Egyptian-Sudanese-American novelist and poet Kola Boof has been an agent for Sudan’s SPLA and was the National Chairwoman of the U.S. Branch of the Sudanese Sensitization Peace Project. She has written for television and her many books include, “Flesh and the Devil,” “Long Train to the Redeeming Sin,” “Nile River Woman” and “Virgins In the Beehive.” She blogs atKola Boof. com
Friday, December 3, 2010
I don’t know of any Americans who’ve ever spent most of their day bent down on the ground trying to catch mice to eat. I’ve certainly never had to do it. But in North Korea, some five hundred thousand people live in Concentration Camps. They are families imprisoned for nothing more than questioning the government or failing to properly worship the official “God” of that nation—President Kim Jong-Il.
And yes, in North Korea, it is required that the people worship their leader as a religious God. He is also President for life and within the network of the North Korean government’s concentration camps overrun with children these families wither to bones, are worked to death and literally hunt for mice and insects to eat on the floors and grounds. The death rate is very high. Another three million North Korean citizens are dying or have died due to a severe famine that has crippled that nation because of their God-Dictator leader and his refusal to spend foreign aid on the citizens. Another three hundred thousand North Koreans have committed the nation’s second highest crime—they have escaped across the border to China; a crime punishable by death. And to my shock, the Chinese government captures most of these “illegal aliens” and refuses them “political asylum” knowing full well that by returning them to Korea—they are handing them over to be executed. These runaways are often whole families or women and children. Without a second thought, they murder thousands of innocent children each year in North Korea simply because their parent tried to escape the horrible conditions of the country.
These hellish realities exist in many countries, including my own birth country, Sudan, where we have genocide, slavery and unbelievable religious and sexual persecution. In the Congo, Somalia, Mauritania…government sponsored evil and corruption never ends. And it’s for these reasons that I often feel “guilty” when American citizens and fellow political activists sit around talking about the evils that America commits.
“America is the White Devil!” you will often hear Black activists say. But coming from a country like Sudan where my birth parents were murdered in front of me; a country where my lesbian Aunt was imprisoned for “witch craft” (a term they use in place of saying homosexuality); a country where women can be arrested for wearing pants; a country where I witnessed husbands setting wives on fire for failing to produce sons; women stoned to death; a country mangled by Religious-run government, Sharia Courts and mired in poverty…it’s very hard for me to say that American government is the worst evil on earth. To the contrary, I feel America is the best place to live.
Many activists who insist America is the world’s great Satan criticize me for admitting that I relate more to the American government on certain issues such as terrorism and the Middle East (like most Black-skinned North Africans, I support Israel). In lieu of my complaints about the F.B.I. and the NSA’s surveillance over me (I wrote yesterday of their harassment due to me being a controversial and suspicious person), my fellow activists expect me to all-out curse this nation. But I can’t.
What I would like to do is ask you to see it from the perspective of an immigrant person for just a few minutes.
In America, when you have sex with a man—he cares whether or not you experience orgasm. In fact, among American men, it’s a requirement for their egos that they make females orgasm during sex. Nowhere else in the world have ever seen people so committed to the idea of women “enjoying” sex and receiving pleasure from it. It’s a very American concept and it came in to being because of the Feminist movement here at the end of the 1960’s. A sexual revolution emerged and women in America demanded to be “eaten.”
In America, I also have the right to report a rape. My attacker may never be prosecuted, but in this country, I can report that I’ve been raped without fear of police beating or being jailed for making the accusation. In America, the laws protect women in millions of ways unheard of in other countries. As a female, I can own property in America! I can start my own business!
Then they have sewage systems over here. You don’t have to smell urine and stench all day. The cities are clean and every child has shoes! Sure, the planet has been raped so that America could have this kind of wealthy infrastructure—but tell me what other nation of men are not also attempting to rape the planet in order to gain such comforts? It seems to me that war, destruction and rape are just things that men do. America is no more guilty than the rest of them—America is just hated for being the most successful at it. Think of this hideous country China. Look at the great billions and billions of dollars they have—yet their people live under horrific human rights abuses. So how can we say that America is the devil?
Then there is the social freedom. If a woman wants to work and study in America, there is no stigma. She is not a “man-hating lesbian” or a “subversive” just for studying to be an air pilot or a nurse.
Several years ago, my husband, a Belizian-born Black man, left me because I refused to give up my career. My Black American friend Anthony (Ant) said that he found it hard to believe that a man would leave a good woman just because she got “a job.” But therein shows the dramatic difference between Americans and people who live in societies where wives are basically servants, mules and property. Not that my Belizian husband wasn’t a good man. He was the best man; a wonderful husband and father. But still, he and his entire family found it disrespectful and an attack on his manhood that I had a career. He now lives with the secretary I hired for him—but he made her give up her job in order to be his girlfriend!
These are the reasons that I so love America and feel very loyal and sympathetic to this government. I’m not saying that I agree with or support all of the government’s positions. But I still find myself constantly amazed at how much “say-so” the people have; how we are allowed to publicly yell at politicians—how there is always an investigation into the government’s actions! You just don’t see that in other countries.
I often wish that other Americans would be forced to live for several years in a foreign country like Sudan, Mexico, Jordan or India. I think then they would know why it’s so hard for me to claim that America is the devil.
____________________
To read more than 30 of Kola Boof’s more controversial essays, check out the collection, “Unplugged & Uncut: The Essential Kola Boof Anthology” (Atlantic Library), which is now available on Kindle.
We all dread the words “terminal”, “chronic” or “untreatable” when we’re waiting for doctors to give us their take on our health conditions. Maybe it’s time for us to get a second opinion. I’m Nick Polizzi, director of the new film “The Sacred Science” and I’m happy to report that your doctor’s words may no longer be a life sentence. A group of experts has recently discovered a powerful ancient healing technology in the Amazon Rainforest that may just put an end to our most dangerous diseases. This is absolutely no hype – in fact this is the subject of our most recent documentary film. In The Sacred Science, we take eight people with eight different illnesses (including cancer and Parkinson’s disease) deep into the Amazon to put these secret medicines to the test. If you think that’s exciting, wait until you see the healing results they achieved.
