WOMEN: Three cheers for Mariela Castro’s visit to the U.S. » peoplesworld

Three cheers for

Mariela Castro’s

visit to the U.S.

If there's one person whom I've always wanted to meet, one straight ally who has been a staunch advocate and supporter of LGBT causes, it's Mariela Castro, daughter of Cuban President Raul Castro and niece to Fidel Castro.

As director of Cuba's National Center for Sex Education she has worked to secure the rights of Cuban lesbians, gays and bisexuals. She has been North America's biggest transgender advocate, successfully advocating for and securing funding for the Cuban health care system to provide free gender counseling and transitioning for those who identify as transgender. In the United States there are still places where it is illegal for transgender individuals to have sex reassignment surgery.

And this year she has introduced a same-sex marriage bill into Cuba's National Assembly, to be voted on later this year. But why I am mentioning all this? It's because Mariela Castro is coming to the United States.

The State Department has granted her a visa so she may come and speak at a conference at the Latin American Studies Association in San Francisco May 23-26 where she will chair a panel on sexual diversity. However there are those who would wish to prevent such a staunch ally of the LGBT community and a renowned human rights activist from coming to this country.

Right-wing politicians such as Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, R-Fla., have been rallying for the visa to be revoked.

I am very familiar with Rep. Ros-Lehtinen's respected position in the Florida LGBT community. Why then would she deny human rights advocate Mariela Castro the honor of speaking at a diversity conference? Not only does this visit strengthen American-Cuban relations by promoting a path towards normalization and removal of the unjust U.S. embargo against Cuba, but it promotes an exchange of cultural and human right ideals.

Mariela Castro has done so much for Cuban sexual minorities who were no more than 10 years ago subjected to harassment and abuse. Gays and lesbians can march in government-sanctioned pride parades, counseling and health services are available to LGBT people at no cost, and this year the bill on same-sex marriage was introduced, with included anti-discrimination provisions.

The arguments of people like Rep. Ros-Lehtinen make no sense. The congresswoman claims Mariela Castro and other pro-government Cubans are anti-American. Really? Mariela Castro recently offered praise to President Obama for speaking up in support of marriage equality.

And you know what? If we removed the embargo and stopped our rampant imperialism, I think the Cubans would be more than willing to welcome us to to the inter-American community from which we have been isolated. We can learn a lot from people like Mariela Castro. I guarantee it.

In some respects Cuba and much of Latin America have become more developed than the United States in LGBT rights.

President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela passed LGBT discrimination protections in a new labor code. Additionally there is recognition of relationships through a civil union known as "association by cohabitation." Colombia has legalized same-sex common law marriage and passed anti-discrimination laws, and that was under the conservative government!

Argentina and Brazil have banned discrimination. In Argentina same-sex marriage is legal. And in Brazil civil unions provide many of the benefits of marriage. In Chile a recent hate crime against a gay man which resulted in death spurred the passage of anti-discrimination laws and a proposal for civil unions. Uruguay has legalized civil unions and same-sex adoption.
In Ecuador leftist president Rafael Correa provided for civil unions in the new constitution.  Additionally he has banned the harmful "ex-gay" movement from the country, and shut down dozens of those clinics. In Mexico same-sex marriages performed in Mexico City must be recognized nationwide. In Costa Rica the government is considering civil unions as well.

We should be welcoming people like Mariela Castro with open arms! People like her bring knowledge and ideals to this country that would benefit us immensely. Instead we resort to imperialist and fear-mongering. We assume everything about Cuba is bad ,and it leads to racism and homophobia, in the service of imperialism.

It's time to dialogue. It's time to listen to what the Castros have to say. It's time to end the embargo. Take a lesson from gays and lesbians in Cuba. I don't know about you, but I stand by Mariela Castro and her right to free speech and free association, to speak and share her knowledge and values in this country where we supposedly value freedom and diversity.

Photo: Mariela Castro talks with reporters during a celebration marking the 10th anniversary of the National Center for Sex Education (CENESEX) in Havana, Cuba, Aug. 12, 2011. Franklin Reyes/AP

 

HISTORY + VIDEO: Rosa Parks > LIWI68

Rosa Parks

Even after suffering bouts of poor health as a child, Rosa Parks lived a long and fulfilling life. She is one of America’s most iconic symbols of freedom and equal civil rights. Dubbed the “Mother of the Modern-Day Civil Rights Movement,” her fame grew publicly when she was arrested on December 1, 1955 for refusing to move from a bus seat in Montgomery, Alabama.


 

As the driver, Mr. James Blake, moved a ‘colored section’ sign farther back in the bus to make room for additional white passengers, Rosa Parks refused to move toward the back of the bus, but instead slid over towards the window. Following, the bus driver called the police and had her arrested. With the backing of the NAACP and legal counsel, the Montgomery Bus Boycott that lasted well beyond a year was initiated. It became and still remains one of the grandest public displays against racial segregation in U.S. history.

