Some thoughts on the

10-year anniversary

of the death of

Rachel Corrie

by Phan Nguyen on March 17, 2013

I was at my home in Olympia, Washington, on the morning of Sunday, March 16, 2003, when I received a call from Will, a friend who had traveled to Rafah. It was a pleasant surprise. I had already heard from Rachel Corrie, whom he had gone to Palestine with, but not from him, so my enthusiasm was pronounced when I asked him how he was doing.

“Um ... really bad,” he said. “Rachel’s dead.”

• • •

Rachel did not travel to Rafah with the intention of standing in front of bulldozers or performing direct action. In the initial years of the second intifada, international media focused on the West Bank. Rachel had heard from a friend that the suffering in the Gaza Strip, particularly in Rafah, was being ignored. She thought one way to draw more attention to the situation there was to establish a sister city relationship between her hometown of Olympia and Rafah.

My reaction when she told me her plan in the fall of 2002 was, “Why Rafah?” If she wanted to foster a sister city relationship to expose the humanity of Palestinians, why not go with a more approachable city such as Bethlehem, that would be more photogenic and easier to appeal to an uninformed public?

But it was precisely because Rafah had been so ignored, and because it seemed so unapproachable, that Rachel felt Rafah had to be the one.

• • •

Will had called me to get the phone number for Rachel’s parents. He was with Rachel at the time she was killed and wanted to be the one to break the news to them.

As a precautionary measure before traveling overseas, Rachel had emailed me and a few other people a list of emergency contacts. The biggest concern at the time was that she could be detained or arrested by Israel.

While on the phone with Will, I pulled up her list of contacts and discovered that the list—a very long list—was not in any sensible order. It was just a bunch of names and phone numbers, with no explanation of her relationship to the names. Which ones were her parents?

I told Will that I’d have to call him back after I determined which phone number belonged to her parents.

Thinking back on this ten years later, I can sort of laugh at the ridiculousness of the situation and blame it on Rachel’s character.

• • •

Although Rachel did not travel to Palestine to do direct action, she wasn’t averse to it, and the dire situation in Rafah made it inevitable. She had received training with the International Solidarity Movement to prepare herself for the unexpected, and to familiarize herself with her new surroundings.

Rachel was staying in Jerusalem in late January, waiting for an opportunity to make it down to Rafah. At the time, Israel was conducting a major assault in the Gaza Strip, making it difficult to get in. On January 27, 2003, Rachel wrote from Jerusalem:

We are going to try to make it to Rafah today, to join the internationals there who have set up a tent to stop the blanket fire and demolitions as much as possible. Everything is under strict curfew because of the election. More later.

When she finally made it to Rafah, she learned that some water wells had been destroyed, and the remaining functional wells were at risk of damage by the Israeli military. One of the first tasks she took on was to help guard the water wells.

• • •

On the morning of March 16, 2003, I was at home staring at a long list of emergency contacts for Rachel, trying to determine which number belonged to her parents so they could receive the news of her death. I needed to get them in touch with Will before they found out what had happened to Rachel through the news.

I called a few friends, hoping they would have the answer. That also meant breaking the news to them, which took some time. I then tried a few educated guesses from the list. I got some voice mail responses. Simultaneously, I was checking online news feeds, hoping that reports of Rachel’s death hadn’t traveled too far.

But the reports were spreading fast, and she was being named. By the time I got a hold of a family member, it was too late. They already knew.

• • •

News about the death of a young American woman in the Gaza Strip was the lead story internationally. A single headshot photo of Rachel in the Gaza Strip was circulating.

Seeing this reminded me of a different photo of Rachel in Rafah from the AP news wire in the previous month. Taken on February 15 at a rally against the pending US/UK war on Iraq, the photo showed Rachel burning a drawing of an American flag—taken from a bird’s-eye view—with Rachel looking up and holding the drawing above her head.

When the photo initially made the rounds in February, the accompanying caption misidentified her as “Alice,” who was a different young Caucasian female working in Rafah.

The photo was such an uncharacteristic depiction of Rachel—with the furrowed brows, the squinting eyes, and the mouth wide open while staring into the sky—that along with the misidentification, it made me laugh when I first saw it in February.

On the morning of March 16, however, I knew it would be a matter of time before the photo would resurface and become a focal point. By that afternoon, the news wires were recirculating the photo with the name corrected, and right-wing and Israelist websites were pouncing on it. Finally, they had their smoking gun.

• • •

In the early morning of March 16, 2000—exactly three years before Rachel’s death—an off-duty Haitian-American security guard in New York named Patrick Dorismond was approached by an undercover police officer inquiring about purchasing narcotics. Dorismond took offense at the question and an altercation ensued that culminated in a backup officer shooting the unarmed Dorismond in the stomach, killing him.

