HISTORY: Magnificent, mysterious designs in American Folk Art revealed in African iconography

Magnificent, mysterious

designs in

American Folk Art

revealed in

African iconography

A composite of Colonial American pottery designs on top and adinkra designs of the people of Ghana, West Africa on the bottom below the pottery.

By: Pearl Duncan


NEW YORK, NY.- Communities around the United States celebrated June nineteenth in historic, cultural and art events. The commemorative celebrations known as Juneteenth represent the date and delayed knowledge about an important historical event. Upcoming Colonial American stoneware auctions in July will also reveal new knowledge about history and art.

In colonial times, news of the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863, liberation from slavery, finally reached African-Americans and others of Galveston, Texas in June 1865. The notification resounded in the nation. Today, news of important artists and art influences in Colonial American seep out equally slowly.

To celebrate these new artistic discoveries, museums, auction houses and art dealers are working to credit and acknowledge American folk artists by revisiting the attributions of Colonial American art images. They are adding the names and identities of individuals, groups and cultures omitted from the historical art records. Some of the newly-found individuals and cultures are African-American. July’s folk art stoneware auctions this year will see some major changes.

A leading auction house spearheading the rediscovery of the nation’s earliest stoneware potteries is Crocker Farm. The company has researched newly discovered stoneware and incorporated details and attributions into what’s known about American stoneware folk artists. A company auctioneer, Brandt Zipp, describes some of the earliest stoneware highlights and images that experts have not been able to identify. But even the experts have missed some important African-American artistic connections. In a video about the art on a piece of very old colonial stoneware pottery, he says the earliest pottery entrepreneurs and artists immigrated from Germany, which they did: Crolius and Remmey in New York and Morgan and Kemple in New York and New Jersey.

But there were also free and enslaved potters and artisans from Africa working alongside the German potters. Having researched blended Colonial American ancestors, I add new news to the images and artwork still unidentified on America’s colonial stoneware pottery. I researched the colonial pottery shards archaeologists found on the mysterious 18th-century World Trade Center ship and am writing a book. As trade progressed in the 1700s, square-rigged colonial ships delivered clay to the kilns, and ship owners purchased well-crafted artistic utilitarian stoneware from colonial factories. My article here in Art Daily identified one entrepreneur-abolitionist, artist-potter, the African-American, Thomas Commeraw, whose artwork has recently been identified.

And now I cite the images of Colonial African immigrants, enslaved people from the Akan and Gyaman medieval groups in Ghana and the Côte d'Ivoire in West Africa to clarify some of this nation’s lost or unknown artistic stoneware images.

In auctioneer Brandt Zipp’s video, he says artwork is unidentified on the earliest pottery from the 1750s. He now identifies the artwork as having come from one of the New York potteries. He traces his finger across the preserved pottery and describes the artwork, an “incised flower basket unheard of in American pottery design.” He says it was clearly done by a skilled potter.

On the reverse side of the pottery, he traces the design on the colonial jar, which sold for $28,750 at auction in March of this year. He describes the image “on back as kind of a bizarre design.” He says, “It seems to me that a young apprentice or child executed the design.” Pointing out that the art on the reverse side is not as finely done as the basket with flowers on the front of the jar, he says this may have been an abstract design someone was playing around with. A doctor called the image a fetus in the womb.

So although the auctioneer identified similar art on pottery found in the African Burial Ground near the German potteries, he attributes the blue incised lines around the neck and base of the jar to the German craftsmen, but was not able to identify the other images. So I do so on Juneteenth week when we are recovering lost history and culture.

The unrecognized image described as a fetus, looks like one of the Akan people’s most important icons. The image is similar to West Africa’s Ghanaian Akan design of Gye Nyame, the Supreme God, representing birth, faith and life. The woven basket and a plant, a tree, also represent the living, life and survival.

Until 1991 when American Colonial pottery was discovered at the African Burial Ground adjoining Potters Field in Lower Manhattan in New York, much of this pottery with this art was attributed to a Colonial war hero, Captain James Morgan and a handful of other New Jersey potters from the New Jersey Cheesequake pottery. But that is changing with new archaeological awareness and new research. On this jar showcased in the video which auctioned for tens of thousands of dollars, the drawings the auctioneer calls flowerheads are similar to the rosettes stamped on New York Colonial pottery. However, similar rosettes are found on both earlier German pottery, and on Medieval African pottery and fabrics.

Even more important, other images incised on the jar, images the auctioneer calls, “bizarre” and “weird design,” are also African. They are similar to images found in the art of the Akan and the Gyaman people of Ghana and the Côte d'Ivoire in West Africa.

It is quite possible that the art had more meaning for the enslaved and free African-Americans who worked alongside the German potters, especially since as I discussed in my earlier article, some of these potters were related to the German potters. In Ghana’s Akan culture, the potters worked alongside the weavers, and created similar adinkra images on their works. The fern-like tree of life image represents survival by God’s grace. The woven basket image represents knowledge, what’s known and what’s authentic. So it’s gratifying to add knowledge to the art of American blended family of folk artists.

The most well-known art and a major image on early Colonial American pottery that’s been attributed by archaeologists, historians, auctioneers, art dealers and museum curators to the New York German potters and the Captain James Morgan and other New Jersey potters from the Cheesequake, New Jersey pottery is called “watch spring.” But the watch spring design, a coiled spring and variations of the design, hark to the African Ghanaian Akan adinkra design called Dwennimmen, ram’s horn. Ram’s horn designs occur in many cultures, but in West Africa’s Akan they represent strength and humbleness.

American Colonial stoneware now commands thousands of dollars for important historic and artistic pieces. Two major pottery traditions, German and Ghanaian encountered each other, but because so many Colonial American artists and entrepreneurs owned other artists and artisans as slaves, only the knowledge of one survived. It will take time and effort to sort through the various artisans and their contributions. People who worked in the stoneware factories as African slaves, as unpaid or underpaid free African-American artisans, as indentured Irish, German and other workers contributed art that may never be credited to them. But gradually, that is changing.

The stories of African-American artists in the American Colonies have been lost and hidden, because so many of these artists were owned by others. Because artistic influences flow from different sources, and various places and cultures, much of their work has been blended into the American art polyglot. Their art has been credited to other artists.

In American stoneware folk art, where African-American artists were major artists and artisans, current dealers and auction houses have stepped up, done the research, and are crediting one of these artisans, the talented New York Colonial potter and entrepreneur, Thomas Commeraw. (Art Daily, May 31st) Because much of the credit says, “attributed to” when pottery is unmarked or undated, art dealers can begin to reflect the history by attributing more works to the workers who produced stoneware in the major colonial potteries. Their names have been lost, but the images they transported from ancestral places remain, and can now be “attributed to.”

One of the main images that has not been attributed in American Colonial stoneware art is the “sankofa” design of the Akan potters of Ghana. Two images of the design are now popular, the sankofa scrolls surrounding a heart, and the sankofa bird, reaching its long curved beak behind to capture an egg above its back and its tail. Cultural anthropological texts such as R.S. Rattray’s “Religion and Art in Ashanti,” detailed the art of medieval pottery making and the ancestral symbols and designs of these Africans. Many brought the designs with them to America when they were transported to the Colonies. Just as I researched the nicknames and proverbs of my Colonial American ancestors in Colonial and Medieval Ghana, confirmed our family’s ancestral names and nicknames, then compared the DNA of descendants on three continents, I researched the meaning of the sankofa and more than sixty-two other adinkra images.

My African-American mother’s nickname, Docki, pronounced Dauki, by her Ghanaian ancestors in Jamaica, means past, present and future in Ghana’s Akan lexicon. Past, present and future loom large in African art. The sankofa image, which means return and retrieve it, captures this link between the past, present and future, and even more importantly, it means that the past that has been lost can be recovered and brought alive in the present and the future.

The heartlike sankofa image and the bird mean, learn from the past. When I researched my ancestors, I found men and women from Ghana, West Africa, whose art and proverbs tell life stories. I also found nobles from Scotland whose icons represent medieval builders. On my ancestral coat of arms I was granted by Queen Elizabeth and Scotland’s Court of the Lord Lyon, I replaced my noble European ancestors’ fleur-de-lis with my African ancestors’ flower of the tree of life. I retained their royal lion, rampant, standing with forepaws raised.

 

VIDEO: Bobby McFerrin: An Improvised Life > The Revivalist

Bobby McFerrin:

An Improvised Life

Bobby McFerrin is more than the face of a catchy melody buttressed by an unforgettable slogan. An exercise in planned improvisation and incidental dynamism, his existence as a musician has been characterized by the habitual line stepping that has allowed him to stretch the sonic limitations of the listener by first breaking his own. A walking sound lab, Bobby McFerrin has spread himself across musical genres and technological platforms, from clinic to concert, to revisit and dissect the compositions that anchor the canon of your average symphony orchestra or languish on the list of standards that leave dirty old singles crumpled at the bottom of massive cognac glasses in piano bars tucked into side streets across the world; McFerrin has made it his business to force you to hear things differently. By doing so, it seems he may be forcing a culture obsessed with the disposable to consider the easily discarded, oft-ignored artifacts of past musical glory suddenly indispensable. Likely less interested in what you are listening to, than that you are listening and how your ears perceive the things you are hearing, McFerrin has graciously offered his four-octave vocal as the voice of change.