 

At age eleven, Rosa stopped her home schooling with her mother Leona McCauley, a teacher at the time, and attended the Industrial School for Girls. Following, she attended secondary school but had to drop out because she had to take care of her sick grandmother and eventually her own mother.

 

In 1932, at the age of 19, she wed Mr. Raymond Parks who was also a physical rights activist alongside the NAACP. Ten years after finishing her high school degree in 1943, Parks became the secretary for the NAACP where she worked until 1957. In her autobiography entitled My Story, Parks revealed that she had always resisted mistreatment in many instances, but her arrest triggered the profound reaction and boycott.

 

While some segregationists turned to violence, the African-American community of Montgomery held strongly together as the nation and even the world watched. In November of 1956, the United States Supreme Court outlawed further segregation on buses. Following, Parks moved to Virginia and found a job working at an inn. Eventually, her and her husband moved to Detroit, Michigan to be near Rosa’s family. In 1965, U.S. Representative John Conyers hired Parks until 1988. In 1995, she published another autobiography titled Quiet Strength that discussed how her faith kept her strong.

 

In her lifetime, Parks won numerous prestigious awards. This included the Congressional Gold Medal, the Alabama Academy of Honor and the Governor’s Medal of Honor. In 1996, Bill Clinton presented Parks with the Presidential Medal of Freedom. And, she even had a prize named after her called the Rosa Parks Peace Prize in Stockholm, Sweden.

 

Rosa Parks’ case wasn’t just a deciding factor for the removal of segregation on public buses, but an everlasting spark that helped the Civil Rights Movement burn even brighter.

 

VIDEO + AUDIO: Home-Going Retrospective: Remembering Gil Scott-Heron 1949-2011 > The Revivalist

Home-Going Retrospective:

Remembering

Gil Scott-Heron

1949-2011

Called cultural nationalist, “musical prophet”, dissident, griot and icon. Called “the lone prince of the Black Arts Movement,” culture-bearer, provocateur, street scholar and bluesologist. On Friday May 27, Gil (Gilbert) Scott-Heron, an architect of hip-hop culture, whose voice defined a collective movement for black liberation, passed away. Just a teenager when the Black Arts Movement began in Harlem, Scott-Heron’s body of work and aesthetics of resistance has come to define the pain, oppression, complexity and beauty that sparked and sustained the Black Power Movement.

With over thirty recordings and two novels published during his expansive and tumultuous career, Scott-Heron, blues man, jazz poet, political spoken word artist, musician and cultural critic used his “words as weapons,” as Richard Wright described, to rip the blinders off the eyes of those in power and those most oppressed. His performances punctured the veneer of indecisiveness and ambivalence paralyzing bystanders while simultaneously energizing cultural and political warriors on the front lines of the movement for justice and equality. Bold, brash, antagonistic, unrelenting and often caustic, his work called for “all power to the people,” truth, and political transparency “by any means necessary.”

 

 

In order to really hear and appreciate the man whom Abiodun Oyewole of the Last Poets calls the “link between John Coltrane and Malcolm X,” one must understand the tension that he possessed between having an ear to the street and one to the heavens. One must understand the psychic, spiritual and intellectual energy expended to metabolize collective pain and spit back unparalleled beauty and lyricism. One must understand Gil Scott-Heron’s sacrifice in the name of truth and justice.

Born 1949 in Chicago, Illinois and raised in Jackson, Tennessee, in 1962 Scott-Heron settled in the South Bronx with his mother at thirteen years old. Against a backdrop of heightened urban decay, arguably initiated by the construction of the Cross Bronx Expressway and “white flight”, Scott-Heron’s New York move came in the thick of the Civil Rights Movement, just months after the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) initiated the Freedom Rides through the south.

Soon, Dr. Martin Luther King would be jailed for anti-segregation protests in Birmingham, Alabama and Medgar Evers, voting rights activist, would be assassinated in Jackson, Mississippi. Fifteen year-old, James Powell, would be murdered by a police officer in 1964, sparking the Harlem Riots that spread to Brooklyn. However, the assassination of El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz on February 21, 1965 would arguably be the most significant factor leading to the politicization of cultural activists such as Nikki Giovanni, Amiri Baraka, Sonia Sanchez and Haki Madhubuti.

A mere five years later, Scott-Heron would release his first studio album, Small Talk on 125th and Lenox in 1970. With cuts like “Whitey on the Moon,” “Plastic Pattern People” and “Who’ll Pay Reparations on My Soul?” Scott-Heron explicated and made palpable the angst, hopelessness, heart-break and despair felt throughout the black community. The breakout hit of this recording was undoubtedly “The Revolution Will Not Be Televised.”