In the aftermath, Mayor Rudolph Giuliani tried to defend the killing by producing Dorismond’s history of arrests and charges, including two convictions for disorderly conduct and a previously sealed record of an arrest at age 13, when he got in a fistfight over a quarter, and for which he was not convicted. The records suggested, according to Giuliani, that the media

would not want a picture presented of an altar boy, when in fact, maybe it isn’t an altar boy, it’s some other situation that may justify, more closely, what the police officer did.

The media recognized this as a tasteless ploy to absolve the NYPD of responsibility by attacking the character of the victim. According to the logic, somehow several years prior, Dorismond had revoked his innocence and thus his eventual death in the hands of police officers, regardless of the circumstances, was permissible.

Dorismond was either a good person—meaning he had never done anything offensive to anyone in his lifetime—or else he was a bad person. And if he was bad, then one should have no sympathy should he happen to be killed by an arm of the government for unrelated reasons or for no reason at all.

The same logic dictated use of the “Bad Rachel” photo. If Rachel could make an angry face, and if she could allow her white self to do so while surrounded by an Arab horde, and throw in a burning paper flag—well, by golly, she’s just asking to be run over by an armored bulldozer operated by Israeli soldiers.

So when I see the photo of Angry, Nasty, Flag-Burning Rachel being brandished as if it were some trump card, as if that split-second represented All You Need To Know About Rachel Corrie, I find it pitiful for the photo-wavers. As Rachel had told her father, she was given a drawing of an Israeli flag to burn at the rally, but she felt she could not do that. However, she felt she could take responsibility for the actions of her own government.

Here is another photo of the same event—the drama knob turned down:

Frankly, I couldn’t care less if Rachel had been howling at the moon while biting off the head of a voodoo doll of George W. Bush in the presence of Palestinian children in Rafah. It bore no connection to the circumstances behind her death.

So let’s all agree that Rachel was no “altar boy.”

• • •

I spent the rest of the morning and the afternoon of March 16 on the phone. Some colleagues had issued a press release, and my landline number was included as a contact. Reporters were calling throughout the day. In between, I was calling friends to break the news to them.

In early March 2003, it was already known that the United States would soon invade Iraq. We just didn’t know when. A candlelight vigil against the pending war had already been scheduled that same night at 7 pm, at Percival Landing in downtown Olympia.

Rachel was a prime organizer in the anti-war movement in Olympia before she left for Palestine, so I there was no doubt that the candlelight vigil that night would also be the first gathering to remember Rachel.

• • •

Within a few hours after Rachel was killed, I was already seeing attacks against Rachel online. The Seattle ABC affiliate posted a straight news report on Rachel with the headline “Olympia Woman Killed in Anti-Israel Demonstration.”

Commenters on news sites blamed Rachel for her own death. After all, what was she doing in a war zone?

The sentiment was so common by Day One that I felt compelled to address it the following morning when I spoke on Democracy Now:

A lot of people might be asking—because I’ve been hearing this a lot—“What was she doing in a war zone?” Well, she was not in a “war zone.” She was in a residential neighborhood, a Palestinian residential neighborhood. And what we really should be asking is what are Israeli tanks and Israeli bulldozers doing in Palestinian residential neighborhoods?

And almost ten years later, Judge Oded Gershon, ruling from his Haifa courtroom in the Corries’ civil suit, made the same claim: Rachel was responsible for her own death because she chose to enter a “closed military zone” in a wartime situation.

• • •

For some in the Pacific Northwest, Rachel’s death evoked the earlier killing of another Northwest native, Ben Linder.

Linder was a solidarity activist who had traveled to Nicaragua in the 1980s in support of the Sandinista revolution. On April 28, 1987, Linder was overseeing the construction of a small hydroelectric plant to provide power to rural areas of the northern Jinotega province, when he and his local work crew were ambushed by Contras. Linder suffered multiple gunshot wounds, was possibly tortured, and finally shot in the head point-blank. Two others, Sergio Hernandez and Pablo Rosales, were killed by gunshot wounds and knife stabbings.

The next day, White House Spokesperson Marlin Fitzwater stated that activists such as Linder “certainly understand that they put themselves in harm’s way whenever they're involved in any internal strife in another country.”

Two weeks later, his parents appeared before a Congressional subcommittee hearing on his death and accused the Contras of murder. Representative Connie Mack scolded the parents:

I can’t understand how you can use the grief I know you feel to politicize this situation, or be used to politicize the situation ... I don’t want to be tough on you, but I really believe you’re asking for it ... Your son chose to go into an area he knew was dangerous.

Elliot Abrams, at the time the assistant secretary of state for Inter-American affairs, blamed the death on the Sandinista government, wondered if Linder “was a communist,” and suggested that his presence in a “combat zone” made him “a legitimate target.”