A race against time.
Nowadays there are too many diseases and not enough time for modern scientists to find the cure. How long have we been searching for a cure for cancer? Parkinson’s disease? Depression? At the rate we’re going, it could take decades for our doctors to have an effective treatment for these ailments, which is great for our grandchildren but not for our family members who are sick NOW.
Hope lies in the Amazon.
It is a known fact that over 25% of all our prescribed medical treatments come from plants in the Amazon Rainforest. The Amazon is home to over 44,000 species of plants and most doctors agree that this region is the most obvious place to look for the cure for cancer, M.S., Alzheimer’s, you name it. The main problem that scientists face is that there are too many plants and too little time to study them. Believe it or not, less than 5% of these plants have been tested for their healing potential!
An ancient culture holds the healing knowledge we’ve been looking for.
After hitting their heads against the wall for decades, scientists have begun to realize that the indigenous Amazonian tribes have spent thousands of years studying these 44,000 + plants and already know which ones hold the cure. In fact, they’re already using them to heal their own people!
Here’s the kicker:
Even though there is documented proof that these treatments are extremely effective, the research and patenting process takes so long that most of us will not live to see them used here in the modern world. That’s where my team and I drew the line. We decided to take action.
The medicines wouldn’t come to us, so we brought eight patients to them in our new documentary film, The Sacred Science.
In October 2010, we brought eight people with eight different illnesses deep into the Amazon Rainforest to work with native medicine men for 30 days. We had over 400 applications from people around the world, each desperate to find an answer to their illness. The selection process was grueling, but we eventually made our decisions and embarked on what would become the adventure of a lifetime. Best of all, we had a world class documentary film crew capture the entire journey!
The patients we brought were suffering from the following illnesses:
Nicola Dale Parkinson's Disease
John Wood Prostate Cancer
Jessica Stenis Crohn's Disease
Joel Davis Diabetes
Juan Oraca Alcohol Addiction & Depression
Gretchen Stasey Irritable Bowel Syndrome
Gary Thompson Neuro-endocrine Cancer
Melinda Elliot Breast Cancer
THE SACRED SCIENCE DVD
Regular Price: 29.95
Your Price: $14.95 USD
(Total Value: $49.95)
Format: DVD – Region Free BONUS: 3 unreleased audio interviews with Shamans and Experts from The Sacred Science film.
It’s challenging to understand the meaning of slavery in American society even for the most prepared undergraduate student. While most know something about the institution—it’s horrors in particular—for many, it’s difficult to get a grip on how much it’s impacted the contemporary world. It’s something of which we’re very far removed. Nonetheless, expressive forms like music, visual arts, and literature allow us to engage the cultures of the enslaved as backdrops for understanding how it is a part of today’s artistic languages. It, arguably, remains an important reference point and conceptual frame for perceiving the distinctiveness of this thing called African American music. One thing is clear: the legacy of chattel slavery has underwritten much of what we think we know about blackness, invisible as the forgotten, tortured humanity that was the institution’s refuse may be today.
At the heart of the matter, it seems, is coming to terms—one’s own terms—with the idea of blackness and what and how it means as a social practice and not an “essential” identity. Although there are many great historical studies that unknowingly reduce these social processes to a state of biological ontology, I find the artistic imagination a wonderful means to destabilize this tendency. Indeed, musicians, poets, and visual artists have used the freedom that is the artistic impulse to balance the historical and contemporary, the material and ineffable, the personal and political responses to blackness. In this excerpt from her poem “Today’s News,” Elizabeth Alexander concedes consensus and embraces a vibrant sense of infinity:
“I didn’t want to write a poem that said “blackness
is” because we know better than anyone
that we are not one or ten or ten thousand things
Not one poem We could count ourselves forever
and never agree on the number.”
While she relieves her art of the burden of defining what blackness is, she’s certainly clear about what blackness ain’t: one thing. Nevertheless, the historical record teaches us that it was derived from the fateful and globe altering encounter among the weapons and ships of European nation-states, the humanity of a perceived “Dark Continent,” and the rich natural resources of the New World. It was within this triangulation that something called blackness was calcified as a working concept.
Between the fifteenth century and the mid-nineteenth century close to 12 million Africans were captured and transported to the New World, with the greatest number imported to Brazil and other locations in the Caribbean sugar industry. Reaching its apex between 1700 and 1820 when 6.5 million Africans were taken, the Atlantic slave trade represented one of the largest forced migrations in world history. Only six percent of the total number exported came directly to, what is known now as, the United States. These captured Africans were distributed along the eastern seaboard from New England to the mid-Atlantic colonies to the Southeast but the greatest concentration landed in the South.
The horrors of “the capture” and the Middle Passage that transported the enslaved have been detailed in the historical record, theorized as the origin of a New World Pan-African consciousness, and have functioned as a flashpoint of artistic meditation. In “Outlandish Blues (The Movie),” poet Honorée Fanonne Jeffers imagines the Middle Passage as an urtext for blues culture even as she critiques Hollywood’s flattened out depictions of the journey. She asks in the first line of the first stanza of a poem eerily evocative of a Protestant hymn: “Where else can you sail across a blue sea into a horizon emptied of witnesses? Further down she writes:
“Before the food, water and mercy run low,
watch the celluloid flashes of sexy, tight bodies
that the sailors throw into the mouths of waiting fish,
bodies branded with the Cross, baptized with holy water,
tightly-packed bodies flashing across the screen,
Hollywood flat stomachs pressed to buttocks pressed to shoulders
first branded with the Cross, baptized with holy water
and then covered with manufactured filth.”
Detail from “Insurrection on Board a Slave Ship,” lithograph by W. L. Walton, in William Fox, A Brief History of the Wesleyan Missions on the West Coast of Africa (London, 1851), opp. 116, based on a black-and-white illustration in Carl B. Wadstrom, An Essay on Colonization, particularly applied to the Western coast of Africa … in Two Parts (London, 1794–95). Courtesy, Sheridan Libraries, Johns Hopkins University.