 

 

The Gil Scott-Heron audiences meet in 1970 speaks directly to his environment-his eyes like sponges absorbing every nuance of poverty, addiction and struggle impacting the lives of people in Harlem. “The Revolution Will Not Be Televised” served as a manifesto for an uncorrupted shift toward self-determination and sustainability, one that could not be packaged, purchased, bought or broadcast. He writes,

You will not be able to stay home, brother.

You will not be able to plug in, turn on and cop out.
You will not be able to lose yourself on skag and skip,

Skip out for beer during commercials,
Because the revolution will not be televised.

These lines describe a revolution that permeates the very fabric of black consciousness so intimately that even black people will not be able to sell it to the highest bidder. Utilizing repetition often experienced in the oratorical style of southern black preachers, he warns that no one will be able to dodge the revolution when it arrives; therefore, everybody needs to be ready.

As the young rebel poet matured, so did his ability to speak to the issues impacting the global south such as apartheid in South Africa and the Vietnam War. His voice began to reflect not just a local but a trans-local movement for liberation and social justice. His seventh album, From South Carolina to South Africa, featured “Johannesburg,” a song about a burgeoning freedom movement in South Africa. He writes,

They tell me that our brothers over there
are defyin’ the Man
We don’t know for sure because the news we
get is unreliable, man
Well I hate it when the blood starts flowin’
but I’m glad to see resistance growin’
Somebody tell me what’s the word?
Tell me brother, have you heard
from Johannesburg?

His poetry reached across oceans and built bridges connecting communities in South Carolina to those in South Africa, communities in Birmingham to those in Boston, communities in Little Rock to those in Selma. His work situated black struggle and liberation in the United States beside global struggle for liberation. Scott-Heron introduced oppressed peoples, the world over, to their extended family in this country. This shift in voice, artistic scope and reach, informed his almost superhuman ability to take a panoramic survey of United States’ foreign policy and report the news to anyone within earshot. He was truly the people’s professor.

In 2004, BBC released The Revolution Will Not Be Televised, a documentary film about the Scott-Heron’s life and artistry. The film included appearances from musicians and performers like Mos Def, Chuck D, Sarah Jones and Scott-Heron himself. In the film, Gil explained music’s influence on his development as an artist and thinker. Reared on a diet of Tennessee blues, Jim Crow, Latin Jazz and black radical thought, Scott-Heron was a product of a cultural and geographic gumbo that honed the unique, raw and uncut voice generations of fans have come to adore.

 

 

In the film, Scott-Heron described the clearly identifiable voice and craft of artists like John Coltrane and Billie Holiday. Ntozake Shange writes about a similar idea in her essay “taking a solo/ a poetic possibility/ a poetic imperative.” She explained, poets must be beholden to the word before politics, that voice and content precede function. Scott-Heron, however, was a devotee of the word, the rhythm, the blues, funk and the truth. He possessed the keen and rare ability to balance art and politics, treating both as key elements of his liberation poetics.

As The Revivalist remembers Gil Scott-Heron, we celebrate this brilliant star that transcends time and space. We honor the body of work he leaves behind and his fundamental role introducing legions of young artists to jazz. With recent collaborations with Kanye West and Blackalicious, it is clear that his creative scope and reach extend beyond corporeal limits. Gil will live on in our minds and hearts through his poems, songs, humanity and insistence on freedom. A Luta Continua! The Struggle Continues!

 

 

Check out Gil Scott-Heron on the web.

Words by Ebony Noelle Golden

 

VIDEO: The Soil (South Africa) "Baninzi”

Video: The Soil "Baninzi"

God and music are hardly strange bedfellows: some musicians identify themselves as divine vessels, songwriters incorporate religious imagery into their lyrics on a regular basis — and gangsta rappers have been rocking crucifixes for as long as the genre’s been around. A little more unusual, however, is when a group counts “The Creator of All” as a member of the band. But that’s what The Soil believes.

The four-person (one “spiritual” person and three physical) acapella group with members hailing from Soweto makes an original brand of traditional township style music blended with elements of jazz, afropop and afrosoul. The group calls their musical variety Kasi soul – honestly, you can call it whatever you want, but this music feels good. Give it a listen above!

 

PUB: The Jeff Sharlet Memorial Award for Veterans > The Iowa Review

The Jeff Sharlet Award for Veterans

Jeff SharletThis creative writing contest for U.S. military veterans and active duty personnel is hosted by The Iowa Review and made possible by a gift from the family of Jeff Sharlet (1942–69), a Vietnam veteran and antiwar writer and activist. The contest is open to veterans and active duty personnel writing in any genre and about any subject matter.

Judge: Robert Olen Butler
Prize: $1,000 plus publication in The Iowa Review
Deadline: June 15, 2012
Entry fee: $15

Contest rules:

  • Submit a double-spaced manuscript in any genre (poetry, fiction, creative nonfiction) of up to 20 pages. Work must be previously unpublished. Simultaneous submissions are fine assuming you inform us of acceptance elsewhere.