Son of the first black soloist at the Metropolitan Opera, Bobby McFerrin was born in New York City to singers Robert McFerrin Sr. and Sara Copper in 1950. His range a direct hybridization of nature and nurture, McFerrin expressed an interest in music at an early age. Beginning with clarinet, he moved to piano, and eventually to life as a vocalist after club hopping as a lounge pianist during the early part of his career. The iconography of McFerrin is of a chest-tapping percussive vocal talent with an ear-to-ear grin and a penchant for floating somewhere over the register on a band of high-notes that stretch from his mouth like pulled taffy. He, like his most famous tune, is a scion for the concept of happiness – logging regular performances with the Muppets could only have bolstered this position over the years. While that imagery remains a pillar of Bobby McFerrin’s career, it is an overly simplistic view of a man with an amazing vocal aptitude whose ten Grammy awards suggest his catalog and career are a bit more than the stuff of advertisers’ dreams.

Bobby McFerrin’s talent emerged with the formation of the Bobby Mack Quartet during his teens, an early foray that funneled itself into subsequent amateur gigs including a stint with the Ice Follies. McFerrin began to come into his own after spending the later portion of the ’70s playing in New Orleans with a group called Astral Project. During that time he met former vocalist, Linda Goldstein, who would produce and manage his career going forward. Playing on the idea of improvisation in live performance, they took their cue from Keith Jarrett’s penchant for completely improvised concerts to launch McFerrin’s career as a solo artist appearing at jazz festivals across the United States and Europe, where he was playing unaccompanied by the early ’80s. McFerrin released his first solo album, the self-titled Bobby McFerrin, in 1982.  The album was met with critical acclaim and highlighted by a reinterpretation of Van Morrison’s “Moondance,” which goes from soul stirring deconstruction of a pop ballad to a master class in complete defense of the idea that McFerrin is criminally slept on as a jazz vocalist by the time you realize he is performing all of his own horn parts, including the solo whimpering and rushing across a nasal staccato that begins to suggest he might be toying with the egos of his contemporaries who may have thought themselves amazing before placing a needle against his recording.

By 1985, Bobby McFerrin had won his first Grammy for a performance of “A Night In Tunisia” with vocal powerhouse, Manhattan Transfer; his second and third Grammy Awards would be issued in the two years immediately following. Simple Pleasures, the vehicle for “Don’t Worry Be Happy,” would later win Album and Song of The Year in 1988, while the single reached the top of the pop charts across the globe. On the heels of major commercial success, however, McFerrin retreated to the confines of musical experimentation and immersed himself in orchestral study. His work would lead to a conducting debut with the San Francisco Symphony Orchestra by 1990. This facilitated collaboration with cellist Yo-Yo Ma and a position as creative director of the St. Paul Chamber Orchestra by the mid-90s. Since then, McFerrin has remained impassioned about life as an educator reliant upon the kind of sonic innovation and crowd participation that would surely melt the walls of your average old-line conservatory lecture hall playing home field for nothing but classical standards and hell for the mere suggestion of deviation.

Bobby McFerrin’s more recent work has included continued orchestral work as a conductor and accompanist, as well as a collaboration with arranger Robert Treece which produced 2010′s Vocabularies; the album is the result of a tedious effort on the part of Treece to recreate McFerrin’s vocal improvisations for multiple vocalists and musicians. The album stands as a triumphant return, equal parts homage and collaboration, produced over the course of eight years, which returns McFerrin to the fore in a way that somehow raises the bar on the standard of excellence and slight impossibility he had already set for potential competitors. McFerrin has also spent a good amount of time on the lecture circuit over the past few years, doing things like demonstrating the neural capacity of human beings to retain series of notes and participate in group improvisation based upon a basic understanding of the pentatonic scale; an accidental therapist working to expose the quirks and strange capabilities of the human mind. Further compounding the gravity of McFerrin’s musical legacy is the emergence of his son, Taylor McFerrin, who takes the birthright of vocal dexterity to even greater depths working as a solo artist layering his vocals into ridiculously impressive compositions driven almost entirely by beatbox percussion combined with vocal and instrumental melody.  Father and son, distinguished by audible differences in generational and musical influences, are united by common lineage, musical talent, and the fact that they are deadly as a duet.

Whether he is scatting, stutter stepping his way through an exhalation of bass and snare fills, or standing squarely atop a whimsical moment moonlighting in soprano, Bobby McFerrin understands one fundamental thing that many people making music tend to miss; it is not the kind of equipment you have, but what you do with it. McFerrin uses his vocal ability to produce in mere minutes what the most expensive studio rigs and popular producers sometimes cannot, even after hours at work. His goal seems less to shame others and more to show anyone willing to learn that there is always more than one way to make great music.  There is more than one kind of sound to make and more than one way to say a line.  It does not matter whether or not you know the words or if there are words at all, Bobby McFerrin just wants everyone to be brave enough to sing along.

Bobby McFerrin Online

Words by Karas Lamb

 

VIDEO: Dear England by Lowkey Feat. Mai Khalil > honestlyAbroad

Dear England

by Lowkey Feat. Mai Khalil


[Chorus]
Whoa, give me the words, give me the words
That tell me nothing
Dear England,
Whoa, give me the words, give me the words
That tell me nothing

[Verse 1]
They say God save the queen,
Britannia rules the waves,
Britannia’s in my genes
But Britannia called us slaves
Britannia made the borders
Cause Britannia’s forces came
Britannia lit the match
But Britannia fears the flame
Where blood stains the pavement
Tears stain a cheek
And privilege is threatened, the fear reigns supreme
Where bankers are earning, from burning and looting
The nervous are shooting, search for solutions
I shed a tear for the father in Birmingham
Quick swerve of the car and it murdered them
In Tottenham the apartments were burning
And nobody came just arson is circling
All wanna be down
Till TV’s get robbed like jewels on the queens crown
They say now no cause for a rebound
See now they call me a fool cause I speak out
People are humans but mind is animals
This violent tyrannical system is fallable
Hand in the loot by the minute you see ‘em
But the biggest looters are the British museum
This happened here and you think it’s a accident
Just relax as we slip into fascism
And the fear gets drilled into your hearts
But remember these children are all ours

[Chorus]
Whoa, give me the words, give me the words
That tell me nothing
Dear England,
Whoa, give me the words, give me the words
That tell me nothing

[Verse 2]
If a policeman can kill a black man where he found him
A soldier can kill an Afghan in the mountains
A petty thief can get ransacked from his housing
While the bankers are lounging
That’s my surroundings
Took land, no one in your family has heard of
Before you sleep, whisper the mantra you learnt cause
Never will there be a day that cameras are turned off
Who runs this country, Cameron or Murdoch
Who’s the government, a government that can’t govern
Can’t you figure it’s ways bigger than Mark Duggan
Bigger than Smiley, bigger than Jean Charles
Hundreds are dead not one killer is on trial
Just a familiar sound of hysteria
Bombs over Libya but not this area
Downing Street I can find villains
Cut education, privatize prisons
Surprised by theft when it’s organized,
But mass immorality is normalized
Assumptions surrounding the looting of London
But this is a system consumed by consumption
Yea it happened here and you think it’s a accident
Just relax as we slip into fascism
And the fear gets drilled into your hearts
But remember these children are all ours

[Chorus x2]
Whoa, give me the words, give me the words
That tell me nothing
Dear England,
Whoa, give me the words, give me the words
That tell me nothing


Lowkey is a British musician, poet, playwright and political activist of English and Iraqi descent.  He first came to fame through a series of mixtapes he released before he was 18, before taking a hiatus from the music business. He is featured in the upcoming film Hip Hop Revolucion’ Venezuela’s Underground Rebels  (Directors Jody McIntyre & Pablo Navarrete, Alborada Films, 2012)

 

PUB: Contest « WNBA

1st Annual WNBA

National Writing Contest

We will be reviewing submissions for our 1st annual Writing Contest. The Women’s National Book Association is a 90+ year old venerated organization of women and men across the broad spectrum of writing and publishing. Our membership includes Editors, Publishers, Literary Agents, Professors, Academics, Librarians, Authors, Book Marketers and many others involved in the world of books.

After years of celebrating published authors, extraordinary book women (see our WNBA Award under “Awards”) and others in the field, we have decided it is time to celebrate emerging writers.

Please send us only your highest caliber work.

GUIDELINES: 

Submission Period:  June 1st – November 1th, 2012

Fiction 2,500 word limit – may be a short story, or a stand alone excerpt from a novel in progress.

Poetry: 35 line limit – or one page double spaced

Previously unpublished work only.

Your entry must be uploaded without your name, address, or contact information on the actual document.  Your contact information will be collected on a separate form when you submit your entry. Applicants must be 18 years of age or older.

You may submit more than one entry, however, each one must be separately submitted.

Acceptable formats are: Word Document 2007, Word Document 2003 or earlier version, RTF (Rich Text Format)

The winner will be announced April 1, 2013. Contest results will be posted online on this page.