Conceptual artist and photographer Hank Willis Thomas has taken iconic material culture of the Middle Passage and used it as a powerful critique of contemporary society in his Branded series. As the art historian Cheryl Finley has argued: “Artists have found it important to insist on their connection to the history of slavery so that present generations can identify with it, forging a sense of collective identity.” This cultural memory work is a conscious and deliberate artistic choice and not a function of essentialism, according to Finley. “They use the pieces of their own experience to imagine the memory—to make it their own—in order to line themselves to the large group that shares the common memory.”
Hank Willis Thomas, Absolute Power, 2008
The nature of slavery in the United States was a singular enterprise, categorically different from various iterations of the “peculiar institution” throughout South America and the Caribbean. These distinct qualities shaped the development of African American cultural forms in dance, literature, visual culture and especially music. Despite the ingenious and hideous development of laws and social practices designed to keep black slaves subservient they nonetheless asserted their aspirations, senses of beauty and the sublime, their frustrations, pain, and humanity through sound organization.
North America began its philosophically “Western” existence as commercial and religious extensions of European powers. As such early black music making in this context must be understood in its relationship to European-derived musical practices. Although early religious music in the colonies represented a direct transplant from the Old World the Pilgrims indigenized it, and their music became rooted and influential. Musically simplistic and textually derivative, early American religious music would through a series of sonic and ideological developments become wholly “American” though in a persistent relationship—adaptations, rejections, and importations—with European models.
African American musical traditions mirrored these processes with respect to their relationship to the growing musical practices of the larger culture. These traditions constituted a confluence of broad African-derived approaches to sound organization and European-derived song structures and musical systems in a constant state of dynamic and historically specific interactions. What emerged is a composite: an indigenized conceptual framework of music making that has functioned through the years as a key symbol of an African American cultural identity.
The paradox of living as slaves and later as second-class citizens in a society founded on the principles of democracy and freedom produced a social structure in which black cultural production was mapped on a continuum between participation in what the scholar George Lewis has conceptualized as Eurological traditions and those reflecting Afrological aesthetic and structural priorities. Blacks who received training in Colonial-era singing schools are part of a long tradition of participating in Eurological practices that continues into the twenty-first century. Black music scholarship has generally included such musical activities by African Americans under the rubric “African American music.” From New Orleans to the mid-Atlantic to New York the historical record indicates a robust and varied musical culture among a new people created by forced mass migration, social domination, and heroic cultural resilience.
The famous depiction of Place Congo circa 1880
In letters from missionaries, slave advertisements, runaway slave notices, personal travel journals, and memoirs, white observers noted both the musical talents of and the distinct body of music making taking place among the slaves. Their writings, permeated in some instances with the desire to sensationalize what was considered “barbaric” in this practices, described the sounds they heard in rich and colorful detail. An 1867 account of a Pinkster Festival held in the 1770s describes an annual days-long celebration among slaves in Albany, New York. A conglomeration of dance, drum, and song, the musical components of the event provides a telling example of the cultural priorities of a people enjoying themselves during a rare time of repose from their lives as the “nonhuman” tools of their masters:
“The dance had it peculiarities, as well as everything else connected with this august celebration. It consisted chiefly of couples joining in the performance at varying times, and continuing it with their utmost energy until extreme fatigue or weariness compelled them to retire and give space to a less exhausted set; and in this successive manner was the excitement kept up with unabated vigor, until the shades of night began to fall slowly over the land, and at length deepen into the silent gloom of midnight.
The music made use on this occasion, was likewise singular in the extreme. The principal instrument selected to furnish this important portion of the ceremony was a symmetrically formed wooded article usually denominated an eel-pot, with a cleanly dressed sheep skin drawn tightly over its wide and open extremity. . . . Astride this rude utensil sat Jackey Quackenboss, then in his prime of life and well known energy, beating lustily with his naked hands upon its loudly sounding head, successively repeating the ever wild, though euphonic cry of Hi-a-bomba, bomba, bomba, in full harmony with the thumping sounds. These vocal sounds were readily taken up and as oft repeated by the female portion of the spectators not otherwise engaged in the exercises of the scene, accompanied by the beating of time with their ungloved hands, in strict accordance with the eel-pot melody.”
Researchers have historically stressed the “functionality” of black music in comparison to that of the larger society and as a viable link to its “African past.” Nonetheless, Anglo Saxon Protestant religious expression was functional as well in Colonial America and as such became an important structural space for the development of African American music. As early New Englanders debated the value of oral and written modes of pedagogy and dissemination in their churches and singing schools well into the nineteenth century, African Americans codified their own musical sensibilities within the framework of their gradual acculturation into American Christianity. These qualities included performance practices with a predilection for antiphonal-response, timbral heterogeneity, rhythmic variety, improvisation, corporeal activity, open-ended structures encouraging endless repetition as well as oral dissemination. In 1819, John F. Watson, a black Northern minister criticized integrated camp meetings in which black musical practices were absorbed into the white church world, and his comments pointed toward a long-term pattern of cultural interdependence:
“In the blacks’ quarter, the coloured people get together and sing for hours together, short scraps of disjointed affirmations, pledges, or prayers, lengthened out with long repetition choruses. These are all sung in merry chorus-manner of the southern harvest field or husking frolic method, of the slave blacks.”
These practices made sonically porous the boundaries separating secular and sacred realms as slave festivals, holidays, and even revolts were accompanied by similar musical components, although the degree of “Africanisms”—those musical qualities with analogous connections to the historical (and in some cases, recent) homeland of the slaves—varied according to regional differences determined by the density of the black population in the relationship to that of the white ruling classes. Music became an iconic symbol of black difference and a recognized source of communal identity and, thus, inspired the passing of laws in selected states to control the social environment for fear of white safety.