Mr. Linder’s death is a tragedy which need not have occurred. Our government has repeatedly protested to the Nicaraguan government its practice of permitting and even encouraging Americans believed to be sympathetic to the Sandinista regime to travel in combat zones ...

In our view, the assistance US citizens provide to the government of Nicaragua strengthens it and helps it deny the citizens of Nicaragua their political rights ...

I would hope that the tragic death of Benjamin Linder will serve to alert other Americans of the dangers they face in areas of conflict. I would also hope that the government of Nicaragua will discourage rather than encourage the travel of Americans into combat zones.

When asked to explain the Contras’ rules of engagement, Abrams stated,

That’s classified information ... They have their own guidelines—an elaborate system and a code of behavior.

The rhetoric employed at the Linder hearing should be familiar with anyone who has closely followed the Rachel Corrie story, which follows the same logic:

1. You are politicizing her death.
2. It was her fault for being in a “war zone” or a “closed military zone.”
3. Palestinians cynically put her in danger.
4. By being there, Rachel was providing support to terrorists.
5. Rachel threw herself into an internal conflict of foreign parties that did not concern her.
6. The IDF has a set of rules that we cannot question.

• • •

Rachel’s detractors are ingenious when it comes to ways to stretch the limits of perceived logic to subvert her death. One of my favorite arguments is known as “The Other Rachels.” The premise behind “The Other Rachels” is that there were women who were killed in Palestinian attacks who coincidentally shared the name Rachel.

StandWithUs flyer

 

I never totally understood the argument (which is perhaps the point?), but if I had to break it down, I believe it would be on these bases:

1. It implies that the significance of Rachel’s death is predicated on the uniqueness of her given name.

2. It implies that remembering Rachel Corrie somehow prevents other people from remember anyone else named Rachel.

3. It implies that you are not allowed to grieve for Rachel Corrie unless you grieve for every person named Rachel.

4. It is dependent on Rachel having been named “Rachel.” If Cindy and Craig Corrie had named their youngest daughter Rapunzel or Mohammed, that alone would invalidate the argument.

5. It’s astoundingly exploitive in a camp way.

6. Coming soon: “The Other Martins”—white men named Martin who were killed by African Americans.

What makes the argument even more comical is how smug Rachel detractors often feel when they wield the questionable power of “The Other Rachels,” as if they had stumbled upon some mind-blowing truth.

Amateur theater critics protest the exclusion of all other deceased Rachels in the world from the play My Name Is Rachel CORRIE. (Hackney Empire, London, 1 Nov 2005)

• • •

Around 6 pm, the calls from reporters tapered off. I soon left the house and biked over to Percival Landing for the candlelight vigil. When I arrived, Percival Landing was already packed. The sun had gone down, but the area was alight from the candles that people held in their hands.

There were people holding a large banner honoring Rachel. Others were holding laminated posters with a photo of Rachel, with the word “Peacemaker” underneath. And people were in tears.

I didn’t say much but just gave them hugs. It was my first real contact with people since hearing the news about Rachel, as I had been home by the phone all day. I felt compelled to just walk through the crowd and find friends who knew Rachel and give them hugs to comfort them. I didn’t know what else to do, and I was still on autopilot.

As I worked my way through the silent crowd, I eventually ran into a friend who I knew did not know Rachel. When I saw her, a torrent of grief that I had been holding back was suddenly released. I collapsed into her arms, held her tight, and started sobbing. No—I wailed. I pressed my face against her shoulder in a vain attempt to muffle my cries, but it all came pouring out.

Three days later, the local newspaper printed a letter to the editor by two prominent members of the Olympia community, commenting on the candlelight vigil:

It is Sunday night and we have just returned from what we thought would be a peace vigil at Percival Landing, in an effort to stop an American-led war against Iraq....However, we felt violated and tricked when the rally began to turn into an anti-Israel focus. How divisive....

Are we saddened by Corrie’s death? Absolutely. Do we think there should be peace for Palestinians? Yes, as well as peace for Israelis.

Those who wanted a pro-Palestinian rally could have, and should have, arranged one somewhere else or at a different time...It was disrespectful to the organizers and the attendees to change the rally’s focus...

• • •

Thinking about Rachel also reminds of her ex-boyfriend, Colin Reese. When I saw him at the candlelight vigil, I told him that Democracy Now was doing a report on Rachel in the morning, and they needed a photo of her. Colin reached into his pocket and pulled out this photo:

In the subsequent months, I came to know Colin and became friends with him. He was committed to finding justice for Rachel. He died eighteen months after her.

• • •

Conclusion

“There is a possibility I’ll be hurt, even killed. That is our reality that we must recognize. But we must not dwell on that. I have no plans … [to be] a martyr. I know that isn’t my place on this earth.” —Ben Linder

“Emmett Till is dead. I don’t know why he can’t just stay dead.” —Roy Bryant, nearly 40 years after murdering Emmett Till

What to think about the death of Rachel Corrie? For me, there are three Rachels—by which I don’t mean “The Other Rachels.”

