened an account at the hospital and deposited $1,000. That’s a lot of money in Haiti. It should support all 12 family members for at least five years — covering lab tests, medication, dental work, even surgery.

The first family member who plans to go is Lina. She’s anemic, and has been light-headed and chilled since giving birth.

>via: http://www.thestar.com/article/905566--death-and-decay-in-haiti-s-hospitals

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December 9, 2010

Epidemics and Revolt in Haiti

Burning Tires in the Time of Cholera

By SASHA KRAMER

Wednesday morning, the day after the election results were announced, and the streets of Port au Prince are covered in a blanket of tire smoke. From Delmas 33 the sounds of gunshots and tear gas canisters ring through the air every few moments and on every street corner loud political discussions echo through the rubble which has been arranged to form road blocks. On the main streets, dumpsters have been overturned and converted into roadblocks. Public transportation has slowed to a standstill and businesses are shuttered.

Though the source of the frustration is clear and the anger is justified, this political unrest has serious implications for the current public health crisis that Haiti is facing, as a cholera epidemic ravages the cities and countryside. Over 1 million people in Port au Prince's sprawling IDP camps are completely dependent on trucked water and clean sanitation facilities to protect them against cholera, which is transmitted through water contaminated with infected feces. The services provided by medical facilities and public health employees are critical for containing the epidemic through treating the sick, burying the dead and decontaminating infected areas.

Imagine the implications of several days without sanitation services in Port au Prince. An example, in downtown Port au Prince and Petionville the camps of Place Boyer, Place Saint Pierre and Champs Mars (home to over 15,000 people) rely on approximately 450 portable toilets for sanitation. These toilets are cleaned and emptied daily by a private company. With a small holding capacity and extremely heavy usage, many of these toilets will fill in 1-2 days if not emptied. Two days without desludging and the toilets of Champs Mars could be overflowing with over 5000 pounds of poop per day. Also, recent reports indicate that in downtown Port au Prince portable toilets are being overturned and used as roadblocks, some spilling their contents into the streets where tens of thousands of people have gathered to express their discontent with the CEP and the UN troops.

In the most densely populated camps the only source of treated water is brought in daily by trucks. This is the water that people use to clean, cook and often drink. Several days without treated water and people will be forced to drink from unsafe sources, seriously increasing their exposure to cholera. What happens when the carefully placed hand-washing facilities run dry and the bladders are deflated?

The other major risk is the lack of access to medical facilities and morgue services. Though many of the cholera treatment centers have managed to stay open, the long journey to them is blighted by the disruption on the roads. Those who do fall ill in the coming days may face a difficult decision about whether to travel to the hospital or remain at home, and for serious cases this could significantly increase the mortality rate (as was the case during the unrest in Cap Haitien several weeks ago when the mortality rate rose to the highest in the country). And what if people do die in their homes, as they have been daily for the past month? Who will come to collect the body? Will the men in the orange shirts arrive with their chlorine sprayers or are they too in the streets demonstrating against an unjust electoral process?

So many questions, so many potential risks. It is heartbreaking that the situation had to come to this; that a lack of honesty and humility on the part of the UN regarding the cholera outbreak could lead to an escalation of frustration and anger during such a precarious moment in Haiti's history; that a corrupt electoral council could set the stage for unfair elections built on exclusionary policies when the country is still reeling from the earthquake and cholera; and that millions of dollars could be wasted on farcical elections at a time when over 1 million people are still homeless. 

This situation was avoidable and now it is untenable. It is unfair to ask those with a legitimate grievance to go home and accept the hand that has been dealt them, and it is terrifying to imagine a country blocked by burning tires and pent up frustrations where basic rights such as water, sanitation and medical care become increasingly scarce. And all of this in the time of cholera. 

Sasha Kramer, Ph.D. is an ecologist and human rights advocate and co-founder of Sustainable Organic Integrated Livelihoods (SOIL). She is an Adjunct Professor of International Studies at the University of MiamiShe can be reached at: sashakramer@gmail.com.

>via: http://www.counterpunch.org/kramer12092010.html

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MIAMI HERALD WISH BOOK

Haiti earthquake survivor's wish: independence

A Haiti earthquake survivor who was trapped for two days beneath a collapsed building -- and who is now a paraplegic -- wants to reclaim her independence.

   Sandrise Vital spent two days beneath the rubble of her office before she was rescued after the January 12 earthquake in Haiti. Vital sustained numerous injuries and was transported to Memorial Heath in South Broward. As a result of her injuries she is a paraplegic. She does not qualify for medical aid or any assistance because she is here on a tourist visa. For the holidays, Vital would like a new wheelchair. At 30 years old, she simply wants to reclaim her independence.
Sandrise Vital spent two days beneath the rubble of her office before she was rescued after the January 12 earthquake in Haiti. Vital sustained numerous injuries and was transported to Memorial Heath in South Broward. As a result of her injuries she is a paraplegic. She does not qualify for medical aid or any assistance because she is here on a tourist visa. For the holidays, Vital would like a new wheelchair. At 30 years old, she simply wants to reclaim her independence.
PETER W. CROSS

NCHARLES@MIAMIHERALD.COM

Dazed and desperate, Sandrise Vital spent two days pinned beneath the rubble that crushed her spine, contemplating death. What would it feel like to die? Will her family know she's dead?