JUDGES: 

Fiction: Valerie Martin. Valerie is an award-winning author (Kafka Prize, Orange Prize) with 9 novels, 3 short story collections, and one biography. Her website is: http://www.valeriemartinonline.com/

Poetry: Julie Kane, Poet Laureate, Louisiana, 2011-2013. Julie has authored six books, including three collections of poetry, one volume of non-fiction, and two edited anthologies. Her website is: http://www.juliekanepoet.com/

ENTRY FEE:

Entry: 3 poems or 1 short story.

WNBA Members: $10 per entry

Non-Members: $15 per entry

Multiple submissions will be accepted.

PRIZE: $250 cash prize and publication in the Bookwoman, the official publication of the Women’s National Book Association, with 10 chapters nationwide.
Proceeds from the contest will go to support scholarships for writing conferences and other professional development training.

Submissions link:

Submit to Womens National Book Association

 

PUB: Open to Students Worldwide: National Academy of Human Resources Ram Charan HR Essay Contest ($20,000 top prize) > Writers Afrika

Open to Students Worldwide:

National Academy of

Human Resources

Ram Charan HR Essay Contest
($20,000 top prize)

Deadline: 1 August 2012

Essays are requested from university undergrads and graduate students globally majoring in Human Resources, Industrial/Labor Relations or related fields for the following topic:

How can organizations recapture the hearts and minds of employees to gain the highest commitment and performance given the restructuring focus of the past several years?

Deadline for Submission has been extended to August 1, 2012.

Essays will be evaluated and judged by a panel of distinguished HR professionals – Fellows of the National Academy of Human Resources (NAHR). The NAHR is an honorific organization which recognizes individuals and institutions of distinction in Human Resources for exceptional professional achievement.

Essay contest winners will be announced at the NAHR annual installation of new Fellows on November 1, 2012 in New York City. Contest winners’ expenses will be paid to attend the ceremony. The award is named for Dr. Ram Charan, a Distinguished Fellow of the NAHR and a world renowned author, speaker and business advisor. For over 35 years Dr. Charan has consulted with some of the world’s most successful leaders and companies.

Cash Prizes of $20,000.....$10,000.....$5,000 (U.S.) awarded for the best three essays

ESSAY EVALUATION CRITERIA:

  • Addresses the topic

  • Provides original thoughts

  • Adds value

  • Readable and persuasive

  • Bonus for academic or research references

REQUIREMENTS:
  • Minimum 5 pages, maximum 20 pages (Number of pages refers to essay, not reference material. those pages should be numbered).

  • Double spaced, 12 point font

  • Cover sheet to include:

  • Name

  • School

  • Degree area

  • Contact information

  • Phone number

  • Mailing address

  • Email address

  • APA format accepted (but not required)

SUBMIT BY EMAIL (PDF FORMAT) TO:

info@nationalacademyhr.org
Attention: Richard Antoine
President, National Academy of Human Resources

ADDITIONAL INFORMATION:

  • Students must be enrolled in an HR, Industrial/Labor Relations or related field degree concentration at the time of the contest deadline (June 15, 2012) -- or graduated in May or June 2012.

  • The contest is open to undergrad and grad students worldwide.

  • Maximum of 5 authors per essay; must split award.

  • Entrants may submit more than 1 paper.

  • Essays can be submitted directly by students with or without a faculty sponsor/adviser. In the latter case, the faculty sponsor/adviser will provide a brief statement (less than 100 words) about why he/she is serving in this capacity, and will attest to a statement included as part of the Contest stating: "I have played no role in writing this essay and will not share in the financial award should this student's essay win such an award."

ABOUT THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF HUMAN RESOURCES

The National Academy of Human Resources, founded in 1992, is the organization where individuals of distinction in human resources are recognized for exceptional professional achievement by election as "Fellows of the NAHR". The Academy also occasionally recognizes human resource related groups as "Honored Institutions/ Organizations". In addition, the NAHR furthers the HR profession through the Chief Human Resource Officer (CHRO) Academy and other philanthropic and educational activities.

Election as a Fellow of the National Academy of Human Resources is the highest honor that can be achieved by an individual. In 2011 the NAHR installed its 144th Fellow. Over the past decade, eleven organizations have also been recognized as "Honored Institutions/Organizations."

CONTACT INFORMATION:

For queries/ submissions: info@nationalacademyhr.org

Website: http://www.nationalacademyhr.org

 

 

PUB: Coal Publishing | Femficātiō (fem-fa-ka-ti-o)

Coal Publishing

Coal Publishing is seeking submissions:

Coal Feminist Review is currently seeking submissions for an upcoming experimental anthology of writing by Women and Men of Colour around the world with feminist / leftist / womanist / wombist / wave feminist leaning.  LGBTQ is more than welcomed, but must be aimed at issues facing women, girls and children.

The Theme of the Anthology: Modes of Transportation

How people move from one place to another using traditional and non-traditional modes of transportation.  This is Philosophical, Political, major life changing events, and the predictable.   Be as creative and as free as your imagingation will take you!

For those submitting investigative reporting or scholarly research, information on refugee women, asylum seekers, incarcerated women, women on death row, women in gangs, honour killings, muslim feminists, witch camps, FGM, other issues affecting women and transportation, etc., would be suitable for publication within this anthology.

Publication Format: E-publication in November, Print Publication in 2013

What to Submit: A well crafted piece of work in poetry, prose, fiction, cross-genre, and non-fiction.  Genre specific submission instructions under “How to Submit” below.  Experimental works more than welcome.

Payment: There is no cost to submit, but we do encourage you to donate £5 to Coal Feminist Review under the “Donate” tab of this website.

Submission: You should be emailing 2 attachments

1. First attachment including: Name, Email, Country of Origin, Nationality, Inspiration (no more than 200 words).  Optional: Personal Bio (no more than 200 words), telephone number, address, jpeg photograph (the attachment of the photograph will mean your email submission will have 3 attachments).

2. Second attachment including: Your submission following the criteria in “How to Submit”.  In the footer of each submission please include your name and page numbers.  If submitting multiple genres, please limit to one submission per each genre to not exceed 3 submissions (and please, include in the Header the type of genre your work represents).

3. Email your attachments in doc, docx, or rtf to queries@coalfeministreview.com with “Modes of Transportation” in the subject line.

Extended Deadline: 1st August 2012

Please ensure all content is your original work.

Questions, Suggestions please email: queries@coalfeministreview.com

How to Submit:

All submissions are to be double spaced (except for plays), 11 font, Arial or Calibri, Standard 2.54cm margins and in doc, docx, or rtf format. All work must be unpublished (this includes work published on blogs and social networking sites).

Poetry: Prose, micro-poetry, Lyrical, Narrative: No more than 5 submissions.  No more than 50 lines each poem.

Fiction: No more than 2 submissions.  Cross-genre no more than 6 pages.  Short Stories no more than 7 pages.  Letters: (no more than 2 pages).  Plays: no more than 15 pages, single spaced.

Non-Fiction: Investigative reporting, scholarly research, Biography, Autobiography, Essay – No more than 2 submissions of no more than 3,500 words.  This must be socially current, unpublished, original investigation and research.

 

VIDEO: 'The United States of Hoodoo' Explores Africa's Spiritual Influence on America's Culture > Shadow and Act

Trailer Watch Doc:

'The United States

of Hoodoo'

Explores Africa's

Spiritual Influence

on America's Culture

Video by Vanessa Martinez | June 12, 2012

Written by Darius James and Oliver Hardt and directed by Hardt, the documentary The United States of Hoodoo explores the influence of African spirituality and religious customs, brought to the Americas by the Trans-Atlantic Slave trade centuries ago, in American popular culture.

The 100-minute documentary features Darius James and Ishmael Reed, Nick Cave, Val Jeanty, Shantrelle P. Lewis, Danny Simmons, Kanene Holder, David "Goat" Carson, Hassan Sekou Allen, Sallie Ann Glassman and others.

Hoodoo is set for a theatrical release in Germany next month and for an international release afterwards on autumn of this year.

 

Official synopsis:

A spiritual road movie

The United States of Hoodoo is a road trip to the sources of black popular culture in America. The film's main character is African-American writer Darius James who is known for his often bitingly satirical and self-ironic texts on music, film and literature. The film's story begins when Darius´ world is turned inside out after his father´s death. Uprooted from his life in Berlin, he unwillingly returns to his childhood home. All that remains from his father is his mask collection and a cardboard box filled with ashes. His father had been a painter and sculptor, his work drawing deeply on manifestations of African-based spirituality. Yet while he lived he fiercely rejected any idea of being inspired by the old gods of Africa. Back in a house that is now his, but not quite, Darius finds himself confronted with many questions about his own life. In need of answers he sets off on a search, not for his roots but for traces of the spiritual energy that fueled and informed a whole culture.

Darius´ journey begins in the urban intellectual milieu of New York City, then following the traces of popular Voodoo myths and legends to Mississippi and New Orleans. From there he moves on to Oakland, Seattle and Chicago.