Foremost, I think about Rachel the person. Along with that comes the reflexive inclination to think about the things I could have done for her, the things I could have said to her, and the ways in which I feel I failed her.

But there’s a difference between dwelling on the what-ifs and being responsible for her death. A reporter asked me the day after she was killed if I felt responsible for her death—a stupid question—and my answer remains, “No. I didn’t drive the bulldozer, and I didn’t oversee the bulldozing operation.” My feelings of responsibility extend as far as anyone would feel over a sudden, unexpected death—and they’re the same feelings that I have over Colin’s death.

The second Rachel is the fallen activist. Much has been said about how Rachel’s death—the death of a white American woman—has been unfairly given more value than the death of Palestinians. It’s true. But I also see her death as that of a fellow activist, so it is a loss shared by Palestinian activists, activists in solidarity with Palestinians, and activists in other causes for those struggling against injustice. As an activist, she was one of us.

The third Rachel is the martyr—a term that has been demeaned by Israelists who see martyrdom only in terms of PR—because damn Israelists can only understand things in terms of PR.

Every movement has martyrs. It is not be a desired thing, but we can’t pretend our friends aren’t dead, or that they just passed on quietly. Martyrdom is an acknowledgment, not necessarily a glorification. It happens in the scope of a movement. It reminds us of what we fight for, and why we must continue the struggle.

To accuse us of “politicizing” Rachel’s death is to force us to only see her death as “tragic” and to shame those who dare ask why she was killed. It seeks to dismiss the cause of death as irrelevant in order to absolve the perpetrators.

But that’s not how the world sees it. The martyr aspect is the aspect of Rachel that is owned by the world—not owned by her family or her friends.

The martyr aspect is not of Rachel the person. It’s of Rachel the idea, the inspiration, and the reminder. She has become a symbol worldwide for the oppressed—which I would have dismissed as sounding arrogant if it hadn’t been acknowledged repeatedly.

Actually, there’s a fourth Rachel. That’s the Rachel that haunts the supporters of Israel. It’s the one that evokes the words of Roy Bryant quoted above: “I don’t know why she can’t just stay dead.” And it’s the one they can no longer kill, try as they may.

I recently came upon a statement written by one of the organizers of the candlelight vigil in Olympia on March 16, 2003. It was written immediately following the vigil. She wrote:

[W]e had thought that the Olympia vigil would be much like the other 6000 or so vigils around the country and around the world. But this morning we found out that a beloved member of the Olympia peace community, Rachel Corrie, had been killed in the Gaza Strip by an Israeli Army bulldozer....

Over 600 people came to the vigil, along with a large number of local and national news people. An altar was set up for Rachel, a statement from her family was read aloud, a few others spoke, but mostly the vigil was silence or singing. There were fellow Evergreen State College students, families, couples, people coming alone, people crying or standing silently.

There was a feeling that suddenly Olympia was at the center of the world tonight.

++++++++++++++++++++++

About Phan Nguyen

Phan Nguyen is a Palestine solidarity activist based in New York. Follow him on Twitter: @Phan_N

 

Street Art:

Interview with

Tatyana Fazlalizadeh

10.05.12 | by HKearl 

 

You’ve seen, loved and shared her artwork about street harassment, now hear from the artist herself.

Tatyana Fazlalizadeh is an oil painter / illustrator whose work focuses on portraiture and social/political themes. Currently based in NYC, she exhibits her paintings in galleries nationally, while working as a freelance illustrator and muralist.

Stop Street Harassment (SSH): What inspired your art project about street harassment?

Tatyana Fazlalizadeh (TF): The project was inspired by my daily experiences with street harassment. Being harassed on the street is exasperating. I’ve wanted to do some art work on the issue for a while now, but I couldn’t figure out how to properly communicate what I wanted to say in my primary artistic medium – oil paint on canvas. Over the past year or so I’ve started working in public art as a muralist. Thinking about  creating art in a public space led me to this idea of wheat pasting posters. Because what better medium to create art about street harassment than street art.

SSH: Some of the prints are up on walls around Philadelphia, right? How many did you put up and how did you select where to post them?

TF: Philly, yes. As well as other places that I’m often in, mostly Brooklyn and other parts of NYC. This project is still very new and I plan to continue it and expand it, that includes venturing to different cities. I’ve placed them in areas that receive foot traffic, areas that I’ve personally been harassed, and spots that work well for wheat paste.

SSH: What reactions have you received from people who’ve seen them in person and from people who saw them on your Tumblr page?