Between 1650 and 1750, the idea that African peoples formed a unified racial unit flourished in Europe as plantation slavery and its cultures shaped race ideology, trade economies, and social practices on both sides of the Atlantic. This construction of African identity was further entrenched in North America as black people founded churches, schools, and fraternal institutions during the decades surrounding 1800, many including the term “African” in their designations. The 1816 founding of the African Methodist Episcopal Church in Philadelphia formally established a black religious tradition in the United States that would continue to develop within the institutional and structural systems of the larger society. The publication of an ex-slave, Reverend Richard Allen’s (1760-1831) hymnal A Collection of Spiritual Songs and Hymns in 1801, affirms that the desire to engage in musical practices of their own making was part of the reason for the establishment of separate denominations. Following the tradition of printed metrical psalters of the New England compilers, Allen’s hymnal contains songs by Isaac Watts and others whose forms encourage antiphonal response among participants.
Rev. Richard Allen pictured in the center.
In the visual arts and in poetry we also witness a world being “made” from the Afrological artistic impulse. As Celeste-Marie Bernier reminds us, in the works of Dave the Potter (c.1780-1863) and the quilter Harriet Powers (1837-1911), we see how black subjectivity was being witnessed to and, in fact, created through artistic media.
“Dave’s highly visible poetic lines which he commonly situated near the rim of his jars”. . . argued “for the right of the black slave to an artistic identity.”
Harriet Powers used her patchwork quilts to preach the gospel using illustrated bible stories.
The pioneering art historian Robert Ferris Thompson has determined along with other scholars of literature, music, and religion that these artifacts and practices affirm the syncretic nature of Afrologics, and calls them a “flash of the spirit.” Not refusing belief in the magical, spiritual, and mystical in the face of skeptical rationality, he writes that: “Flash of the Spirit is about visual and philosophic streams of creativity and imagination, running parallel to the massive musical and choreographic modalities that connect black persons of the western hemisphere, as well as the millions of European and Asian people attracted to and performing their styles, to Mother Africa. . . . The rise, development, and achievement of Yoruba, Kongo, Fon, Mande, and Ejagham art and philosophy fused with new elements overseas, shaping and defining the black Atlantic visual tradition.”
Whatever this thing called blackness is, poets such as Phillis Wheatley (“On Being Brought from Africa to America,”[1773]) and Langston Hughes (“Afro-American Fragment” [1959]) have reflected on the relationship of it to their own identities, even though they were separated by centuries. Their art and personal histories, like so many other African Americans across time and space were created within the logic of an African “presence” in America, a presence that is, as Elizabeth Alexander maintains, very much debated and is still “news.”
September 23 marks the anniversary of the birth of John William Coltrane in Hamlet, North Carolina. His impact on the world of jazz is still being felt three quarters of a century later.
One of the more unusal aspects of Coltrane's legacy is the founding of the St.John Coltrane African Orthodox Church in San Francisco. Quoting from their webpage:
Founders Archbishop Franzo King and Reverend Mother Marina King began this work in 1971 under the name of “One Mind Temple Evolutionary Transitional Body of Christ.” The inspiration came after the young couple had seen John Coltrane perform live in San Francisco in the year 1965. Being raised in the Pentecostal Church, Franzo King knew the presence of the Lord when it came through the power of the Holy Ghost. Seeing John Coltrane and hearing his sound that night was that familiar feeling he knew since childhood. It was the presence of God. Archbishop King refers to this as a “sound baptism” which touched their hearts and minds. Further investigation into this man proved him to be not just a “jazz musician” but one who was chosen to guide souls back to God.
Whatever your religious denomination or affiation, you have to agree these are not bad thoughts on a Sunday in Autumn 2012.
To celebrate Trane's birthay 11 years ago, WKCR made a broadcast containing the unreleased takes of the Sunship Album. These takes have never been released officially, but you can find them at Big O Worldwide today. The band is the famous Coltrane Quartet of Coltrane on sax, McCoy Tyner on piano, Jimmy Garrison on bass and Elvin Jones on drums.
Click on the panels for a better view or to download artwork.
JOHN COLTRANE QUARTET The Sun Ship Sessions 1965 [no label, 1CD] Sessions at RCA-Victor Studios, New York City, August 26, 1965. Broadcast on WKCR, Sept 23, 2001. Ex FM stereo.
“In 2001, WKCR made a broadcast containing the unreleased takes of the Sunship Album. These takes have never been released officially.” - Maurizio.
Sun Ship was an album that followed in the same vein as the late 1964 album, A Love Supreme. That was Coltrane’s famous album dedicated to the Supreme Being, God. After A Love Supreme, Coltrane continued with his spiritual journey which gave power to his music. The albums that followed, Ascension, Meditations, Kulu Se Mama and the post-humously released Om and Infinity, all recorded in 1965, displayed a man describing his faith and beliefs through music and chants. Sun Ship was recorded in August of that year.
Coltrane chose free jazz as the vehicle for his searching. Although neither Albert Ayler nor Archie Shepp or Pharoah Sanders, the free jazz advocates, sit in on these sessions, Tyner, Garrison and Jones felt the music just as deeply.
Sun Ship is an underrated album in the Coltrane canon but as the reviewers at the Penguin Guide To Jazz suggest, “it’s high time this fine record was better known”.
Thanks to Maurizio and u014945 who uploaded the show on Dime, April, 2012. - Professor Red
Click on the highlighted tracks to download the MP3s (224 kbps). As far as we can ascertain, these tracks have never been officially released on CD.
Please Do Not Hammer The Links. Due to the size of some of the files, please be very patient when downloading the tracks. It could be that the server was very busy. The tracks should still be around. Please try again later. Kindly email us at mybigo@bigozine.com if you encounter persistent problems downloading the files.
Track 03. Attaining Take I 14:07 (22.6MB) Track 04. Attaining Take 2 1:03 (1.7MB) Attaining Take 3 10:55 not present here because the first 7:24 of this track plus the the last 3:58 of Insert 1 are the Master take
Track 05. Insert 1 00:40 (1.1MB) Present here the first 40″ of 4:55 mainly to present some studio chatter
Track 06. Sunship Take I 1:06 (1.7MB) Track 07. Sunship Take 2 - Incomplete 2:30 (cut) (4.0MB) TT: 25:29; some of the broadcast tracks have been omitted as they are officially released. Buy the album.