Vital didn't immediately know that it was an earthquake that caused the three-story government building where she worked in Port-au-Prince to crumble on top of her.

She thought the collapse was from poor construction -- as was the case with a school that collapsed months before.

She cursed the architects who constructed the Haiti Ministry of Commerce building. She pleaded with God, ``Let me go peacefully.''

Through staticy radio reception on her cell phone hours later, she learned that she -- like thousands of other Haitians -- was buried alive because of the devastating Jan. 12 earthquake. Vital tapped on pieces of rebar with a rock when she heard muted voices from outside. When her arms grew tired and her spirit weakened she welcomed death. ``I tried to kill myself maybe 20 times under there, I didn't want to live,'' she said. Holding her breath didn't work. Trying to cut off her own oxygen supply by tucking pieces of debris where she saw tiny capsules of light also didn't work.

She realized she was powerless to even commit suicide.

``I said, `Well, God you don't need my help,' '' she said.

She resigned herself to death, but continued to knock on the rebar in hopes someone would come back and pull out her body.

But her raps eventually drew a team of police officers and civilians who dug her out, chipping away at concrete blocks with hammers.

Vital, a law-school graduate who celebrated her 30th birthday on Wednesday, sustained injuries to her spinal cord and legs. Her extended family stateside pooled their resources to charter an air ambulance that brought her to Florida.

She spent two months at Memorial Regional Hospital South in Hollywood. Her left leg was amputated above the knee. The injuries to her spinal cord were extensive, and doctors told her she will never walk again.

``When they told me I was paralyzed, I didn't really understand, I didn't know it would be this bad,'' Vital said.

The used manual wheelchair the hospital gave her is old. The brakes work sporadically and the back support has already undergone three repairs since she received it. Without an electric wheel chair, Vital said, she won't gain the independence she craves.

She is living in Royal Palm Beach with her cousin's ex-wife, who took her in after hearing of her plight. The only time Vital ventures outside is for doctor visits or to go to Sant La, a social service agency in Little Haiti.

There is no ramp to her home, which means someone has to carry her outside.

``I don't go outside on my own,'' she said. ``I can't.''

For the holidays, Vital is asking for medical help. She said she is in constant pain.

She does not qualify for medical aid or any federal assistance because she was admitted to the United States on a tourist visa.

``With a tourist visa she's allowed to be a visitor and take in all the sights and that's it,'' said Gepsie Mettelus, director of Sant La, who nominated Vital for Wishbook.

``She hasn't been able to see a neurologist or a specialist. Without insurance, Medicare or something, no one wants to touch her,'' Mettelus said.

In Haiti, people with handicaps are hidden and sometimes abandoned by family.

Vital said she's heard stories of people in America like her, who are paralyzed but lead independent and active lives. Vital enjoys learning about new languages and computers. She would like to put her law degree to use and get a job someday.

``I love to learn. I would love to go to school or take classes somewhere,'' she said. ``In rehab, they said even if I'm handicapped there are many things I can do on my own.''

 

Read more: http://www.miamiherald.com/2010/12/11/1969540/rising-from-the-rubble.html#ixzz17xB1R2QV

>via: http://www.miamiherald.com/2010/12/11/1969540/rising-from-the-rubble.html

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Essay: Haiti Needs More Than Sarah Palin's Determined Grin

Updated: 1 hour 14 minutes ago
Emily Troutman

Emily TroutmanContributor

 
Emily Troutman has been reporting on Haiti for AOL News since January. You can follow her updates on Twitter.

CABARET, Haiti (Dec. 12) -- Sarah Palin, the erstwhile politician and potential candidate for U.S. president, was off limits to the media, except Fox News' Greta Van Susteren, for most of her visit to Haiti this weekend.

But Palin finally spoke briefly at a press conference today.

"Haiti has been a country that has suffered in the past and is going to continue to suffer until some fundamental changes are being made here," said Palin, who was accompanying the Rev. Franklin Graham, director of Samaritan's Purse, an evangelical charitable organization operating in Haiti.

Sarah Palin visited Haiti this weekend with the organization, Samaritan's Purse, led by the Reverend Franklin Graham. A press conference was held in a supply warehouse on the grounds of the Samaritan's Purse compound on December 12, 2010 just outside of Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Samaritan's Purse is a Christian relief organization that is currently providing aid to the victims of Haiti. (Emily Troutman for AOL News)
Emily Troutman for AOL News
Sarah Palin speaks at a press conference in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, on Sunday, during her visit to the battered nation with the organization Samaritan's Purse. Led by the Reverend Franklin Graham, the Christian relief organization is providing aid to the victims of Haiti's earthquake.

If Sarah Palin wants change for Haiti, though, I hope she will first be changed by Haiti. 