TF: I’ve received a lot of positive reactions from women who relate to the captions on the posters. I’ve been having a lot of conversations, and a few debates, about street harassment as a result of this.  I wasn’t sure what to expect because the state of this medium is very temporary; it’s likely to put up a piece and for it to be gone a few days later. So to have the pieces captured and widely shared online was surprising but, I’m also very happy about that.

My intention with putting up these pieces was to artistically speak up for myself and other women who are harassed on the street. In the moment, you don’t always speak up for yourself. You ignore them, walk faster. So with this work, I wanted to say what I actually think when being hounded by men (though, they aren’t my exact thoughts because those usually include a lot of expletives). After having conversations with friends and women that I know, I decided to also include their words and thoughts as captions. So, the work is for women but also, and maybe even more so, for men. I haven’t received many reactions from men, and I’m trying to figure out a way to find their reactions and thoughts, if there are any.

SSH: Do you plan to create more artwork to bring attention to the issue of street harassment?

TF: I do. I’m plan to revisit this topic in my painting. I’m also looking to create some mural projects around this theme.

SSH: Please feel free to share anything else you want people to know about your project.

TF: I’m glad that the work is resonating with women. The process so far has been fun, and the art and issue of street harassment is something I’m passionate about. It’s great to put my art in the streets and make these public statements that women aren’t outside for the pleasure of men.

If you love the shirt Tatyana is wearing, you can order one too!

 

 

__________________________

History is Queer: Bayard Rustin

History is Queer is a series of entries highlighting LGBTQ individuals in the contemporary world and throughout history.

Who: Bayard Rustin
When: 1912-1987
Where: United States of America

Why you should care:Bayard Rustin was an activist, speaker, and organizer for civil rights, gay rights, labor rights, and socialism. He also practiced and advocated nonviolent resistance and pacifism.

Rustin was born in 1912 in Pennsylvania. He was raised by his mother’s parents. His grandmother was a Quaker and an early member of the NAACP, so Rustin was exposed to not only civil rights ideas early in life, but civil rights leaders; W.E.B. DuBois was a frequent guest in the household.

Rustin attended a number of colleges, becoming active in civil rights causes as well as communist and Quaker organizations. He was also an accomplished vocalist; his smooth tenor made him a requested performer at venues, which exposed him to more friends and colleagues.

With the onset of World War II, Rustin became disillusioned with his communist organizations and instead joined socialist causes, including the pacifist Fellowship Of Reconciliation. As a member of FOR, Rustin met with President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, along with FOR leader A.J. Muste and A.P. Randolph, to protest racial discrimination in the US armed forces. When the three told Roosevelt that a civil rights protest march would happen unless he took action, FDR issued the Fair Employment Act. This banned discrimination in defense industries and federal agencies.

In 1942, Rustin got on a bus in Kentucky bound for Tennessee. He sat in the second row and refused to move to the back. Eventually, the bus stopped and police dragged him out and beat him. He was held in a cell and beaten some more, but released uncharged. However, his pacifist leanings and frequent protests made him a target in other ways, and he was imprisoned for violating the Selective Service Act. He served time from 1944-1946, two years after his bus protest and having helped found the Congress On Racial Equality (CORE).

In 1947, Rustin and a group of other CORE members rode on buses throughout the South, testing the desegregation order that came about, in part, as a result of Rustin’s earlier protest. This group rode buses in pairs of one African-American man and one white man. Rustin and other members were arrested over and over during this act, called the Journey of Reconciliation. The NAACP rejected this move for being too meek, though it adhered to the tactics Rustin learned from Mahatma Gandhi.

Rustin traveled to India in 1948 to learn further nonviolent tactics, but didn’t arrive until after Gandhi had been killed. Four four years, Rustin met with Gandhi supporters, including leaders in Nigeria’s and Ghana’s liberation movements. Back in the US in 1953, Rustin was arrested in California for having homosexual sex. Because it was consensual, he plead guilty to a charge of “sex perversion”, for which he was kicked out of FOR and served sixty days in jail.

In 1956, Rustin began his association with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Thanks to Rustin, King began to reject guns and instead focused on nonviolent tactics that would be used in the Montgomery Bus Boycott. Prior to Rustin’s involvement, King had used armed guards and a personal handgun for protection. Rustin and King also worked in the Southern Christian Leadership Council until Rustin’s public homosexuality and former Communist association forced his resignation.

Rustin’s old friend A.P. Randolph promoted him when it came time to organize August 1963’s March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom despite being publicly blasted by Senator Strom Thurmond. Despite objections from the NAACP, Rustin received wide recognition for organizing the march. He also organized a school boycott in New York City and spoke at the University of Virginia.

After 1965 and the Voting Rights Act, Rustin advocated working-class African Americans becoming more closely affiliated with the Democratic Party. He foresaw the increasing automation of low-skill jobs as being disastrous for low-income and working class African Americans, and rejected the growing black nationalism movement, personified by the Black Panthers. Instead, he began to work closely with the AFL-CIO and advocated integration of labor unions, which had been largely white.