  • The judge will select winners from a group of finalists chosen by Iowa Review editors. All manuscripts, whether selected as finalists or not, are considered for publication.

  • To submit online, please visit iowareview.submishmash.com and follow the instructions.

  • To submit via mail, instructions follow:

    • Manuscripts must include a cover page listing your name, address, e-mail address and/or telephone number, and the title of each work, but your name should not appear on the manuscript itself.

    • Enclose a $15 entry fee (checks payable to The Iowa Review). Enclose an additional $10 for a yearlong subscription to the magazine.

    • Label your envelope as a contest entry and note its genre. For example: “Veterans’ Contest: Fiction.” One entry per envelope.

    • Postmark submissions by June 15, 2012.

    • Enclose a SASE for final word on your work. Manuscripts will not be returned.

 

The Iowa Review, 308 EPB, Iowa City, IA 52242
319-335-0462
iowa-review@uiowa.edu


Eligibility and Conflicts of Interest
Current students, faculty, or staff of the University of Iowa are not eligible to enter the contest.

Work is ineligible to win our contest if it is slated for publication before April 2013, whether in another magazine or as part of a book, or if it has been named winner or runner-up in any other contest. Please withdraw work from our contest immediately if these conditions apply.

The judge has been instructed not to award the prize to entrants with whom he has had a personal or professional relationship. Despite reading the entries with author names removed, the judge may sometimes be able to guess the identity of the entrant. Even if he can't tell during the judging process, he has the right to change his decision if it turns out that the entrant is someone with whom there is any appearance of conflict of interest. Therefore, we advise entrants not to enter the contest if the judge is someone they know personally or have worked with professionally.

 

PUB: Honoring Journalists from Around the Globe: $16,000 Bastiat Prize for Journalism 2012 (worldwide) > Writers Afrika

Honoring Journalists from

Around the Globe:

$16,000 Bastiat Prize

for Journalism 2012 (worldwide)

 

Deadline: 30 June 2012

Reason is the proud new host of the Bastiat Prize for Journalism. Established a decade ago by International Policy Network and featuring $16,000 in award money, the Bastiat Prize honors writers from around the globe who explain the importance of freedom with originality, wit, and eloquence. The prize is named for the classical liberal essayist Frédéric Bastiat (1801-1850), whose writings on free markets, political economy, and individual rights remain a touchstone in libertarian thought. Past prize winners include Virginia Postrel, Tim Harford, Mary Anastasia O’Grady, Robert Guest, Sauvik Chakraverti, and Amity Shlaes.

Submissions will be accepted from May 10 through June 30 and winners will be announced in New York on November 8 at a gala dinner. For more information, email bastiatprize@reason.org.

2012 Bastiat Prize: $16,000 for journalists who support a free society The Bastiat Prize for Journalism this year will have a total prize fund of $16,000, with a First prize of $10,000, Second prize of $5,000 and Third prize of $1,000.

Reason is now accepting submissions to the 2012 Prize, which is open to writers anywhere in the world. Submissions must be received on or before Friday, June 29, 2012. All submissions must be made through the online entry form.

BASTIAT PRIZE RULES

The Bastiat Prize for Journalism ("BPJ") is open to all writers, anywhere in the world; writers need not be full time journalists or associated with any specific publication.

The total prize fund is $16,000, divided between first ($10,000), second ($5,000) and third ($1,000) prize winners.

Entrants must submit their entries through the online entry form on Reason’s website

All articles entered for the BPJ must have been published in print or online (or both).

Articles may comprise or include the transcript of a radio or television broadcast if that transcript has been published in print or online.

In the case of a question about the legitimacy of an article, the author will be consulted and a final decision will be made by The Reason Foundation.

Entries must comprise between one and three articles.

Entries must not exceed 5000 words in total.

Articles must have been published in English.

Articles must have been published for the first time between July 1, 2011 and June 30, 2012.

Entries must state clearly the name of the publication where each article appeared and the date each article was published.

Consideration will be given to the articles on the following criteria: intellectual coherence; persuasiveness; wit and creativity; relevance; clarity and simplicity; wider impact.

Authors must nominate themselves, although submissions may be made by an assistant on the author's behalf with his/her consent.

If some or all articles are available to view online, entrants are encouraged to provide a URL for the articles.

In all cases, an electronic copy of each article (in either .txt, .rtf, or .pdf format) must be uploaded through the submission form. If you encounter problems with the form, then these should be emailed to bastiatprize@reason.org.

Entries must be received on or before July 1, 2012.

The finalists’ articles will be sent to the judges, a list of which will made available on Reason’s website.

The decision of the judges and The Reason Foundation will be final.