Lineup: John Coltrane - soprano, tenor sax McCoy Tyner - piano Jimmy Garrison - bass Elvin Jones - drums
John Coltrane’s Sun Ship was released two years before his death. Buy the CD or MP3 here.
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Submissions must be postmarked by or before October 15, 2012.
Entry fee is $10 for the first entry, $5 for each entry thereafter. One poem, story, or essay counts as one entry. Please make out checks or money orders to “Georgetown Review.”
If you want your work returned or want to receive a notice about the winner and runners-up, you must send us a stamped, self-addressed envelope. However, we will post a list of the work we choose on our website after the contest is judged, and we will do our best to have this list up by February 2012.
The magazine’s editors will judge.
Simultaneous and multiple submissions are okay. Your name can appear on your work as well, and in fact, we prefer that your name, address and email address appear on your entries. We have a small editorial staff and would not award the prize to any colleagues, students, or friends. You do not need a cover sheet.
All entries are considered for publication. In the 2011 contest, 8 runner-up works were selected for publication. If your work is published, Georgetown Review acquires first North American rights, which means that after we publish the piece the rights to it revert back to you.
Send entries to:
2012 Contest Georgetown Review 400 East College Street Box 227 Georgetown, KY 40324
We seek scholarly essays for an edited collection tentatively titled Fed Up: Creating a New Type of Senegal Through the Arts that focuses on the link between social change, cultural production, and the arts in contemporary Senegal. When Senegal won its independence in 1960 it was perhaps uniquely situated among its fellow African nations to quickly gain international prominence due to its first president, Léopold Sédar Senghor. He understood the need, and the means, to strengthen the political stability and global image of Senegal, especially via the arts. Throughout Senghor’s two-decades long presidency, Senegalese society enjoyed relative prosperity while rising to the fore of West African literature, art, cinema, and music.
Present-day Senegal is home to a cultural milieu that is just as vibrant as that of Senghor. There exists a burgeoning scene of young authors, artists, filmmakers, and musicians who are creating fascinating art and receiving critical acclaim in doing so. However, this is not Senghor’s Senegal. Whereas Senghor generously supported the arts and successfully channeled them to further political stability, the Senegal of the 21st century has been marked by a tension between politics and the arts. Young participants in Senegalese culture, in fact, are rethinking and reworking the relationship between politics and the arts to strike against the injustices and indifference they see as endemic to traditional Senegalese society.
Nowhere was the rise of young, politically engaged Senegalese artists more evident than during the recent reelection campaign of the country’s third president, Abdoulaye Wade. In 2011, several Senegalese journalists and hip-hop artists banded together to form the Y’En A Marre (“We’re Fed Up”) movement in response to Wade’s attempt to secure a third term, and quickly garnered the support of Senegalese youth from various walks of life. They led a campaign to register young voters for the February 2012 elections, held demonstrations against Wade, and supported his opponent, Macky Sall. Looking beyond the presidential election, and even the political system itself, participants in this collective youth movement have continued to urge their countrymen and women to become a “Nouveau Type de Sénégalais” (“A New Type of Senegalese”), to re-conceptualize what it means to be Senegalese, and thus serve as catalysts for social and political reform. However, this shifting identity is not limited to Senegalese rap and politics. Authors such as Nafissatou Dia Diouf and Fama Diagne Sène, artists such as Kan-Si, and musicians such as Thiat and Fou Malade have deviated from traditional models in order to reflect the Senegal in which they live. Meanwhile, young filmmakers and critics are beginning to rethink Senegal’s once renowned national cinema that has deteriorated in recent years due to lack of funding and a weakening of political will. In all of its forms, contemporary Senegalese art seems to be the inspiration and the means with which young Senegalese are confronting their society’s ills.
Essays accepted for this collection will engage with one or more of the following objectives: 1) to present the shifting political and social landscape in contemporary Senegal; 2) to examine the new and innovative forms of literary, artistic, cinematic, and musical expression existing in Senegal today; 3) to analyze the intersections between the political and the arts in the attempts by artistic creators to transform Senegalese culture, society, and politics. Specific essay topics may include, but are not limited to:
Contemporary writers and novelists’ deviations from Senegalese literary history
Visual artists’ innovations and efforts to engage with contemporary Senegalese society
Contemporary cinematic culture in Senegal including its recent struggles and successes
The Y’en a Marre movement
Hip-hop’s development and current status in Senegal
Other Senegalese musical genres and their social significance
The relationship between politics and the arts in the 2012 presidential campaign and election
Attempts at political and social reform under President Macky Sall
The ramifications of Senegal’s political (in)stability for other West African countries and the evolution of Francophonie
Interviews with Senegalese artists and social figures working to promote political and social reform within their country
Please submit a 500 word abstract in English, a CV, and a brief personal statement about your interest in this particular topic by October 15, 2012 to volume editors Molly Enz (molly.enz@sdstate.edu) and Devin Bryson (devin.bryson@mail.ic.edu). If accepted, the volume will be published by Cambridge Scholars Publishing.
Tentative Volume Timeline
Deadline for abstract submissions: October 15, 2012
Notification of selected contributors: November 1, 2012
Deadline for final chapters: July 1, 2013
Deadline for revisions of final chapters: September 1, 2013
Submission of volume to publisher: October 15, 2013
Prizes ranging from $1,000 to $25,000 each are awarded annually for lyric poems celebrating the human spirit by poets under the age of 40. Submit two copies of up to three poems (only one of the poems may be more than 30 lines) with a $10 entry fee by October 20. Send an SASE or visit the website for complete guidelines.
I WAS a welfare mother, “dependent upon government,” as Mitt Romney so bluntly put it in a video that has gone viral. “My job is not to worry about those people,” he said. “I’ll never convince them that they should take personal responsibility and care for their lives.” But for me, applying for government benefits was exactly that — a way of taking responsibility for myself and my son during a difficult time in our lives. Those resources kept us going for four years. Anyone waiting for me to apologize shouldn’t hold his breath.