He immerses himself in the fabric of urban creativity where he encounters artists, musicians, writers, spiritual leaders and scholars. He finds out that the African gods have taken on new forms since their arrival on North America's shores. Their spirit now manifests itself in turn-table wizardry, improvisational skills and mind-blowing collages, performances, and rituals. He also finds out that an age old figure from the voodoo pantheon, a divine trickster who comes with many names, plays a major role in all of this.

For more information and updates, "Like" their Facebook page facebook.com/UnitedStatesOfHoodoo.

Watch the trailer below:

The United States of Hoodoo / Trailer from Stoked Film, Germany on Vimeo.

 

INTERVIEW: Junot Díaz and Paula M.L. Moya: The Search for Decolonial Love > Boston Review

The Search for

Decolonial Love


An Interview with Junot Díaz


Junot Díaz

On May 19, 2012, I met over breakfast with Junot Díaz; we were both attending a two-day symposium about his work at Stanford University. The resulting conversation, published in two parts, touched on Díaz’s concern with race, his debt to the writings of women of color, and his fictional explorations of psychic and emotional decolonization. It also provided us the happy opportunity to renew our friendship, which began when we were graduate students at Cornell University in the early 1990s.

Paula: I was so pleased when, during your lecture yesterday, you stated—clearly and unapologetically—that you write about race. I have always been struck by the fact that, in all the interviews you have given that I have read, no one ever asks you about race. If it does come up, it is because you bring it up. Yet it has long been apparent to me that race is one of your central concerns. This is why, for my contribution to the symposium, I decided to focus on your story, “How to Date a Brown Girl (Black Girl, White Girl, or Halfie).” And because the story is about the way race, class, and gender are mutually-constituted vectors of oppression, I decided to read it using the theoretical framework developed by the women of color who were writing in the 1980s and 90s. Honestly, though, I feel like I am swimming against the current—lately, I have seen a forgetting and dismissal, in academia, of their work; it is as if their insights are somehow passé. But it seems right to me to read your work through the lens of women of color theory. Does this make sense to you?

Junot: Absolutely. In this we are in sync, Paula. Much of the early genesis of my work arose from the 80s and specifically from the weird gender wars that flared up in that era between writers of color. I know you remember them: the very public fulminations of Stanley Crouch versus Alice Walker, Ishmael Reed versus Toni Morrison, Frank Chin versus Maxine Hong Kingston. Talk about passé—my students know nothing about these exchanges, but for those of us present at the time they were both dismaying and formative. This was part of a whole backlash against the growing success and importance of women-of-color writers—but from men of color. Qué irony. The brothers criticizing the sisters for being inauthentic, for being anti-male, for airing the community’s dirty laundry, all from a dreary nationalist point of view. Every time I heard these Chin-Reed-Crouch attacks, even I as a male would feel the weight of oppression on me, on my physical body, increased. And for me, what was fascinating was that the maps these women were creating in their fictions—the social, critical, cognitive maps, these matrixes that they were plotting—were far more dangerous to the structures that had me pinioned than any of the criticisms that men of color were throwing down. What began to be clear to me as I read these women of color—Leslie Marmon Silko, Sandra Cisneros, Anjana Appachana, and throw in Octavia Butler and the great [Cherríe] Moraga of course—was that what these sisters were doing in their art was powerfully important for the community, for subaltern folks, for women writers of color, for male writers of color, for me. They were heeding [Audre] Lorde’s exhortation by forging the tools that could actually take down master’s house. To read these sisters in the 80s as a young college student was not only intoxicating, it was soul-changing. It was metanoia.


Paula: Can you say more about why the maps plotted by women of color seemed to you more dangerous than the critiques that were made by the men of color who were attacking them?

Junot: Think about that final line in [Frantz] Fanon’s Black Skin, White Masks: “O my body, make me always a man who questions!” I remember reading these sisters and suddenly realizing (perhaps incorrectly but it felt right to me at the time) that women-of-color writers were raising questions about the world, about power, about philosophy, about politics, about history, about white supremacy, because of their raced, gendered, sexualized bodies; they were wielding a genius that had been cultivated out of their raced, gendered, sexualized subjectivities. And what they were producing in knowledge was something that the world needed to hear in order to understand itself, that I needed to hear in order to understand myself in the world, and that no one—least of all male writers of color—should be trying to silence. To me these women were not only forging in the smithies of their body-logos radical emancipatory epistemologies—the source code of our future liberation—but also they were fundamentally rewriting Fanon’s final call in Black Skin, White Masks, transforming it into “O my body, make me always a woman who questions . . . my body” (both its oppressions and interpellations and its liberatory counter-strategies). To me (and many other young artists and readers) the fiction of these foundational sisters represented a quantum leap in what is called the post-colonial-slash-subaltern-slash-neocolonial; their work completed, extended, complicated the work of the earlier generation (Fanon) in profound ways and also created for this young writer a set of strategies and warrior-grammars that would become the basis of my art. That these women are being forgotten, and their historical importance elided, says a lot about our particular moment and how real a threat these foundational sisters posed to the order of things.

White supremacy’s greatest trick is that it has convinced people that it exists always in other people, never in us.

Paula: What do you think was the most important advance that women of color made on the work of those earlier male thinkers?

Junot: Well, first of all these sisters were pretty clear that redemption was not going to be found in the typical masculine nostrums of nationalism or armed revolution or even that great favorite of a certain class of writerly brother: transracial intimacy. Por favor! If transracial intimacy was all we needed to be free, then a joint like the Dominican Republic would be the great cradle of freedom—which, I assure you, it is not. Why these sisters struck me as the most dangerous of artists was because in the work of, say, Morrison, or Octavia Butler, we are shown the awful radiant truth of how profoundly constituted we are of our oppressions. Or said differently: how indissolubly our identities are bound to the regimes that imprison us. These sisters not only describe the grim labyrinth of power that we are in as neocolonial subjects, but they also point out that we play both Theseus and the Minotaur in this nightmare drama. Most importantly these sisters offered strategies of hope, spinning the threads that will make escape from this labyrinth possible. It wasn’t an easy thread to seize—this movement towards liberation required the kind of internal bearing witness of our own role in the social hell of our world that most people would rather not engage in. It was a tough praxis, but a potentially earthshaking one too. Because rather than strike at this issue or that issue, this internal bearing of witness raised the possibility of denying our oppressive regimes the true source of their powers—which is, of course, our consent, our participation. This kind of praxis doesn’t attack the head of the beast, which will only grow back; it strikes directly at the beast’s heart, which we nurture and keep safe in our own.

Heady stuff for a young writer. Theirs was the project I wanted to be part of. And they gave me the map that I, a poor Dominican immigrant boy of African descent from New Jersey, could follow.


Paula: This reminds me of a point you made in the question and answer session following your lecture yesterday. You said that people of color fuel white supremacy as much as white people do; that it is something we are all implicated in. You went on to suggest that only by first recognizing the social and material realities we live in—by naming and examining the effects of white supremacy—can we hope to transform our practices.

Junot: How can you change something if you won’t even acknowledge its existence, or if you downplay its significance? White supremacy is the great silence of our world, and in it is embedded much of what ails us as a planet. The silence around white supremacy is like the silence around Sauron in The Lord of the Rings, or the Voldemort name which must never be uttered in the Harry Potter novels. And yet here’s the rub: if a critique of white supremacy doesn’t first flow through you, doesn’t first implicate you, then you have missed the mark; you have, in fact, almost guaranteed its survival and reproduction. There’s that old saying: the devil’s greatest trick is that he convinced people that he doesn’t exist. Well, white supremacy’s greatest trick is that it has convinced people that, if it exists at all, it exists always in other people, never in us.


Paula: I wanted to ask you about something else you said in the lecture yesterday. You said you wanted to, and thought you could, “figure out a way to represent most honestly—represent in the language, and represent in the way people talk, and represent in the discourse—what [you], just one person, thought was a racial reality,” but without endorsing that reality. You indicated that you aim to realistically represent “our entire insane racial logic” but in a way that “the actual material does not endorse that reality” at the level of structure. This is certainly what I would argue your work succeeds in doing. But I would like to hear more about how you go about creating, at the level of structure, a disjuncture between the realistic representation of race and an endorsement of the racial logic on which the representation is based.

Junot: The things I say. [Laughs] OK, let me see if I can make sense of my own damn self. Let’s see if I can speak to the actual texts. Well, at its most simplistic in, say, Drown, we have a book where racist shit happens—but it’s not like at a thematic level the book is saying: Right on, racist shit! I was hoping that the book would expose my characters’ race craziness and that this craziness would strike readers, at the very minimum, as authentic. But exposing our racisms, etc., accurately has never seemed to be enough; the problem with faithful representations is that they run the risk of being mere titillation or sensationalism. In my books, I try to show how these oppressive paradigms work together with the social reality of the characters to undermine the very dreams the characters have for themselves. So, Yunior thinks X and Y about people and that logic is, in part, what fucks him up. Now if the redounding is too blunt and obvious, then what you get is a moralistic parable and not literature. But, if it’s done well, then you get both the ugliness that comes out of showing how people really are around issues like race and gender, but also a hidden underlying counter-current that puts in front of you the very real, very personal, consequences of these orientations.