In the 1970s, Rustin became a co-chairman of Social Democrats USA and supported President Johnson’s policy of containment, including the Vietnam War. Rustin disagreed strongly with the actual conduction of the war, however. As a member of the board of trustees for the University of Notre Dame, Rustin became worried about the treatment of Jews in the Soviet Union, coming to eventually favor moving them to Israel.

In the 1980s, Rustin began to openly advocate for gay rights. He had always been open about his sexuality, but had not done much advocacy work. His last notable speech was entitled “The New Niggers are Gays”. Rustin died in 1987 from a perforated appendix. His partner of ten years, Walter Naegle, was present at the funeral. Many social justice centers and groups share his name despite the fact that he has not received as much recognition as other civil rights leaders.

REFERENCES:

Rustin’s Wikipedia article

A radio article on Bayard Rustin

Brother Outsider, a documentary about Rustin

 

15 THINGS

YOU DID NOT KNOW

ABOUT THE MOORS!

NUMBER 1 The Spanish occupation by the Moors began in 711 AD when an African army, under their leader Tariq ibn-Ziyad, crossed the Strait of Gibraltar from northern Africa and invaded the Iberian peninsula 'Andalus' (Spain under the Visigoths).   NUMBER 2 A European scholar sympathetic to the Spaniards remembered the conquest in this way:   [T]he reins of their (Moors) horses were as fire, their faces black as pitch, their eyes shone like burning candles, their horses were swift as leopards and the riders fiercer than a wolf in a sheepfold at night . . . The noble Goths [the German rulers of Spain to whom Roderick belonged] were broken in an hour, quicker than tongue can tell. Oh luckless Spain!   [i] Quoted in Edward Scobie, The Moors and Portugal's Global Expansion, in Golden Age of the Moor, ed Ivan Van Sertima, US, Transaction Publishers, 1992, p.336 NUMBER 3 The Moors introduced new scientific techniques to Europe, such as an astrolabe, a device for measuring the position of the stars and planets. Scientific progress in Astronomy, Chemistry, Physics, Mathematics, Geography and Philosophy flourished in Moorish Spain.

NUMBER 4 Basil Davidson, one of the most noted historians recognized and declared that there were no lands at that time (the eighth century) "more admired by its neighbours, or more comfortable to live in, than a rich African civilisation which took shape in Spain." NUMBER 5   At its height, Cordoba, the heart of Moorish territory in Spain, was the most modern city in Europe. The streets were well-paved, with raised sidewalks for pedestrians.  During the night, ten miles of streets were well illuminated by lamps. (This was hundreds of years before there was a paved street in Paris or a street lamp in London.)   Cordoba had 900 public baths - we are told that a poor Moor would go without bread rather than soap!   NUMBER 6   The Great Mosque of Córdoba (La Mezquita) is still one of the architectural wonders of the world in spite of later Spanish disfigurements. Its low scarlet and gold roof, supported by 1,000 columns of marble, jasper and porphyry, was lit by thousands of brass and silver lamps which burned perfumed oil.     NUMBER 7 Education was universal in Moorish Spain, available to all, while in Christian Europe ninety-nine percent of the population were illiterate, and even kings could neither read nor write.     At that time, Europe had only two universities, the Moors had seventeen great universities! These were located in Almeria, Cordoba, Granada, Juen, Malaga, Seville and Toledo.    NUMBER 8   In the tenth and eleventh centuries, public libraries in Europe were non-existent, while Moorish Spain could boast of more than seventy, of which the one in Cordoba housed six hundred thousand manuscripts. NUMBER 9   Over 4,000 Arabic words and Arabic-derived phrases have been absorbed into the Spanish language. Words beginning with "al," for example, are derived from Arabic. Arabic words such as algebra, alcohol, chemistry, nadir, alkaline and cipher entered the language. Even words such as checkmate, influenza, typhoon, orange, and cable can be traced back to Arabic origins. NUMBER 10 The most significant Moorish musician was known as Ziryab (the Blackbird) who arrived in Spain in 822 AD. The Moors introduced earliest versions of several instruments, including the Lute or el oud, the guitar or kithara and the Lyre. Ziryab also changed the style of eating by breaking meals into separate courses beginning with soup and ending with desserts.     NUMBER 11 The Moors introduced paper to Europe and Arabic numerals, which replaced the Roman system. NUMBER 12 The Moors introduced many new crops including the orange, lemon, peach, apricot, fig, sugar cane, dates, ginger and pomegranate as well as saffron, cotton, silk and rice which remain some of Spain's main products today.   NUMBER 13   The Moorish rulers lived in sumptuous palaces, while the monarchs of Germany, France, and England dwelt in big barns, with no windows and no chimneys, and with only a hole in the roof for the exit of smoke.  One such Moorish palace 'Alhambra' (literally "the red one") in Granada is one of Spain's architectural masterpieces. Alhambra was the seat of Muslim rulers from the 13th century to the end of the 15th century. The Alhambra is an UNESCO World Heritage Site.     NUMBER 14 It was through Africa that the new knowledge of China, India, and Arabia reached Europe. The Moors brought the Compass from China into Europe.     NUMBER 15 The Moors ruled and occupied Lisbon (named "Lashbuna" by the Moors) and the rest of the country until well into the twelfth century. They were finally defeated and driven out by the forces of King Alfonso Henriques. The scene of this battle was the Castelo de Sao Jorge or the 'Castle of St. George.'   When the Moors Ruled Portugal- Photos from Research Trip     STAY CONNECTED WITH BLACK HISTORY STUDIES