Almost 40 years ago, working two jobs, with an ex-husband who was doing little to help, I came home late one night to my parents’ house, where I was living at the time. My mother was sitting at the card table, furiously filling out forms. It was my application for readmission to college, and she’d done nearly everything. She said she’d write the essay, too, if I wouldn’t. You have to get back on track, she told me. I sat down with her and began writing.
And so, eight years after I’d flunked out, gotten pregnant, eloped, had a child, divorced and then fumbled my first few do-overs of jobs and relationships, I was readmitted to the University of New Hampshire as a full-time undergraduate. I received a Basic Educational Opportunity Grant, a work-study grant and the first in a series of college loans. I found an apartment — subsidized, Section 8 — about two miles from campus. Within days, I met other single-mom students. We’d each arrived there by a different route, some falling out of the middle class, others fighting to get up into it, but we shared the same goal: to make a better future.
By the end of the first semester, I knew that my savings and work-study earnings wouldn’t be enough. My parents could help a little, but at that point they had big life problems of their own. If I dropped to a part-time schedule, I’d lose my work-study job and grants; if I dropped out, I’d be back to zero, with student-loan debt. That’s when a friend suggested food stamps and A.F.D.C. — Aid to Families With Dependent Children.
Me, a welfare mother? I’d been earning paychecks since the seventh grade. My parents were Great Depression children, both ex-Marines. They’d always taught self-reliance. And I had grown up hearing that anyone “on the dole” was scum. But my friend pointed out I was below the poverty line and sliding. I had a small child. Tuition was due.
So I went to my dad. He listened, did the calculations with me, and finally said: “I never used the G.I. Bill. I wish I had. Go ahead, do this.” My mother had already voted. “Do not quit. Do. Not.”
My initial allotment (which edged up slightly over the next three years) was a little more than $250 a month. Rent was around $150. We qualified for $75 in food stamps, which couldn’t be used for toilet paper, bathroom cleanser, Band-Aids, tampons, soap, shampoo, aspirin, toothpaste or, of course, the phone bill, or gas, insurance or snow tires for the car.
At the end of the day, my son and I came home to my homework, his homework, leftover spaghetti, generic food in dusty white boxes. The mac-and-cheese in particular looked like nuclear waste and tasted like feet. “Let’s have scrambled eggs again!” chirped my game kid. We always ran out of food and supplies before we ran out of month. There were nights I was so blind from books and deadlines and worry that I put my head on my desk and wept while my boy slept his boy dreams. I hoped he didn’t hear me, but of course he did.
The college-loan folks knew about the work-study grants, the welfare office knew about the college loans, and each application form was a sworn form, my signature attesting to the truth of the numbers. Still, I constantly worried that I’d lose our benefits. More than once, the state sent “inspectors” — a knock at the door, someone insisting he had a right to inspect the premises. One inspector, fixating on my closet, fingered a navy blue Brooks Brothers blazer that I wore to work. “I’d be interested to know how you can afford this,” she said.
It was from a yard sale. “Take your hands off my clothing,” I said. My benefits were promptly suspended pending status clarification. I had to borrow from friends for food and rent, not to mention toilet paper.
That’s not to say we didn’t have angels: work-study supervisors, academic advisers and a social worker assigned to “nontraditional” students, which, in addition to women like me, increasingly included military veterans and older people coming in to retrofit their careers. Faculty members were used to panicked students whose kids had the flu during finals. Every semester, I had at least one incomplete course, with petitions for extensions. One literature professor, seeing my desperation, gave me a copy of “The Awakening” by Kate Chopin to read and critique for extra credit. “But it’s not a primer,” he cautioned. (Spoiler: she walks into the ocean and dies.)
With help, I graduated. That day, over the heads of the crowd, my 11-year-old’s voice rang out like an All Clear: “Yay, Mom!” Two weeks later, I was off welfare and in an administrative job in the English department. Part of my work included advising other nontraditional students, guiding them through the same maze I’d just completed, one course, one semester, at a time.
In the years since, the programs that helped me have changed. In the ’80s, the Basic Educational Opportunity Grant became the Pell Grant (which Paul D. Ryan’s budget would cut). In the ’90s, A.F.D.C. was replaced by block grants to the states, a program called Temporary Assistance for Needy Families. States can and do divert that money for other programs, and to plug holes in the state budget. And a single mother applying for aid today would face time limits and eligibility requirements that I did not. Thanks to budget cuts, she would also have a smaller base of the invaluable human resources — social workers, faculty members, university facilities — that were so important to me.
Since then, I’ve remarried, co-written books, worked as a magazine editor and finally paid off my college loans. My husband and I have paid big taxes and raised a hard-working son who pays a chunk of change as well. We pay for sidewalks, streetlights, sanitation trucks, the military (we have three nephews in uniform, two deployed), police and fire departments, open emergency rooms, teachers, bus drivers, museums, libraries and campuses where people’s lives are saved, enriched and raised up every day. My country gave me the chance to rebuild my life — paying my tax tab is the only thing it’s asked of me in return.
I was not an exception in that little Section 8 neighborhood. Among those welfare moms were future teachers, nurses, scientists, business owners, health and safety advocates. We never believed we were “victims” or felt “entitled”; if anything, we felt determined. Wouldn’t any decent person throw a rope to a drowning person? Wouldn’t any drowning person take it?
Judge-and-punish-the-poor is not a demonstration of American values. It is, simply, mean. My parents saved me and then — on the dole, in the classroom or crying deep in the night, in love with a little boy who needed everything I could give him — I learned to save myself. I do not apologize. I was not ashamed then; I am not ashamed now. I was, and will always be, profoundly grateful.
A writer who was the co-author of Carissa Phelps’s “Runaway Girl: Escaping Life on the Streets, One Helping Hand at a Time,” and is at work on her own memoir.
Farah: 'We become replicas of the tyrant whom we hate. When you rid yourself of a monster, you become a monster.' Photograph: Eamonn McCabe/The Guardian
In a hotel beside a Norwegian fjord, encircled by snow-streaked mountains, the novelist and playwright Nuruddin Farah has his mind on warmer waters."Are they pirates?" he says of the Somalis who hold ships hostage off the Horn of Africa, where he was born. "What they do has the characteristics of piracy. But that wasn't how it started." He fixes his eye on the Arctic trawlers in the harbour. "The majority were fishermen who lost their livelihoods to Korean and Japanese and European fishing vessels, fishing illegally in Somali waters. I'm not condoning the things they're doing. But there are unanswered questions. Someone is not telling us the truth."
