EDUCATION + AUDIO: The US public school system is under attack > Al Jazeera English

Liza Featherstone
Liza Featherstone
Liza Featherstone is the education columnist for The Brooklyn Rail and a contributing writer at The Nation.

 

The US public school system
is under attack
In Philadelphia, the privatisation of the public school system isn't working - yet the stage is set for even more.

25 May 2012

The public school system in Philadelphia is reportedly on the brink of insolvency [AP]


New York, NY
- The US public school system, once a model for the world, is under sustained attack by the nation's elites. Philadelphia, the latest casualty, is getting ready to sell off its schools - and their governance - to profiteers and snake-oil salesmen. We already know how this story ends.

The Philadelphia school system announced in late April that it was on the brink of insolvency and would be turned over to private operators, dissolving most remnants of democratic governance. Specifically, if the city's leaders have their way, 64 of the city's neighbourhood public schools will close over the next five years, and by 2017, 40 per cent of the city's children will attend charter schools. These are are privately run schools that use public funds. Perhaps most disturbingly to those who value democracy and doubt the wisdom of corporate elites, the city will have no oversight of its own school system. Schools will instead be governed by "networks", control of which will be auctioned off through a bidding process, and could be bestowed on anyone - including a CEO of a for-profit education company.

The situation in Philadelphia, which has received amazingly little attention from the national media in the US, offers a disturbing window onto what the US elite is planning for the rest of our public schools - disturbing because Philadelphia's experience has already demonstrated that turning public education over to private entities will ultimately lead to its destruction.

The fact is Philadelphia is already the most privatised system in the US. In 2001, the state of Pennsylvania took over the city's school system and turned many of its schools over to private operators, even offering up 25 schools to for-profit companies. A study [PDF] by Vaughan Byrnes of Johns Hopkins University showed that, five years into this sweeping overhaul, the schools under private management were academically underperforming the public schools.

"In American public schools, privatisation and austerity are presented as solutions to problems largely caused by - wait for it - privatisation and austerity."

Not surprisingly, the bad education delivered by privatised education also comes with a heavy dose of corruption: at least six Philadelphia charter schools are under criminal investigation by the office of the state's attorney general, after the Philadelphia Inquirer - and the city's comptroller - reported rampant financial mismanagement and nepotism in the city's charter system. As in other cities, public money was extensively abused in real estate profiteering schemes, as charter school operators used schools as tenants, paying money to themselves to rent their own property. In one particularly classy instance, the charter operator was running a private parking lot on school property. Exorbitant salaries were common for the charter school operators, and some implausibly held fully salaried jobs in multiple schools, billing the city for more than 365 days in a year. At least two Philadelphia charter school operators have pleaded guilty to one such series of frauds - with sentencing scheduled for July - and the Inquirer's investigations may lead to further prosecutions.

Austerity has been a crucial partner for privatisers in the United States, where New Orleans has endured an overhaul similar to Philadelphia's, and school systems in New York and Chicago are suffering a more gradual erosion. Schools are starved of resources. Then the rich and their for-profit companies are brought in as white knights to "save" - or loot, whichever they prefer - the failing systems. In Philadelphia, according to the alternative City Paper, "it has been a long time since the schools had close to adequate funding". Indeed, for years, the state of Pennsylvania fought a lawsuit, filed in 1999, by the city of Philadelphia, its school district and the National Association of Colored People (NAACP), charging the state with racial discrimination: the city's schools, attended largely by poor children of colour, had been systematically under-funded, compared with suburban and rural districts, which are predominantly white.

To be sure, many of Philadelphia's public schools are no place for children, and there is plenty of room for real reform. Unlike in New York City, most middle-class people in Philadelphia don't choose to send their children to inner-city public schools, instead making great financial sacrifices to move to the suburbs. But only in the mad libertarian climate of current US politics could any sensible person believe that the destruction of the city's schools will cure their woes.