Yunior, for example, uses the “n word” all the time and yet he is haunted by anti-black racism within and without his community. Haunted and wounded. In “How to Date,” for instance, we see explicitly how he is victimized by a powerful anti-Black self-hate of the Fanon variety. That for me would be a concrete example of how the deeper narrative of Drown offers a complicated counterpoint to Yunior’s often-toxic racial utterances, the kind of call-response I’m trying to achieve in the work.

In Drown as a whole, the million-dollar question is this: are Yunior’s gender politics, his generalizations and misogyny, rewarded in the book’s ‘reality’? Do they get him anything in the end? Well, if we chart the progress of the stories in Drown it appears to me that Yunior’s ideas about women, and the actions that arise out of these ideas, always leave him more alone, more thwarted, more disconnected from his community and from himself. Yunior cannot even hope to bear witness to what happened between his mother and his father—which is to say he can’t bear witness to what really happened to him—without first confronting the role he plays and continues to play in that kind of male behavior that made his family’s original separation and later dissolution inevitable. Yunior’s desire for communion with self and with other is finally undermined by his inability, his unwillingness, to see in the women in his life as fully human. (Which is kinda tragic, since without being able to recognize the women parts of his identity as human, he cannot in turn recognize himself as fully human.) The reason why the character of Yunior is at all interesting to me is because he senses this. He senses how he makes his own chains and he rages against the chains and against himself, and yet he continues to forge them, link by link by link.

 


Junot Díaz / The American Library Association

In the first part of my conversation with Junot Díaz, we discussed the influence of women of color on his work and how his work addresses race. I asked him about the way he establishes a disjuncture in his writing between the realistic representation of race and an endorsement of the racial logic on which the representation is based. He answered by appealing to the example of the character Yunior from Drown, suggesting that Yunior’s inability to transcend society’s racial and gendered logic contributes to his continued victimization by that very same logic. In this part, our conversation turns to The Brief and Wondrous Life of Oscar WaoThis Is How You Lose Her, and Monstro, his novel in progress.


Paula: The way you create that disjuncture in Drown makes so much sense to me. Can you say more about how this all plays out in Oscar Wao?

Junot: In Oscar Wao we have a family that has fled, half-destroyed, from one of the rape incubators of the New World and they are trying to find love. But not just any love. How can there be “just any love” given the history of rape and sexual violence that created the Caribbean—that Trujillo uses in the novel? The kind of love that I was interested in, that my characters long for intuitively, is the only kind of love that could liberate them from that horrible legacy of colonial violence. I am speaking about decolonial love.

One of the arguments that the book makes about Oscar is that he ain’t getting laid because he’s fat and nerdy. That might be part of it, but that is also a way of hiding other possibilities. Perhaps one of the reasons Oscar ain’t getting laid is because he is the son of a survivor of horrific sexual violence. In the same way that there is intergenerational transfer of trauma from mothers who are rape victims to their daughters, there is also intergenerational transfer of rape trauma between mothers and their sons. But most readers don’t notice how Oscar embodies some of the standard reactions of young rape victims to their violations. Many women in the aftermath of sexual violence put on weight—in some cases as an attempt to make themselves as unattractive as possible. Oscar isn’t fat just to be fat—at least not in my head. His fatness was partially a product of what’s going on in the family in regards to their bodies, in regards to the rape trauma.

For me, the family fukú is rape. The rape culture of the European colonization of the New World—which becomes the rape culture of the Trujillato (Trujillo just took that very old record and remixed it)—is the rape culture that stops the family from achieving decolonial intimacy, from achieving decolonial love.

Yunior, in this context, is a curious figure. He’s clearly the book’s most salient proponent of the masculine derangements that are tied up to the rape culture . . . he is its biggest proponent and its biggest “beneficiary.” He’s most clearly one of Trujillo’s children—yet he, too, is a victim of this culture. A victim in the lower-case sense because his failure to disavow his privileged position in that rape culture, to disavow the masculine discourse and behaviors that support and extend that culture, end up costing him the love of his life, his one best chance at decolonial love and, through that love, a decolonial self. But Yunior’s a victim in a larger, second sense: I always wrote Yunior as being a survivor of sexual abuse. He has been raped, too. The hint of this sexual abuse is something that’s present in Drown and it is one of the great silences in Oscar Wao. This is what Yunior can’t admit, his very own página en blanco. So, when he has that line in the novel: “I’d finally try to say the words that could have saved us. / __________ __________ __________,” what he couldn’t say to Lola was that “I too have been molested.” He could bear witness to everyone else’s deep pains but, in the end, he couldn’t bear witness to his own sexual abuse. He couldn’t tell the story that would have tied him in a human way to Lola, that indeed could have saved him.


Paula: Right. Now, am I just a bad reader? Or . . .

Junot: No.

Paula: . . . is it that silenced?

Junot: It’s that silenced; that elliptical. Perhaps it’s too great a silence, which is to say, it’s probably too small a trace to be read. Only visible, if visible at all, by inference. By asking: what is really bothering Yunior? Why is Yunior such a dog? Just because? Or is there something deeper? Think about it: isn’t promiscuity another typical reaction to sexual abuse? Compulsive promiscuity is certainly Yunior’s problem. A compulsive promiscuity that is a national masculine ideal in some ways and whose roots I see in the trauma of our raped pasts. Like I said: it’s probably not there at all-too subtle. But the fact of Yunior’s rape certainly helped me design the thematic economy of the book.


Is it possible to overcome the horrible legacy of slavery and find decolonial love?

 

Paula: Well, let’s go back to Oscar for a minute. You suggested that, for Oscar, putting on so much weight was a way of protecting himself.

Junot: That unconscious manifestation of fear of molestation, yeah, I think that is what it is . . .


Paula: So, Oscar and Yunior are both reacting to the rape culture of the Dominican Republic, but they are doing so in different ways. Moreover, they are reacting to their different experiences of that same culture: Yunior is reacting to his own violation by becoming hyper-promiscuous, whereas Oscar has absorbed some sense of violation from his mother and so responds by making himself—certainly not as a matter of conscious will—sexually unavailable.

Junot: Yes, ma’am. In the novel you see the way the horror of rape closes in on them all. The whole family is in this circuit of rape. And, you know, the point the book keeps making again and again and again is that, in the Dominican Republic, which is to say, in the world that the DR built, if you are a Beli, a Lola, a Yunior—if you are anybody—rape is never going to be far.


Paula: This is so interesting because, thinking back to your story “Ysrael,” the description of what happens to Ysrael when his mask is torn away—just the whole way that happens—is completely reminiscent of a rape.

Junot: Sure, and it’s preluded by Yunior being sexually assaulted.


Paula: Exactly! And between Yunior and Ysrael there’s a kind of mirroring, a doubling that you see structured into the story and, then—it’s just devastating.

Junot: [Nods quietly] One has to understand that all the comments, all the things that Yunior does in Oscar Wao, move him inexorably away from the thing that he most needs: real intimacy which must have vulnerability, forgiveness, acceptance as its prerequisites. So that even though Yunior is sexist, even though he’s misogynist, even though he’s racist, even though he mischaracterizes Oscar’s life, even though he’s narcissistic—at the end he’s left with no true love, doesn’t find himself, doesn’t find that decolonial love that he needs to be an authentic self. In fact, he ends up—like the work that he assembles and stores in the refrigerator—incomplete.

You know how he assembles this work on Oscar, how he says it needed someone else to complete, a someone he fantasizes as Lola’s daughter, Isis? Isis’s name, of course, is a bit of an inside joke, but an important one. Because, what does Isis do, what is she known for mythologically? In the Egyptian legends I grew up on, Isis assembles her lover/brother Osiris, she assembles the pieces of Osiris that have been chopped up and scattered by Set. That’s one of the great mythical tasks of Isis, except—What does she leave out? In the legends it says that Isis doesn’t find Osiris’s penis, but I like to believe she just leaves it out. Osiris comes back to the world alive but penis-less. Which for some is a horror but for others a marked improvement. In keeping with the Isis metaphor I’ve always thought, the thing with Yunior is that he couldn’t reassemble himself in a way that would leave out the metaphoric penis, that would leave out all his attachments to his masculine patriarchal phallocratic privileges. Which is what he needed to do to finally “get” Lola. In the end, Yunior is left . . . with not much. No Lola, no Isis, no Oscar.

Thinking about Yunior as having been raped made (in my mind at least) his fucked-up utterances in the novel have a different resonance. And while he wasn’t yet ready to bear witness to his own rape, it gave him a certain point of view around sexual violence that I don’t think would have been possible otherwise. It helped me produce a novel with a feminist alignment. A novel whose central question is: is it possible to overcome the horrible legacy of slavery and find decolonial love? Is it possible to love one’s broken-by-the-coloniality-of-power self in another broken-by-the-coloniality-of-power person?


Paula: You have a new collection of short stories, This is How You Lose Her, appearing in print very soon. And you are also at work on a new novel, a portion of which you had intended to read from yesterday before you decided instead to give that amazing and insightful lecture. Will you tell me a bit about Monstro?