Over 45 years, Farah has pursued complex, elusive truths as one of Africa's greatest novelists, and a cosmopolitan voice in English-language fiction. He was driven into exile by the Somali dictator Mohamed Siad Barre, who ruled from 1969 to 1991, and he now lives in Cape Town. But all 11 of his novels (translated into 20 languages) are set in Somali-speaking lands, one impulse being to "keep my country alive by writing about it". When I first met him in London in the 1980s, he was with Salman Rushdie at a Royal Court play, and his became a staunch Muslim voice against the fatwa. Rushdie writes in his new memoir of seeking his friend's advice on how to depict a country lost to him: "'I keep it here,' Nuruddin said, pointing to his heart."
For Nadine Gordimer, Farah is one of the continent's "real interpreters". Aged 66, he has lived in 10 African countries and is often cited by other African writers as overdue for the Nobel. His novels scourge received opinion – whether of female inferiority (he writes women characters who make their own destinies), religious dogma, nationalism (Maps), foreign aid (Gifts) or clannism (Secrets). They trace the history of a region long an arena for proxy wars and great power rivalries, in an oblique, metaphorical style that marries proverbial wisdom ("a dead man's shoes are more useful than he is") with daily life in a modern African state awash with sim cards and AK47s.
Crossbones is the final volume of a trilogy, Past Imperfect, set in the civil war that erupted when Siad Barre was ousted. In Links (2004) a Dante scholar returns to the seaside capital Mogadishu to find StrongmanNorth and StrongmanSouth battling with US Marines in the infernal, Italianate ruins. In Knots (2007) a Canadian-Somali actress arrives as the warlords have been vanquished by bearded men in white robes, foisting "body tents" on women. By Crossbones, the ascendant Islamists – whom Farah terms "religionists" – are spoiling for war with Ethiopia, while piracy proliferates off the breakaway coastal region of Puntland.
I spoke to Farah as a peace process was under way in Somalia that culminated in the inauguration last Sunday of the country's first elected president in decades. The author was in Tromsø, a tranquil town of clapboard houses and silver birch trees 360km north of the Arctic Circle, to address global Ibsen experts. He was already "pregnant" with his first published novel, From a Crooked Rib (1970), when he read Ibsen's plays as a student of philosophy and literature in India. The novel-in-progress was the tale of a fight for selfhood in a world where women are "sold like cattle", told through the eyes of a 19-year-old nomadic woman. "I could not have written From a Crooked Rib if I had not read A Doll's House," he said at Tromsø University. Growing up in Somalia and Ethiopia, and studying in India, he tells me, "I saw, on a daily basis, women beaten, girls not sent to school, and the injustices meted out to women. But at 19 or 20 I lacked the courage to articulate it." The gulf between Ibsen's Nora and his unlettered pastoralist clarified his task: "For Ebla, even in a metaphorical sense, there was no door to slam."
From a Crooked Rib became a Penguin Modern Classic in 2004. At a time when fiction in Africa was more focused on colonial power and emerging nationhood, Farah scrutinised the intimate power play between men and women. The novel was subversive in other ways. Some women berated Farah for trespassing on their realm for exposing the horror of female genital mutilation practised among Somalis (a practice banned last month under Somalia's new constitution).
His second trilogy was conceived when he returned to Somalia in 1996, for the first time in 22 years, and was taken hostage by a minor warlord. In Kismayo, "I was kept incommunicado for a few days. The warlord sent a technical [vehicle] with 16 gunmen; he'd been told wrongly that I was a journalist, and wanted me to write an article praising him." The warlord's sister-in-law pleaded for Farah's release: he had been her school teacher in the early 70s. Reconsidering, his captors demanded that he deliver lectures. He complied, since there was nowhere to escape to. He shrugs at the absurdity: "I was held hostage and gave lectures to the community."
Later in Mogadishu, he was "shocked by the destruction. It was a country I didn't recognise, and many of the people in it were newcomers." Since the 10th century, he argues, Mogadishu had been a cosmopolitan city-state, but with the civil war, "it lost its old inhabitants – some of Persian, Arab and Indian origin who had intermarried. Its character changed." In an essay, "Of Tamarinds and Cosmopolitans", Farah wrote of a clash not of clans, but between pastoralist nomads and urbanites, in a once "open city with no walls". But he was moved by his welcome as one of Somalia's most famous sons (a celebrity matched only recently by the British Olympian Mo Farah): "People touched me and said, Nuruddin is back, life is here. Others will come."
Born in 1945 in Baidoa, in Italian Somaliland, Farah went to school in Ogaden (ceded by the British to Ethiopia) and Mogadishu. His father was an interpreter for the British governor, and his mother an oral poet. He used English textbooks, took Qur'anic lessons, and spoke Amharic, Arabic and Italian too. He claims an American typewriter had much to do with his choice of literary language. But his efforts to write in Somali, once it gained a written script in 1972, were curtailed by censorship. All his novels were later banned, and read only in smuggled copies.
His first wife was a student from Bangalore whom he met while studying in Punjab ("her father and I played chess"), and their son is now an auditor in Detroit with two small daughters. Leaving Somalia in 1974 to do a master's degree in theatre at Essex University, Farah worked at London's Royal Court ("making tea"). When his second novel, A Naked Needle (1976), riled Somalia's despot, his brother advised him not to return. He was sentenced to death in absentia. "The country died inside me, and I carried it, for a long time, like a woman with a dead baby," he says. "It became the neurosis from which I write."