Finalists will be invited to a prize dinner in New York City on November 8, 2012. (While attendance is encouraged, it is not obligatory to receive the prize.)

The following individuals and their immediate family are not eligible to enter the Bastiat Prize for Journalism: Previous cash award winners of the Bastiat Prize of Journalism; Directors, staff, former staff, and regular columnists of The Reason Foundation; former staff, Directors and Trustees of International Policy Network; current and past Judges of the Bastiat Prize.

Articles commission, edited and/or placed by The Reason Foundation are not eligible for the BPJ.

Articles published exclusively by The Reason Foundation are not eligible for the BPJ.

The Reason Foundation reserves the right to clarify and/or modify these rules as needed. Entrants will be notified of any changes to the rules.

CONTACT INFORMATION:

For inquiries: bastiatprize@reason.org

For submissions: via the online entry form here

Website: https://www.reason.org/bastiat/

 

 

PUB: Contest Information > University of North Texas Press

Announcing the 2012 winner of our Katherine Anne Porter Prize in Short Fiction

Judged by Miroslav Penkov

Venus in the Afternoon

by Tehila Lieberman

to be published November 2012

Katherine Anne Porter Guidelines

The University of North Texas Press announces the 2013 Katherine Anne Porter Prize in Short Fiction. The winner of this annual award will receive $1000 and publication by UNT Press. Entries will be judged by an eminent writer.

Entries can be a combination of short-shorts, short stories, and novellas, from 100 to 200 book pages in length (word count between 27,500 and 50,000). Material should be previously unpublished in book form. Once a winner is declared and contracted for publication, UNT Press will hold the rights to the stories in the winning collection. They may no longer be under consideration for serial publication elsewhere and must be withdrawn by the author from consideration.

Please include two cover sheets: one with title only, and one with title, your name, address, e-mail, phone, and acknowledgment of any previously published material. Your name should not appear anywhere on the manuscript except on the one cover page. Manuscripts for the 2013 award should be postmarked between May 1 and June 30, 2012. The winning manuscript will be announced in January 2013. Watch for more details in Poets & Writers. Manuscripts cannot be returned and must be accompanied by a $25 entry fee (payable to UNT Press) and a letter-sized SASE for notification.

Send entries to:

Laura Kopchick, General Editor
Katherine Anne Porter Contest
English Department
University of Texas at Arlington
203 Carlisle Hall, Box 19035
Arlington, TX 76019

Prior Winners—

Out of Time by Geoff Schmidt was our 2011 winner, judged by Ben Marcus.

A Bright Soothing Noise by Peter Brown was our 2010 winner, judged by Josip Novakovich.

Irish Girl by Tim Johnston was our 2009 winner, judged by Janet Peery.

Last Known Position by James Mathews was our 2008 winner, judged by Tom Franklin.

Wonderful Girl by Aimee LaBrie was our 2007 winner, judged by Bill Roorbach.

Body Language by Kelly Magee was our 2006 winner, judged by Dan Chaon.

What Are You Afraid Of? by Michael Hyde, was our 2005 winner, judged by Sharon Oard Warner.

Let's Do by Rebecca Meacham was our 2004 winner, judged by Jonis Agee. Let's Do was selected for the Spring 2005 Barnes and Noble Discover Great New Writers Program.

Here Comes the Roar by Dave Shaw was our 2003 winner, judged by Marly Swick.

The Stuntman's Daughter, a collection of stories by Alice Blanchard, was the 1996 winner of the Katherine Anne Porter Prize in Short Fiction. Ms. Blanchard went on to sign a lucrative contract with Bantam for her first novel, Darkness Peering.

 

INTERVIEW: Maaza Mengiste & Nadifa Mohamed > Warscapes

Maaza Mengiste &

Nadifa Mohamed

 

In a rare coincidence, two young women authors who originate from the Horn of Africa wrote critically acclaimed debut novels in the same year. Maaza Mengiste’s Beneath the Lion’s Gaze recreates the 1970 revolution in Ethiopia, which ended the monarchy of the Haile Selassie and installed the particularly brutal Derg regime. Through the intersecting voices of a prominent doctor Hailu in Addis Ababa, his son Dawit, who is experiencing a political coming-of-age, a deluded and fading Emperor Selassie and the innocent paperboy Behrane amongst others, the novel offers an emotional and unsparing account of a violent chapter in Ethiopian history. Mengiste’s work is particularly commendable for having broken the silence surrounding this time, allowing thus for reconciliation and healing for a population in which these memories remain intensely vivid. 