I have to wrestle with all this weirdness, have to wrestle with the voice, have to wrestle with the characters.

 

Junot: Of course. Monstro is an apocalyptic story. An end of the world story set in the DR of the near future. It’s a zombie story. (On that island, how could it not be?) It’s an alien invasion story. It’s a giant monster story. It’s about the Great Powers (China, the United States) attempting to contain the growing infestation by re-invading the Island for, what, the twelfth time? I always say if people on my island know about anything they know about the end of the world. We are after all the eschaton that divided the Old World from the New. The whole reason I started writing this book is because of this image I have of this fourteen-year-old girl, a poor, black, Dominican girl, half-Haitian—one of the Island’s damnés—saving the world. It’s a book is about this girl’s search for—yes—love in a world that has made it its solemn duty to guarantee that poor raced “conventionally unattractive” girls like her are never loved.


Paula: That’s so interesting because just a couple of days ago I went to a talk by the Stanford sociologist Corey Fields; he is doing some pilot studies about the impact of race on black women’s love lives. During his talk, Fields mentioned a book by Averil Clarke called Inequalities of Love. The thing about this book is that it talks about the fact that college-educated black women, in particular, date less, marry less, and have fewer romantic relationships than their college-educated white and Latina counterparts, and than non-college-educated black women. But the important intervention that Clarke makes is that she points out that everyone talks about this fact as a kind of difference. Well, sure it is a difference, but it is not just a difference—it’s an inequality. So she frames the situation in terms of an inequality and describes it as a “romantic deprivation” that black women suffer.

Junot: Love this!

Paula: And this romantic deprivation has all manner of cascading implications for everything else in their lives.

Junot: Oh man.

Paula: Anyway, Clarke’s book sounds like it is getting at something that you are getting at in your fiction.

Junot: Without a doubt. The inequality of love.

Paula: So how far along are you on Monstro?

Junot: Not far enough. You know, it sounds ridiculous, but the amount of deep structural work that I have to wrestle with before the first chapters start to roll . . . it’s the same thing that happened with Oscar Wao. I had to get all this stuff that I’m talking about to you now in place in my head. And so I have to wrestle with all this weirdness, have to wrestle with the voice, have to wrestle with the characters. I’ve written about 200 pages now and they’re actually not bad. But all of it was to set up the book and, in fact, none of these pages are going to go in.


Paula: Oh—that’s one of those mature realizations you come to over time. You write and write and write, and it does not end up in the book, but it was still necessary. It was all part of the process.

Junot: Totally true. I used to hate it. Now I’m more tolerant. Ever since my life exploded five years ago, I’ve learned a bunch of things and now, with the body failing, it makes you a little bit more humble. But it was great to get through that work. I feel like the first big part is done. And now I just started writing the novel, and I finished the first 50 pages, a part of which is what is coming out in The New Yorker. And, you know, I’m just going to keep going.

 

AFRICA: Debating The Meaning of Liberation in South Africa

Winnie Mandela accuses

Nelson of 'betraying'

the blacks of South Africa

 

 

By Colin Fernandez

Nelson Mandela has been accused by his former wife of betraying South Africa's black population.

In a savage attack, Winnie Mandela said he had done nothing for the poor and should not have accepted the Nobel peace prize with the man who jailed him, FW de Klerk.

The 73-year-old said her ex-husband had become a 'corporate foundation' who was 'wheeled out' only to raise money for the ANC party he once led.

 

Nelson Mandela and wife Winnie walk hand-in hand-with after Mandela's release from prison

She said Archbishop Desmond Tutu was a cretin and claimed the sacrifices of Steve Biko and others in the fight against apartheid were being overlooked.

The comments were made in an interview yesterday with Nadira Naipaul, the wife of novelist V S Naipaul.

Mrs Mandela became notorious in 1991 when she was jailed for six years for the kidnap of Stompie Moeketsi - a sentence later cut to a fine.

Stompie, 14, had been murdered three years earlier by members of Mrs Mandela's bodyguard, the Mandela United Football Club.

 

Party: Nelson and Winnie Mandela in 2004

Party: Nelson and Winnie Mandela in 2004

 

She also caused outrage by endorsing the punishment of apartheid collaborators with ' necklacing' - putting burning tyres around their necks.

Yesterday she said: 'This name Mandela is an albatross around the necks of my family.

'You all must realise that Mandela was not the only man who suffered. There were many others, hundreds who languished in prison and died.

'Mandela did go to prison and he went in there as a young revolutionary but look what came out.

'Mandela let us down. He agreed to a bad deal for the blacks. Economically we are still on the outside. The economy is very much "white".

'I cannot forgive him for going to receive the Nobel with his jailer de Klerk. Hand in hand they went. Do you think de Klerk released him from the goodness of his heart?

'He had to. The times dictated it, the world had changed.'

 

The pair pictured together in 1990

The pair pictured together in 1990

The Mandelas, who divorced in 1996, were married for 38 years - although together for only five.

Mrs Mandela criticised her country's Truth and Reconciliation Committee - which she appeared before in 1997 and which implicated her in gross violations of human rights.

She said: 'What good does the truth do? How does it help to anyone to know where and how their loved ones are killed or buried?

'That Bishop Tutu who turned it all into a religious circus came here. He had a cheek to tell me to appear.

'I told him that he and his other like-minded cretins were only sitting there because of our struggle and me. Look what they make him do. The great Mandela. He has no control or say any more.

'They put that huge statue of him right in the middle of the most affluent white area of Johannesburg. Not here [in Soweto] where we spilled our blood.

'Mandela is now like a corporate foundation. He is wheeled out globally to collect the money.'

She said her daughters, Zenani, 51, and Zindzi, 50, had to struggle through red tape to speak to their 91-year-old father, who led South Africa from 1994 to 1999.

 

 

 

 

 

__________________________

Ex-wife criticizes

Nelson Mandela – and

many South Africans agree

 

Nelson Mandela ‘let us down,’ the London Evening Standard reported ex-wife Winnie Mandela as saying. Many black South Africans expected more economic progress by now.

By Scott Baldauf, Staff Writer / March 11, 2010

In this Feb. 11 file photo, Winnie Mandela, left, alongside her former husband former President Nelson Mandela, center, and his current wife Graca Machel attend the opening of Parliament in Cape Town, South Africa. Winnie Mandela was quoted this week in a British newspaper interview saying the former President had 'let us down.'

Schalk van Zuydaml/AP/File

JOHANNESBURG, SOUTH AFRICA

Just days after honoring her former husband, Nelson Mandela, for his courage during the anti-apartheid struggle on the 20th anniversary of his release from prison, Winnie Mandela was quoted this week in an interview in the London Evening Standard, saying the former South Africanpresident and Nobel Peace Prize winner had “agreed to a bad deal for the blacks.”

“Mandela did go to prison and he went in there as a burning revolutionary,” she told journalist Nadira Naipaul, wife of acclaimed writer V.S. Naipaul, in the Evening Standard interview. “But look what came out. Mandela let us down.”

The African National Congress (ANC), the ruling party to which both Nelson Mandela and his ex-wife Winnie Mandela belong, refused to comment, saying that they wished to speak with Mrs. Mandela first to ascertain whether the comments in the newspaper were actually hers. Mrs. Mandela was said to be unreachable by phone, while traveling in the United States.

It would be very easy to chalk up Winnie Mandela’s statements as merely the utterings of a bitter ex-wife who had grown apart from her husband during the 33 years of their 38-year marriage that he spent in prison; who had borne the brunt of the apartheid government’s repression as an above-ground ANC leader; who felt betrayed when her husband didn’t back her during a fraud trial, and a murder trial involving her raucous band of young bodyguards against a teenaged boy; who had difficulty adjusting when the post-apartheid limelight shifted from Winnie to Nelson.

Progress, but not enough

But Winnie was speaking for many black South Africans, who had been told to expect economic prosperity, better homes, schools, and health care; who wanted not only political freedom but a complete rearrangement of the power structure in South Africa, where the black majority was truly in control.

That, after 15 years of majority rule, still hasn’t happened.

“There does seem to be some semblance of truth to what she says,” says Adam Habib, deputy vice chancellor of University of Johannesburg, and a prominent South African political observer. “In terms of the settlement [with the apartheid-era government] poor people were not sufficiently taken care of. The rich people’s interests were protected, without the poor people’s living standards improving substantially.”

The frustration is evidenced by the almost-daily headlines of what are called “service delivery strikes.” Residents in black townships, tired of failed promises of electricity, clean drinking water, functioning schools, and other basic government services, have increasingly taken their frustrations to the streets. Some townships like Meyerton and Balfour shut down for days and even weeks, their roads blocked by burning tires, their streets filled with angry young men with sticks, throwing stones at local police. If they blame the government, they are blaming the ANC. And if they are blaming the ANC, they are also blaming the ANC’s top icon, Nelson Mandela.

While Mandela left power in 1999, and his successors Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma have done less than was expected in spreading out the benefits of South Africa's booming economy to the poorer black majority, many South Africans feel that it was Mandela who lost the narrow window of opportunity to strike a hard bargain with white South Africans and transform the country's economic power structure.