Tuesday night, a roving gang, setting fire to a car, aimed rocks at my head when I attempted to take a photo. I just threw my hands in the air, in surrender. By today, I was catching photos of Palin's cheerful, determined grin. And again, I was tempted to throw my hands in the air. The country was catapulted further into crisis this past week, after many felt the presidential election, mired in fraud, failed to reflect the democratic vote of the people. For three days, Port-au-Prince was shuttered and innocent bystanders sprinted through the streets to find safety.

Palin spoke for five minutes today in this coastal city of about 60,000. She declined to take questions at the press conference.

"And the reason I won't be answering questions is 'cause we don't need to be getting political here today," she said. "OK, folks?"

Sarah Palin visited Haiti this weekend with the organization, Samaritan's Purse, led by the Reverend Franklin Graham. She traveled with Greta Von Susteren from Fox News, pictured here with a camera. A press conference was held in a supply warehouse on the grounds of the Samaritan's Purse compound on December 12, 2010 just outside of Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Samaritan's Purse is a Christian relief organization that is currently providing aid to the victims of Haiti.
Emily Troutman for AOL News
Palin traveled to Haiti with Fox News' Greta Van Susteren, pictured here with a camera, but was off-limits to the rest of the media. The possible 2012 presidential hopeful declined to take questions at the press conference and spoke for 5 minutes.

She made no comment on the elections. And in this, she is no exception. Add her to the growing list of near-silent politicians and international actors, President Barack Obama, former presidents Bill Clinton and Jimmy Carter, the Red Cross and Edmond Mulet, the head of the UN peacekeeping mission in Haiti.

The people who did step up to make compelling statements are the same individuals usually lambasted by the public -- musician Wyclef Jean and actor Sean Penn.

Most have billed Sarah Palin's visit as a publicity stunt, but not only because of her political role in the United States. There is a constant debate in Haiti about the usefulness of these short trips by politicians and celebrities, in general. They are expensive. The measure of their impact is imprecise.

Celebrity alone, clearly, is not enough. When I interviewed Sean Penn in May, he spoke at length about his own personal experience of celebrity in Haiti. Penn felt empowered and grateful, he said, to be able to finance, at least initially, his own convictions and to contribute. But he was angry that his star status made people skeptical of his work, and somehow trivialized it.

"I see as much identity-seeking here as I see in Hollywood," he said. "Parties at big fancy houses in the hills, I've seen that before."

It was his experience that aid workers sometimes strive to define themselves through their associations and their work, just as people do in the movie industry. They play similar games and congratulate themselves if the "right" people appear at their parties. It's celebrity on a local scale. And it's human.

"Oh, look, the head of the Shelter Cluster's here. The Red Cross guy is here!" he joked. 

Over the past year, Penn's commitment has overshadowed most others. Burnout is high. The other camp manager I interviewed for that story, left just a few months later, when his contract expired. Penn's constant presence here is exceptional, even among the aid professionals.

A few weeks ago, we ran into each other and he laughed, "I see you all the time." You too, I said.

Just as there is no country that is only one thing -- only sad, or poor, or despairing -- maybe there is also no visit that is only one thing. It could be that all of us are here for some wrong reason -- to gain power, to make money, to garner attention, to do good, where our good is neither good nor needed.

I do believe there is good aid and bad aid. I do believe some people hurt more than they help. But I also believe we will all be judged, ultimately, not by the length of our visit, but by the depth of our impact. Much of that impact is personal. 

Sarah Palin visited Haiti this weekend with the organization, Samaritan's Purse, led by the Reverend Franklin Graham. A press conference was held in a supply warehouse on the grounds of the Samaritan's Purse compound on December 12, 2010 just outside of Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Samaritan's Purse is a Christian relief organization that is currently providing aid to the victims of Haiti.
Emily Troutman for AOL News
"Haiti has been a country that has suffered in the past and is going to continue to suffer until some fundamental changes are being made here," Palin said.

Americans who visited Haiti for the first time this year shared their experiences with me by e-mail this week. People felt profoundly changed by their visits, even when they had previously traveled to countries struggling like this one.

They all had an intractable desire to see, with their own eyes, what's happened here. People want to help, and also, to wake up to their own lives. 

"This is the best thing I've ever done," said one.

"I will be forever changed by Haiti," said another.

"My world view has been rocked to the core."

"I've found that I can't forget what I've seen, and I can't walk away from it."

Gandhi said, "Be the change you wish to see in the world." Then again, people say Gandhi was a terrible father. There is -- everywhere, and especially in Haiti -- vast room for improvement. 

Samaritan's Purse has touted itself as among the most successful builders of transitional shelters here, but as I reported earlier, its program has been fraught with controversy and failure.

To all the Americans who have visited this year, who have given money on behalf of Haitian relief, I implore you: don't just be the change, demand it. And listen to Sarah Palin, when she says:

"I do urge Americans not to forget Haiti."
>via: http://www.aolnews.com/world/article/essay-haiti-needs-more-than-sarah-palins...