Nadifa Mohamed’s Black Mamba Boy travels even further back in time, to 1930s Eastern Africa, when precise national borders for countries such as Somalia, Eritrea, Sudan and Djibouti were yet to be defined. Inspired by her father’s life, Mohamed’s novel follows the epic journey of an endearing young boy, Jama, who yearns to connect with his roots while to struggling to make ends meet on a daily basis. The novel opens across the Gulf of Aden, in the coastal city of Aden in Yemen. Jama soon embarks on a journey across breathtaking landscapes in Somalia, Eritrea, Sudan, Djibouti and others. The trip soon turns macabre as he encounters first-hand the barbarism of Italian colonialism and is inadvertently thrust onto World War II’s far-flung African battlefields, a situation in which the region’s native inhabitants paid the heaviest price. Mohamed’s work is a rare glimpse into an epoch that has been heavily depicted through the European perspective, but almost never from an African one. 

Both Mohamed and Mengiste’s works won many of 2010’s most prominent awards and represent that extraordinary and uncommon (though gradually growing) group – the African woman writer.  Apart from the obvious obstacles of gender discrimination, this group is doubly burdened with the impossible task of writing about Africa, a space where imperial ideologies, Afro-pessimism and racism collide all too frequently. As is often the case, African women writers often end up spending far too much time defending their continent and cultures against these malignant tendencies. Warscapes editor Bhakti Shringarpure entered into a gmail-chat with Mengiste in New York and Mohamed in London to explore these questions, and to speak about their work and how their novels have been received. What emerges is a surprising and poignant conversation ranging from insights into the special case of Italian colonialism, frustrating expectations placed upon African writers, the difficulties of writing about violence and, finally, men with the power to turn into hyenas…

GO HERE TO READ FULL INTERVIEW

 

CULTURE: The Anti-Imperialist The Whitewash of Black Beauty > Ceasefire Magazine

June 11, 2011

The Anti-Imperialist

The Whitewash of

Black Beauty

A few days ago, Dr Satoshi Kanazawa, of the London School of Economics announced, to the consternation and shock of many, that women of African descent are less attractive than women from other ethnic groups. Ceasefire associate editor Adam Elliott-Cooper interviewed two Black Feminist activists to discuss the Kanazawa furore and develop an understanding of our racialised perceptions of beauty.

An 18th Century caricature of Sarah Baartman, a.k.a the “Hottentot Venus”.


By Adam Elliott-Cooper

Aesthetics are an integral part of the way we make sense of the world, as well as make sense of ourselves. They can influence our perceptions of a person, event or environment and, in turn, these perceptions can be influenced by what we see. Importantly, the society in which we live shapes how we perceive the things we see – with historical, cultural and socio-political indicators constantly contextualising our world.

This contextualisation was overlooked by Dr Satoshi Kanazawa of the London School of Economics in his recently published article in Psychology Today, in which he claimed that women of African descent were uglier than those of other racial groups. This was done by showing different photographs of women from various ethnic backgrounds to a sample of men, and asking these men to rate the attractiveness of each woman.

The complex histories which result in European hair, or fairer skin, being associated with beauty cannot be reduced to a psychological decision made by a human being – these are subjective perceptions that had been shaped by hundreds of years of conditioning. “I would marry her were she an Ethiope” exclaims Shakespeare’s Claudio to prove the depth of his love in Much Ado About Nothing.

African slaves of a lighter complexion were awarded jobs in the home or office rather than the field, such as Richard Wright’s grandmother, as described in the semi-autobiographical Black Boy.

Centuries later, these assumptions of lighter complexions reflecting beauty and other forms of superiority have been internalised to the point of becoming widely accepted truisms. Straight, often lightened hair and fairer skin dominate mainstream images of Black female beauty.

In order to deconstruct these assumptions, and help build an understanding of an approach to human aesthetics which transcend racialsed assumptions and stereotypes, I spoke to two Black Feminist writers and activists; Hana Riazuddin and Rukayah Sarumi.

What is the significance of Black feminism in understanding western concepts of beauty?

Hana Riazuddin

 

HR Understanding concepts and constructions of beauty for Black feminists is really and truly about locating women of colour within a complex myriad of power relations, their experiences and ultimately its effects.

For the most part, western concepts of beauty not only advocate a patriarchy that determines the worth/role/place of women in general, but for Black women in particular it is precisely such constructions that have been used to devalue and ultimately dehumanize them.  Many people forget that the White Supremacy that accompanied colonization and slavery was founded and dependent on the academic work behind race and ethnology.

Stories like that of Sarah Baartman, also commonly known as the Hottentot Venus, provide ample examples of just how racialised constructions of beauty have shaped and placed women of colour within a broader framework of power and hierarchy to reinforce White Supremacy as a system of domination.

Similarly, Black feminism seeks to look at individuals holistically. Breaking down western concepts of beauty and the implications it has had on Black women is as much about looking at how it effects self-esteem, self-worth, value, purpose and power in the quest of undoing systems of domination on a personal level as it is about challenging them on a political level.