“This name Mandela is an albatross around the necks of my family,” Mrs. Mandela told Mrs. Naipaul. “You all must realize that Mandela was not the only man who suffered.”

An enduring icon

“Mandela is now a corporate foundation,” she said, adding the even Mandela’s daughters, Zenani and Zindzi, have to go through “red tape” to book a meeting with their own father. “He is wheeled out globally to collect the money, and he is content doing that. The ANC have effectively sidelined him, but they keep him as a figurehead for the sake of appearance.”

This is not the image of Mandela one often sees in the South African news media – which generally prints smiling portraits of the ailing leader, who now mostly lives in seclusion with his second wife, Graca Machel – and it is certainly not the view of most white South Africans, who were relieved that their own worst fears of a bloody campaign of revenge of blacks against whites was forestalled by the old revolutionary’s power of gentle persuasion. Even black South Africans often sport T-shirts of Mandela as nostalgia for the hopeful days of early black majority rule, and a kind of rebuke to the next generation of apparently corrupt ANC leaders

Did he do the best he could?

It is easy, after all, to suggest that Nelson Mandela should have pushed whites to give up control of the economy. But at that time, Mandela had his hands full just keeping the country from tipping into civil war. In townships, ANC youth were battling with the ethnically based Zulu party, theInkatha Freedom Party. In white Afrikaans-speaking communities, white militia groups threatened to launch a coup. Bold redistribution of wealth and power, in those times, could have broken whatever trust was needed to lay the foundations of a tolerant, multicultural society and a prosperous economy.

So while white South Africans may be shocked at Winnie’s statements, casual conversations with black South Africans of all economic levels reveal that plenty of people share Winnie Mandela’s bitter disappointment with Nelson Mandela.

“He should have stayed in office a second term, and he should have bargained harder to get a better deal for the majority,” a black South African businessman who is a member of the ANC said recently. “We have freedom, but the wealth remains with the whites, and the lives of ordinary blacks in the townships have not improved that much.”

“The question I pose is this, ‘What is the alternative?’” says Mr. Habib, the political analyst. “The liberation movement could make townships ungovernable. But they could not defeat the apartheid machinery. So I see two scenarios. You either get the South Africa of 2010, with all its warts and with all its problems. Or you get Israel-Palestine. For me, I say South Africa of 2010 is still better.”

 

__________________________


A.N.C., Admitting Failures,

Weighs How to Lift

South Africans

 

Themba Hadebe/Associated Press
 President Jacob Zuma addressed delegates at the start of the African National Congress conference in Johannesburg on Tuesday.

 

 

JOHANNESBURG — During apartheid, in the coastal municipality of Overstrand, just east of Cape Town, whites lived in plush, seaside enclaves whereas blacks and mixed race people lived in ugly townships and shacks. Whites owned almost all the businesses, and had access to the best jobs, health care and schools.

Eighteen years after the end of apartheid, not much has changed, said Maurencia Gillion, a local politician who grew up and still lives in Overstrand.

“The rich white people live in their beautiful holiday homes,” Ms. Gillion said. “The rest are in slums, in squatter areas. Even after 18 years, in reality apartheid remains.”

That would seem a harsh critique of the party that has governed South Africa since the end of minority rule in 1994, the century-old African National Congress. It came not from an opposition leader, but one of the party’s own. Ms. Gillion is a senior A.N.C. leader in her province, and her words were simply an echo of what the party’s leader, President Jacob Zuma, said in a speech minutes earlier.

“The structure of the apartheid economy has remained largely intact,” Mr. Zuma said, in a speech to thousands of delegates to the A.N.C.’s policy conference, held every five years, before the presidential election, to work out the party’s platform. “The ownership of the economy is still primarily in the hands of white males, as it has always been.”

The four-day conference here, which began Tuesday, has been devoted to considerable soul-searching about what the A.N.C. has, and has not, achieved in 18 years in power. With unemployment at 25 percent, and much higher for young blacks, and corruption widespread, there is a growing perception that the A.N.C. has become the party of a small black elite interested only in its own enrichment. To counter this perception, the party has released a set of back-to-basics policy proposals that it claims will help deliver on its old election slogan: “A better life for all.”

The party’s own analysis had this to say about South Africa’s predicament nearly two decades after the end of apartheid: “Too few people work; the standard of education of most black learners is of poor quality; infrastructure is poorly located, under-maintained and insufficient to foster higher growth; spatial patterns exclude the poor from the fruits of development; the economy is overly and unsustainably resource-intensive; a widespread disease burden is compounded by a failing health system; public services are uneven and often of poor quality; corruption is widespread; and South Africa remains a divided society.”

Officials were quick to say that 18 years is a short time to reverse centuries of discrimination under colonial and apartheid rule that left black South Africans ill equipped to compete in a liberalized economy. And Mr. Zuma ticked off a list of major achievements: millions of new houses for the poor; millions more connected to the electric grid and piped water systems; and a growing and vibrant black middle class.

Embedded in the policy documents and Mr. Zuma’s remarks is an argument that the process of transforming the country’s economy to put more wealth in the hands of blacks was hampered by the need to make peace with the former white rulers.

“We had to make certain compromises in the national interest,” Mr. Zuma said. “We had to be cautious about restructuring the economy in order to maintain economic stability and confidence at the time. Thus the economic power relations of the apartheid era have remained intact.”

The party is thus proposing what it calls a “second transition,” this one focused on economic, rather than political, change.

The policy proposals take a hard look at some of the most difficult issues facing South Africa, and at the A.N.C.’s internal struggles. One asks whether the government should dispense with the current policy of land redistribution and replace it with a more aggressive one. Another contemplates nationalizing the country’s mines.

Taken together, the proposals would, if adopted, represent a sharp leftward shift for the A.N.C., which despite its roots has largely backed a free-market economy with minimal state intervention. The proposals are being discussed this week and will be decided upon when the party holds its convention in December.

Some A.N.C. members have been pushing for a more radical program of redistribution of wealth from whites to blacks. The party’s Youth League, under the firebrand leader Julius Malema, had demanded that gold, platinum and diamond mines be nationalized. Cosatu, an alliance of trade unions that is one of the A.N.C.’s main allies, has pushed for banks to be nationalized.

Yet, according to the A.N.C.’s own analysis, its failure to deliver economic progress may be its own fault. The party has experienced “a silent shift from transformative politics to palace politics wherein internal strife and factional battles over power and resources define the political life of the movement,” a far cry from its founding as a liberation movement built on socialist principles.

For all the fears of a leftward shift that could lead to the repossession of white-owned land, as happened in Zimbabwe, or the nationalization of mines, such moves are highly unlikely, said Steven Friedman, a political analyst at the Center for the Study of Democracy at the University of Johannesburg.

“There is going to be lots of fairly radical rhetoric, and the actual proposals are going to be actually quite meek and mild,” Mr. Friedman said. “This has been the pattern all along.”

Indeed, some delegates at the conference advocated a go-slow approach.

“I support the sharing of wealth, but I don’t think we should go for a radical approach,” said Tim Mkhari, a delegate from Limpopo, a province on the country’s northern edge.

“We should not take the Zimbabwe route,” he said.

__________________________

The African National Regress

– South Africa’s democracy:

pending…

 

07/06/2012 # 

What is it like being a member of the least intelligent race that according to YouTube posterR3ind33r destroyed the whole nation in its majority? 

Cindy Dladla explains.

 

Our country as a rainbow nation is booming with minerals, vibrancy, agriculture and shower heads that water it, not to mention baby Julius being kicked out of the crib because he learnt how to walk. When the ANC came into power, most blacks – if not all – were excited about the mere fact that a black person is finally in power. The question of that person being competent enough and equipped to play a role in the successful development of our country was beside the point. Our parents and grandparents fought hard for the liberation of non-whites. I wonder if they have come to regret their struggle, looking at the way things have gone downhill since then. It’s rather distasteful.

The very same people who were fighting with us for our rights are the very same people who are now corrupt and exploit the hard work of the lowest common denominator. The people who fought for their leaders were below the poverty line before 1994. Sixteen years down the line, the very same people who were oppressed by the apartheid government are oppressed by the ANC government in this new democratic country. The difference is that the situation has become worse and it’s now black-on-black violence. The story is getting old. Some of the white people in our country are probably saying: “they wanted to rule the country right? We gave them the opportunity that they wanted so bad but look at them, they are screwing their own people over”. We are now probably a laughing stock.

I am sure most people are familiar with the 2008 xenophobic attacks. People’s homes being burnt down with no care of how this will affect them and their families. Babies being shot whilst on their mothers’ backs. Men who failed to say the word ‘elbow’ in Zulu to prove that they are true South Africans being beaten and burnt alive. I am sure if we could take a trip back to 1955 following the Sophiatown removals, people fought back because they didn’t want to be foreigners in their own land. They did not want to be removed from their homes where they had established friendships, created memories whilst watching their children dancing in the dust. Black South Africans seem to have forgotten how it feels to be chased away from your own home, tortured and being considered as insignificant as if you don’t matter. During the apartheid uproar, most South Africans sought for refuge in neighboring countries, Zimbabwe especially, and were welcomed with warm and empathetic arms.