 

Ricardo Iamuuri

— “Imperial Sugar”

Pittsburgh's @ricardoiamuuri urges listeners: "Don't refine your shine." Indeed.

Good and interesting work is happening everywhere.  Sometimes it’s too easy to get very NY-centric or, even, Brooklyn-centric.  Fact is, it’s what happens when you live at the center of the known universe.

That was a joke, people.

Seriously, I’ve said for years that folks are creating all over the place: NYC, ATL, Nairobi, London, Oakland, Johannesburg, and Pittsburgh, where I went to college.  Even when I was  there, the city had a strong and growing decent music scene, most of which I remember as indie rock (we called it “new music” back then).  Which brings us to Ricardo Iamuuri, who was recently brought to my attention by video artist Alisha Wormsley, a friend of the talented Christiane D.

Of course, I start watching this video, Ricardo starts singing and I’m immediately struck by how much he reminds me of vocalist Dean Bowman.  Both are artists are heavily influenced by Negro Spirituals, but Dean plays much more on the avant-garde end of things.  Ricardo’s music, his bio says, “rests firmly upon the foundation of traditional folk music.  His primary influence came through Negro Spirituals sung a cappella by his family choir, “The Gift of Song,”  but the inspiration of musical theatre, urban blues, R&B, soul and classic hip-hop is evident throughout his work.”

Definitely someone to watch, and a great example of the creativity that’s flourishing in Pittsburgh, along other artists such as rapper and activist Jasiri X, rap-rockers Formula 412 and the aforementioned avant art songtress Christiane D.

 

 

__________________________

 

 

Conversations w/ Shepherds, Sheep, Guinea Pigs, and Monkeys... Nursery Rhymes For The Underfed Minds Vol. 1 by ricardo iamuuri

 

credits

 

 

 

 

Call for Playwrights for

Workshop/ Residency:

British Council South Africa

 

Deadline: 14 April 2013

The British Council is offering South African playwrights the opportunity to work with one of the UK’s leading national theatre companies for a new writing project.

There are 12 places for emerging playwrights who can show evidence of a track record of writing plays regardless of whether they have been published or performed. The applications will be assessed by a panel consisting of representatives of the British Council, Royal Court and South African theatre professionals.

Royal Court will travel to South Africa to host the workshop (held in Magaliesburg from 6 July to 14 July) which aims of to support each playwright in writing a new contemporary play. The workshop will be designed for the needs of each writer, explore individual interests, and by the end of the week each writer will be asked to propose an outline of a new idea for a contemporary and original play.

Following the workshop, the participants will be asked to submit their play to the Royal Court who will continue to work with playwrights over the coming two years to develop the plays.

The London-based Royal Court runs long-term play development projects in many different countries, helping to stimulate new writing across the globe.

MAKING AN APPLICATION

Please send your application, with the below items, to Lois Anguria (lois.anguria@britishcouncil.org.za ):

• a brief statement (motivation letter) of why you would like to attend the workshop

• a single page CV including your date of birth and gender

• one scene from a recent play you have written and a synopsis of that play

• two letters of recommendation.

Applications should be in English and the workshop will be conducted in English but samples of your work can be written in any language and we will arrange for appropriate translations to be made.

DEADLINES

• 12 March 2013 – Open call

• 14 April 2013 – Application deadline

• 7 May 2013 – Announce participants

• 6 July – 14 July 2013 - Workshops

There will also be further activities beyond the workshops, so by applying you are committing yourself to being involved in the project for up to two years.

FURTHER INFORMATION

The workshop will be a residential in Magaliesburg, South Africa from 6 – 13 July 2013. Accommodation, food and workshop spaces will be provided. The British Council office in Johannesburg will facilitate travel.