In giving voice to Black women’s voices and experiences, they turn women who are often objects of such discourse into authentic agents, illuminating the political and social tensions of westernized notions of beauty and ultimately the interlocking systems of domination that give way to them. Black feminism demands recognition of this and questions White privilege in sustaining interlocking systems of domination.

RS Further to this though, we can actually begin to consider, things such as beauty. Why is beauty the central point of consideration when it comes to women of all races. Why is it that women can constantly be interrogated, analysed and assessed on matters pertaining to our physical appearance.

We must note that it was Black Women that Dr. Kanazawa chose to conduct his ‘scientific’ research into. He also made a reference to the hyper attractiveness of Black men— an idea that stems from colonial constructs. Yet women were the basis of his investigation. Black feminism allows us to really say; discussing black women, women in general, as vessels of aesthetic pleasure is not enough. Basically we need to start discussing women as entire beings— humans.

How have Eurocentric concepts of beauty shaped gender and sexual politics for Black women living in the West?

Rukayah Sarumi

 

RS The other day, my best friend and I sat down and spoke about how disturbed we are by the lack of representation of Black Women in loving relationships on British television. In many ways Black women are seen as the antithesis to beauty and so instead, are often subject to classifications as vixens, hyper sexual or alternatively bitter and undesirable.

When we consider traditional constructions of beauty, and attractiveness; being the damsel, the timidity, ‘delicate’, these are adjectives that are rarely applied to Black women, of course we know that these ideas are in many ways nonsense, but they still have a resounding influence on the way we discuss and identify beauty. Again note that Kanazawa said that the challenge to our attractiveness is a case of  a higher proportion of testosterone. He alluded to Black women being more ‘masculine.’ Thus far away from the ‘feminine’ and in turn ‘ugly’.

HR Ideas about beauty have been constructed, packaged, renegotiated and now in collusion with capitalism have been sold to us as readily consumable products, lifestyles and ideas.  Concepts of beauty, let alone Eurocentric ones, dictate and determine a gender politics for all women dependent on desirability, notions of femininity and ideas of what or who a woman should be.

For Black women this is a double-edged sword where gender and sexual politics is ultimately racialised and Dr Satoshi Kanazawa’s recent article in Psychology Today is an excellent example of how these ideas are reinforced academically. Black women’s bodies in the West have been the grounds for public speculation and degradation for centuries, dismissing the idea that binaries such as the public/private separation exist for gender or sexual politics.

Black women’s experience of gendered issues and sexism may have much in common with mainstream or white feminism but they are undoubtedly unique and contextual.

When we look at say for example at the Black hair care industry or skin complexion/colourism and skin bleaching, when we analyse music videos and what type of Black beauty is ‘accepted’ within Black communities as well as by White mainstream media, we reveal a world in which ideas of beauty are placed within a historically racist as well as gendered framework.

Here Black women’s worth and place is determined by both gender and race, and neither are mutually exclusive. For White women Eurocentric concepts of beauty do not have the same impact. For Black women living and growing up in the West it is pertinent that we address both if we are to liberate ourselves from gendered and sexist binaries, if we are to live as real, full, human beings with agency, worth, purpose and power – something the mainstream Feminist movement has failed to take seriously for far too long.

African-American feminists have written at length about the racialised concepts of beauty in the US. In what way do these legacies relate to Black women in the UK?

HR When I discovered Black feminist work as a South Asian Muslim woman growing up in the UK it really hit home. Despite the fact that much of the work I was reading from Patricia Hill Collins to bell hooks, or the documentaries I was watching that poignantly explored racialised concepts of the beauty were about the African-American experience, an experience historically extremely different to my own, I began to see just how far reaching and global Eurocentric ideas of beauty were.

As colonized peoples I think we can relate to these legacies and although context/nature of these constructs may vary in depth or degree, what they reveal is how interlocking systems of domination have been used to frame women of colour and continue to do so. These ideas are almost unavoidable and they affect our lives on multiple levels, the personal remains extremely political particularly for diasporic communities for whom self-determination remains key in the face of oppression, exploitation and inequality. bell hooks on issues of gender and race in popular culture

How has seeing Black Female identity though the eyes of white supremacy affected how Black men relate to Black women in the west?

RS My goodness, this can be a discussion all on its own. What I will say, is that I think it imperative that Black men continue to work to resist negative perceptions of Black women. Black men must continue to consider the cross sections between race and gender and really support the efforts against patriarchy and racism.

I believe that one of the biggest problems that has afflicted the Black community is the perceived tension between the fight against racism and that of sexism. Black men too, have a responsibility to see and acknowledge Black women and really join in the fight against unjust barriers against women.

What is being done to help Black men and women to understand why they are identified in such a way?

RS This! Discussions such as this one are happening everywhere. Asking the right questions allows us to truly consider the way our reality is being constructed and I hope give us the impetus to do something about it.