After a trip that took in the Soviet Union, Greece under the colonels and Sadat's Egypt, he wrote his first trilogy, Variations on the Theme of an African Dictatorship (1979-83), consisting of Sweet and Sour Milk, Sardines and Close Sesame. He once challenged fellow Somalis to "study the structure of the Somali family and you will find mini-dictators imposing their will … We become replicas of the tyrant whom we hate. When you rid yourself of a monster, you become a monster." Somalia's implosion, which he predicted as early as 1988, fuelled a personal crisis. His mother died in 1990, when it was still unsafe to return. He got married for a second time, to a British-Nigerian academic, and moved to northern Nigeria, then South Africa.
In his talk in Norway, he described being in a "very difficult marriage, much worse and more debilitating than Nora's, even though I stayed in it ... maybe because I was in mourning". As he sees it now, the collapse of Somalia "necessitated the creation of a foundation. I was afloat, and needed an anchor. Marrying became an anchor – which was probably wrong." When the couple eventually split, and his children were taken to California, "it reminded me of when I couldn't see my [elder] son." At that time, "I couldn't go back; I was being hunted down. Two attempts at killing me were made, in Nigeria and Rome."
As his second marriage foundered, "writing became hard; living a lot harder." It took a dozen years to complete his second trilogy, Blood in the Sun (1986-98), begun with Maps, set during the 1970s Ogaden war, and Gifts, at a time of famine. Secrets unfolds on the eve of civil war, and he deems it a pessimistic book. "I was pretending to be happy, but wasn't. It's a novel that predicts terrible days." As a nation ruptures along bloodlines, the novel evoked incest and bestiality, "to make everyone sit up and see the ugliness of what was happening. The entire country was a death camp".
Farah met his father for the first time in 17 years in a hospital in Mombasa, Kenya, and was told: "We fled because we met the beasts in us, face to face." Farah's son and younger sister also fled by boat. In the non-fiction Yesterday, Tomorrow (2000), based on conversations with Somali refugees, Farah extrapolates from his own exile the anguish of people without means, education or a writer's creativity, when their country ceases to exist. The voices are "raw, tearful, pained". The book was spurred by "two types of Somali: the poor in refugee camps in Kenya; and the rich, corrupt sons and daughters of the dictator and his cronies, staying at the Hilton in Nairobi and flying in private jets. I was interested in where the future of Somalia lay."
He has been back often since 1996, and played peace- broker between armed groups in an effort curtailed by the Ethiopian invasion of 2006. Somalia, he says, is "full of stories. We say, 'one sick person; a hundred doctors'. Somalia is a sick country and everyone has an opinion. Mine is one version; in a civil war, there are millions." In Links he wanted to offer an alternative angle on the US intervention of 1993 to the film Black Hawk Down. The trilogy was conceived, he says, in the context of "misunderstandings, misconceptions and missing the point", chief among those being that the conflict is clan warfare. Farah does not see himself as belonging to a clan. "Anyone who claims to represent a clan is a dastardly liar. You can represent people who elected you. I can't represent my own brother."
Crossbones also casts doubt on reports of boom towns rich on piracy. Farah visited Puntland, and says: "I did not see that wealth." The novel suggests those up the food chain, and abroad, take their cut. "Nobody wants to talk about illegal fishing or the destruction of the environment – the marine life and coral reefs. What we talk about is the consequences of this destruction. There's enough UN information about nuclear and chemical waste dumped on the shores of Somalia – the tsunami unearthed it. Entire communities in Puntland have children born with deformities."
Crossbones takes place against the rise of al-Shabaab, the military wing of the Union of Islamic Courts, which has claimed allegiance to al-Qaida. Farah, who is a professor at the University of Minnesota in Minneapolis, says susceptible teenagers were "told they were fighting an enemy: infidels, unbelievers, Ethiopians, the federal government." The militant leaders are hypocrites, he adds, who "leave their own sons and daughters in school, and recruit other people's." Taxliil in the novel, a troubled teenager briefly inducted by the militants, has no exit but via Guantánamo. Farah is indignant that "he is going to prison. He's been misled by people who don't go to prison, but their names are known."
Al-Shabaab's withdrawal from Mogadishu in August last year heralded the city's rebirth, with the return of many expatriates. Rather than having been routed by peacekeepers, Farah says, "Shabaab's beastly attitudes alienated people, with stories of women raped and pregnant, whipped, killed. People were afraid; now no longer. More understand that Shabaab has nothing to do with religion; it's interested in political power." He was once attacked online for insisting the "Afghan-type body tent is not culturally Somali. I said: 'My mother never wore a veil, nor my sisters.' They said my mother was not a Muslim." In the diaspora, he argues, "the majority could not articulate their Somali culture. The less you know about Islam, the more conservative people become."
When the National Theatre in Mogadishu was devastated by a suicide bomb last April, only two weeks after reopening, Farah's response was to write a short play in Somali, though its staging may take time. Three more of his recent plays are being translated into Somali. As Jean Anouilh set Sophocles in Nazi-occupied Paris, Farah's Antigone in Somalia is set during the Ethiopian occupation of Mogadishu of 2006-09. Antigone's brother, whose corpse cannot be buried, is a suicide bomber. In areas al-Shabaab controls, says Farah, they have "forbidden song and dance because they're closer to Wahhabism than most Somalis". Theatre that is verse-based, and sung to music, "challenges everything such groups represent. They say it's evil, Satan's work, and that a woman's place is not on the stage." Yet visiting Mogadishu in the spring, he found people "playing music and singing in tea houses and at parties. Women have created their own space."
Somalia's President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, elected by MPs, took power last week, four days after surviving a suicide bombing for which al-Shabaab claimed responsibility. Though Farah has reservations about "electing MPs and president on a clan-based formula", he believes there is no present alternative, given years of war. The president, whom he has met, "struck me as trustworthy, a man capable of uniting the country and taking it forward, away from attrition and in-fighting."
Though his protagonists strive to leave their homeland better than they found it, good intentions go awry. Farah notes a pessimistic turn in his fiction, "and the reason is, Somalia is no longer what it was. No matter how the characters struggle, how can you reconstruct a country that's self-destructing continuously?" Then, under a blazing Arctic summer sun that refuses to set over the harbour, he rallies: "I'd like the dust to settle first. It will take five more years of peace. Then good things will come."