CONTACT INFORMATION:

For queries/ submissions: Lois Anguria at.anguria@britishcouncil.org.za or call 011 560 9340 for inquires

Website: http://www.britishcouncil.org.za/

 

 

Call for Submissions for

2013 Spring Issue: pluck!

The Journal of Affrilachian Arts

& Culture (US)

 

Post date: 15 March 2013

 

Deadline: 31 March 2013

pluck! The Journal of Affrilachian Arts & Culture is looking for voices of color from the thirteen states touched by the Appalachian Mountains (Alabama, Georgia, Kentucky, Maryland, Mississippi, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, and West Virginia) and work with a strong sense of place that addresses the writer's unique experience in this physical and spiritual diaspora. Our deadline for the 2013 Spring Issue has been extended until March 31!

Please submit work in one of the following categories in an attachment of .doc or .rtf format (.jpg for images) and a bio of no more than fifty words.

• POETRY: Up to five previously unpublished poems.

• FICTION: Up to 1500 words.

• PHOTOGRAPHY: Up to five attached photos at 300 dpi or better.

• ESSAYS: Creative non-fiction or academic essay of up to 1500 words

Multiple submissions accepted. Please advise if your submission is accepted elsewhere.

CONTACT INFORMATION:

For queries/ submissions: pluckjournal@gmail.com

Website: http://pluckjournal.com

 

 

 

<blockquote class='posterous_long_quote'><h3 class="post-title entry-title">Call for Submissions for 2013 Spring Issue: pluck! The Journal of Affrilachian Arts &amp; Culture (US) </h3> <p> <div> Call for Submissions for 2013 Spring Issue: pluck! The Journal of Affrilachian Arts &amp; Culture (US)</div> <div style=""> <ins style="display: inline-table; border: none; height: 90px; margin: 0; padding: 0;"><ins style="display: block; border: none; height: 90px; margin: 0; padding: 0;"></ins></ins> </div> <div style="float: left;"> <ins style="display: inline-table; border: none; height: 280px; margin: 0; padding: 0;"><ins style="display: block; border: none; height: 280px; margin: 0; padding: 0;"></ins></ins> </div> <div style="float: right;"> <ins style="display: inline-table; border: none; height: 280px; margin: 0; padding: 0;"><ins style="display: block; border: none; height: 280px; margin: 0; padding: 0;"></ins></ins> </div> <p> <div> <div style="letter-spacing: 1px;"> Post date: 15 March 2013 <div style=""> <div class="addthis_toolbox addthis_default_style addthis_32x32_style"> Share on linkedin Share on facebook Share on twitter Share on email More Sharing Services <p /></div> </div> </div> </div> <div class="post-body entry-content"> Deadline: 31 March 2013<p> pluck! The Journal of Affrilachian Arts &amp; Culture is looking for voices of color from the thirteen states touched by the Appalachian Mountains (Alabama, Georgia, Kentucky, Maryland, Mississippi, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, and West Virginia) and work with a strong sense of place that addresses the writer's unique experience in this physical and spiritual diaspora. Our deadline for the 2013 Spring Issue has been extended until March 31!</p><p> Please submit work in one of the following categories in an attachment of .doc or .rtf format (.jpg for images) and a bio of no more than fifty words.<br /> </p><ul> <li>POETRY: Up to five previously unpublished poems.</li> <li>FICTION: Up to 1500 words.</li> <li>PHOTOGRAPHY: Up to five attached photos at 300 dpi or better.</li> <li>ESSAYS: Creative non-fiction or academic essay of up to 1500 words</li> </ul> Multiple submissions accepted. Please advise if your submission is accepted elsewhere.<p> CONTACT INFORMATION:</p><p> For queries/ submissions: pluckjournal@gmail.com </p><p> Website: http://pluckjournal.com</p></div></p></p></blockquote>

 

Hiba Magazine Story Writing Competition (open to all)

Post date: 14 March 2013

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Deadline: 15 April 2013

Hiba is a Muslim lifestyle magazine that attempts to connect people to the Quran and the Sunnah. Hiba is a nurturing tool for Muslim homes in their quest to bring up responsible and active families that can challenge the status quo and change the future, Insha’Allah.

A LIFE-CHANGING EXPERIENCE – STORY WRITING COMPETITION

Do you wish others could learn from your experiences? What is the most unbelievable thing that has happened to you? What was that one moment that changed your perception about life and relationships? Is there any highlight in your life that you want to share with others?

Hiba Magazine presents “A Life-Changing Experience”, a short-story-writing competition that invites the men and women of today to share details of the one incident that has had an amazingly positive effect on their lives. The competition is open to all.

Word limit: 800 – 2000 words

The winner will receive a hiba Gift Pack and the story will be published in Hiba Magazine. Top five finalist entries will be published on Hiba’s blog, Insha’Allah!

CONTACT INFORMATION:

For queries: editor@hibamagazine.com

For submissions: via the online submissions page

Website: http://hibamagazine.com