But it is not just the why,. Many are actively doing things to change these perceptions too. Writers such as Nichole Black, whose writing actively dissects the fallacies that haunt all the negative stuff said about black folk.

Artists like Kehinde Wiley, his work really makes us question and reconsider the way we perceive Black physical appearance. The aforementioned writers and academics, in addition to a wide range of male and female teachers and community workers who work tirelessly to engage young people in challenging their perceptions of race, colour and gender. So much continues to be done.

Hana Riazuddin is a black muslim feminist, writer and blogger.

Rukayah Sarumi is a womens’ rights activist.

Adam Elliott-Cooper, a writer and activist, is Ceasefire Associate editor. His column on race politics appears every other Sunday. He tweets at @adamec87.

 

 

ECONOMICS + VIDEO: Maggie Anderson "Our Black Year" - Confronting Our Hard Economic Truths

OUR BLACK YEAR 
 One Family's Quest
to Buy Black in America's
Racially Divided Economy
By Maggie Anderson with Ted Gregory

An African American family chronicles their year-long commitment to patronizing only black-owned businesses, exposing economic inequality and inspiring a movement
 
Maggie and John Anderson were successful African American professionals raising two daughters in a tony suburb of Chicago. But they felt uneasy over their good fortune. Most African Americans live in economically starved neighborhoods. Black wealth is about one tenth of white wealth, and black businesses lag behind businesses of all other racial groups in every measure of success. One problem is that black consumers—unlike consumers of other ethnicities— choose not to support black-owned businesses. At the same time, most of the businesses in their communities are owned by outsiders.

On January 1, 2009 the Andersons embarked on a year-long public pledge to "buy black." They thought that by taking a stand, the black community would be mobilized to exert its economic might. They thought that by exposing the issues, Americans of all races would see that economically empowering black neighborhoods benefits society as a whole. Instead, blacks refused to support their own, and others condemned their experiment. Drawing on economic research and social history as well as her personal story, Maggie Anderson shows why the black economy continues to suffer and issues a call to action to all of us to do our part to reverse this trend.

Published on Mar 27, 2012 by 

Recently Maggie Anderson spoke at the African American Art Museum of Philadelphia about her book, "Our Black Year: One Family's Quest to Buy Black in America's Racially Divided Economy". A discussion panel followed her speech discussing the book and the current state of black businesses in America.

 

As CEO and cofounder of The Empowerment Experiment Foundation, Maggie Anderson has become the leader of a self-help economics movement that supports quality black businesses and urges consumers, especially other middle and upper class African Americans, to proactively and publicly support them. She has appeared on CNN, MSNBC, Fox News, and CBS Morning News, among many other national television and radio shows. She received her BA from Emory University and her JD and MBA from the University of Chicago. She lives in Oak Park, Illinois, with her husband, John, and their two daughters. Ted Gregory is a Pulitzer Prize–winning reporter for the Chicago Tribune.

 

__________________________

 

IS THE WHITE MAN'S ICE

STILL COLDER???

Steve Bertrand on Books: Maggie Anderson

GO HERE TO VIEW VIDEO INTERVIEW

Today, the nearly $1 trillion of buying power in black wallets flows right out of African American neighborhoods. Economists call this phenomenon "leakage" and it creates unemployment, underfunded school systems, poverty, and a lack of communal pride.

 • African Americans make up only 13 percent of the U.S. population but represent anywhere from 25 to 40 percent of the consumer base for grocery stores, fast food restaurants, athletic apparel, and toy stores.

 • One economist found that in the Asian community a dollar circulates among local shop owners, banks, and business professionals for up to 28 days before it is spent with outsiders. In the Jewish community, a dollar circulates for 19 days. In the African- American community a dollar is gone within 6 hours.

 • Out of every dollar an African American spends in this country, less than two cents go to black-owned businesses.

 • White-owned firms have average annual sales of $439,579. Black-owned firms: $74,018.

 * Sources: Brooke Stephens, Talking Dollars and Making Sense; Michael H. Shuman, "Community Entrepreneurship"; "Race and Entrepreneurial Success Black-, Asian-, and White-Owned Businesses in the United States" a 2005 Massachusetts Institute of Technology Study; the 2006 U.S. Census Bureau.

>via: http://www.publicaffairsbooks.com/publicaffairsbooks-cgi-bin/display?book=978...

 

__________________________

 

AFTER WORDS WITH

MAGGIE ANDERSON

March 4, 2012

In Our Black Year: One Family's Quest to Buy Black in America's Racially Divided Economy, Maggie Anderson wrote about the year her family spent engaged in the economic experiment of buying exclusively from African-American owned business - and how difficult that was to do in her home area of Chicago. She discussed the importance of what she calls "conscious consumerism" with Washington Post reporter Krissah Thompson.

>via: http://www.c-spanvideo.org/program/303641-1#