I am ashamed to see that we lack to understand that all blacks, including all other races, belong to Africa, therefore to South Africa as well. Growing up, I have always praised the saying ‘Umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu’ that means ‘I am because we are’. The African ubuntuspirit that our parents have always prided themselves on seems to be reserved for the black South African nation only. Derogative terms such as ‘kwerekwere’ and ‘ikwang’ have emerged over the years, but the one thing I don’t understand is: why are black foreign nationals referred to in such terms?

If it is a white foreign national, the same term suddenly doesn’t seem to apply. I don’t understand what is really wrong with our mentality as black people. When a white person calls a black person ‘nigger’ or ‘kaffer’, fists are flying. The black person would be fighting and defending their race and honour. The white perpetrator is called racist. However, when a black person physically or verbally insults a white person, it’s okay for s/he is not considered as not being racist. It’s seen as just pure human conflict. Colour, all of a sudden, is not involved. There is this sick notion that has been going around that black people can’t be racist. Just think about it. It is ridiculous.

Going back to the ANC, the amount of corruption that has been taking place since the party came into power is such that you could easily mistake this government for the Apartheid government. I am sure you are familiar with the book Animal Farm by George Orwell. Politically speaking, this is a great piece of literature. The novel includes the use of allegorical characters which represent various official delegates who are corrupt and abuse their power at the expense of others. The thematic concerns of dystopia, false consciousness and abuse of power are very brave and give insight to those who confuse optimism and reality. The quote “all animals are equal but some are more equal than others” exactly epitomizes what is going on in South Africa.

In the year 2012, we are living in a world of freedom of expression, human rights and rainbow colour that joined us together after Zuma’s shower had rained on us. On paper, we are enjoying the fruits of the struggle and liberation as black people; we are free. However, in reality the situation the country is in seems to contradict this statement. The distribution of wealth is only for the elite few at the top of the ladder. It is similar to helping a friend climb a peach tree in order to indulge in the succulent, sweet and bright orange ones at the top. But then your dearest friend gets to the top and greedily keeps all the fruit to himself and throws you the seeds, forgetting that if it was not for your assistance he would not be there at the top – literally.

My grandma – sagacious and knowledgeable as she is – has always told me that you can never correct one wrong with another. The implementation of the Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) system was to some level a big failure when taking into consideration the needs of the country as a whole, and not just those people who are sitting at the top, feeling entitled to what they have been rewarded because they fought in the struggle. In South African companies, your worth, competence and value are marked by whether you were in the struggle or not, regardless of your skills, ability to make the right decisions, ability to think logically and critically, and educational qualifications. I feel that the government plays the lottery on a big scale; the people chosen for positions are randomly selected. Their resumes probably have this written: educational qualifications – 10% in woodwork; criminal record – fought in the struggle. They are good enough to go. BEE seems a temporal solution to a long-term problem. It’s similar to putting a band aid on an arm that has been amputated.

Most people overseas have always had the ignorant assumption that South Africa and the rest of Africa is a jungle with lion pets and squirrel friends that talk in clicks while we sing ‘kumbaya’ around the fire and tell old stories at night time. We seem to be offended but when taking our barbaric actions into consideration, you can’t help feel sorry for the already tainted reputation of our country. The country’s blame, ignorance, lack of mental and emotional intelligence and lack of education. Not even Zuma’s shower can cure that disease. People from overseas are probably laughing at us. Before 1994, we were fighting the whites, and then 16 years into democracy we are fighting each other. Barbaric indeed like monkeys in a cage fighting for a banana peel.

The reason I feel the attack on foreign nationals was predominantly from the blacks is because their determination, dedication and work ethic exposes our flaws. Next to them we feel naked and the world can see what we are incapable of. I have come across various people from Zimbabwe, Malawi, Nigeria, Somalia who have top educational qualifications but are street vendors and gardeners. They don’t mind getting paid R100 a week, because they know what it feels like to have nothing. They have seen their children with bellies sticking out and flies in their eyes, and those flies with flies in their eyes. However, we as black South Africans want to get paid more or be employed in higher posts even though we don’t have a single qualification. Now think about it, does getting 83% in Life Orientation and Home Economics count? I don’t think so!

I still think that because of the struggle we are entitled to these things, like somebody owes us. Another similar plot point that I picked up whilst reading Animal Farm, is that Mr Jones who (in this case the apartheid government) has always been viewed as the only threat to the animals (in this case black people in South Africa). It is as if we are saying “as long as white man (Mr Jones) doesn’t rule, the country is fine because we are in a supposed democratic country”. What we fail to see is that our own people are oppressing us. Manipulators such as Julius Malema have kept the black mass preoccupied with songs like ‘Shoot the Boer’ which apparently strives for black liberation from whites. I thought we passed that phase in 1994. The song is used to divert people’s attention from what is actually going on in the country. It is propelling people to fight an invisible struggle that does not exist.

Like the animals in the book, blacks are blind to the corruption that is happening in the government. Was it better for blacks when the white man ruled? One can also look at the enforcement of the Media Tribunal and the Secrecy Bill. Apparently, these are implemented to protect the privacy of the government. The question we have failed to ask is: “to what extent are they protected?”, so that means they can get away with anything. I see this whole thing as a scapegoat to avoid being caught in the heat of corruption. We are always complaining as victims, saying that power has been taken from us but the truth is that we have handed over that power to the ANC. What happened to the right to freedom of expression and access to information?

I understand that South Africa is still in its baby steps of democracy. However, in 20 years we cannot be using the same excuse. So for now the government can get away with no service delivery and use that excuse. Boxer, who is a faithful and loyal animal, epitomizes all of the best qualities of the black mass who are now being exploited. I wonder how it feels for Nelson Mandela to see everything that he has built and worked hard for crumble into dust in his sight, before he has even turned into dust. The instructions on a varnish tin always read “make sure all dust is removed before use”. However, it seems that we are varnishing over the dust we have crumbled into for the sake of being a supposedly democratic country.

I am a troubled young person because I don’t understand what is going on with our government! They seem to have lost touch with the essence of the struggle. I can’t really tell the difference between the apartheid government and the ANC. The pig from the man.

 

ECONOMICS: Recession widens the wealth gap by race - Jun. 21, 2012

Worsening wealth inequality

by race


@CNNMoney June 21, 2012

     

    The Great Recession has widened the wealth gap, and race is a major factor.

     

    NEW YORK (CNNMoney) -- White Americans have 22 times more wealth than blacks -- a gap that nearly doubled during the Great Recession.

    The median household net worth for whites was $110,729 in 2010, versus $4,995 for blacks, according to recently released Census Bureau figures.

    The difference is similarly notable when it comes to Hispanics, who had a median household net worth of $7,424. The ratio between white and Hispanic wealth expanded to 15 to 1.

    The gap between the races widened considerably during the recent economic downturn, which whites weathered better than blacks, Hispanics and Asians.

    The latter three groups saw their median household net worth fall by roughly 60% between 2005 and 2010, while the median net worth for white households slipped only 23%.

    This allowed whites to leap ahead of Asians as the race with the highest median household net worth.

    The racial wealth divide is nothing new. Black and Hispanic Americans have historically had lower incomes, higher unemployment and less education.

    That makes it more difficult for these groups to save money and put their capital to work building wealth, said Tatjana Meschede, research director of the Institute on Assets and Social Policy at Brandeis University.

    The Great Recession exacerbated the problem. In 2005, the net worth difference wasn't quite as stark. Whites had 12 times more wealth than blacks and 8 times more than Hispanics.

    The main reason blacks and Hispanics did not fare as well during the economic downturn is that home equity makes up more of their wealth than it does for whites. The housing bubble that preceded the collapse pushed up homeownership rates among blacks and Hispanics, who relied more heavily on high-cost subprime loans to finance their purchases.

    As a result, the implosion of the real estate market had a more devastating impact on black and Hispanic communities.

    Asians, meanwhile, are more concentrated on the West Coast, which was hit harder by the mortgage meltdown. And the arrival of new Asian immigrants in the last decade contributed to the decline in overall wealth, according to Rakesh Kochhar, co-author of the Pew Research Center report on wealth.

    Pew found that in 2005, home equity made up nearly two-thirds of the net worth of Hispanics and 59% of blacks, but only 44% of whites.

    Blacks and Hispanics are also less likely to have assets in the financial system, such as savings accounts or stocks, Kochhar said.

    And these groups also suffer from far higher unemployment rates than whites, whose unemployment rate is 7.4%, below the national average. Blacks, on the other hand, have a 13.6% unemployment rate and Hispanics, 11%.

    The widened wealth chasm could have major ramifications going forward, experts said.

    Having less wealth and home equity means it will be more difficult for blacks and Hispanics to send their children to college, which gives them a leg up on landing good jobs, said Roderick Harrison, senior research scientist at Howard University. That will further extend the wealth gap.

    "The implications will be with us into the next generation, which will have greater difficulty in getting the kinds of jobs needed to start saving and building wealth," Harrison said. To top of page 

     

    First Published: June 21, 2012: 5:05 AM ET