In US public schools, privatisation and austerity are presented as solutions to problems largely caused by - wait for it - privatisation and austerity. But these are not solutions at all - just a recipe for more of the same.

Liza Featherstone is the education columnist for The Brooklyn Rail and a contributing writer to The Nation.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.

 

HISTORY: TULSA RACE RIOT

TULSA RACE RIOT

Believed to be the single worst incident of racial violence in American history, the bloody 1921 Tulsa race riot has continued to haunt Oklahomans to the present day. During the course of eighteen terrible hours on May 31 and June 1, 1921, more than one thousand homes and businesses were destroyed, while credible estimates of riot deaths range from fifty to three hundred. By the time the violence ended, the city had been placed under martial law, thousands of Tulsans were being held under armed guard, and the state's second-largest African American community had been burned to the ground.

 

Tulsa Race riot - Smoke rising in the distance

One of a number of similar episodes nationwide, the riot occurred during an era of acute racial tensions, characterized both by the birth and rapid growth of the so-called second Ku Klux Klan and by the determined efforts of African Americans to resist attacks upon their communities, particularly in the matter of lynching. Such trends were mirrored both statewide and in Tulsa.

By early 1921 Tulsa was a modern city with a population of more than one hundred thousand. Most of the city's ten thousand African American residents lived in the Greenwood District, a vibrant neighborhood that was home to two newspapers, several churches, a library branch, and scores of black-owned businesses.

Race riot - Aftermath, hunting through the rubble

But Tulsa was also a deeply troubled town. Crime rates were sky high, while the city had been plagued by vigilantism, including the August 1920 lynching, by a white mob, of a white teenager accused of murder. Newspaper reports confirmed that the Tulsa police had done little to protect the lynching victim, who had been taken from his jail cell at the county courthouse.

Eight months later an incident involving Dick Rowland, an African American shoe shiner, and Sarah Page, a white elevator operator, would set the stage for tragedy. While it is still uncertain as to precisely what happened in the Drexel Building on May 30, 1921, the most common explanation is that Rowland stepped on Page's foot as he entered the elevator, causing her to scream.

The next day, however, the Tulsa Tribune, the city's afternoon daily newspaper, reported that Rowland, who had been picked up by police, had attempted to rape Page. Moreover, according to eyewitnesses, the Tribune also published a now-lost editorial about the incident, titled "To Lynch Negro Tonight." By early evening there was, once again, lynch talk on the streets of Tulsa.

Race riots - Aftermath, a tent home

Talk soon turned to action. By 7:30 p.m. hundreds of whites had gathered outside the Tulsa County Courthouse, demanding that the authorities hand over Dick Rowland, but the sheriff refused. At about 9 p.m., after reports of the dire conditions downtown reached Greenwood, a group of approximately twenty-five armed African American men, many of them World War I veterans, went down to the courthouse and offered their services to the authorities to help protect Rowland. The sheriff, however, turned them down, and the men returned to Greenwood. Stunned, and then enraged, members of the white mob then tried to break into the National Guard armory but were turned away by a handful of local guardsmen. At about 10 p.m. a false rumor hit Greenwood that whites were storming the courthouse. This time, a second contingent of African American men, perhaps seventy-five in number, went back to the courthouse and offered their services to the authorities. Once again, they were turned down. As they were leaving, a white man tried to disarm a black veteran, and a shot was fired. The riot was on.

Over the next six hours Tulsa was plunged into chaos as angry whites, frustrated over the failed lynching, began to vent their rage at African Americans in general. Furious fighting erupted along the Frisco railroad tracks, where black defenders were able to hold off members of the white mob. An unarmed African American man was murdered inside a downtown movie theater, while carloads of armed whites began making "drive-by" shootings in black residential neighborhoods. By midnight fires had been set along the edge of the African American commercial district. In some of the city's all-night cafes, whites began to organize for a dawn invasion of Greenwood.

During the early hours of the riot local authorities did little to stem the growing crisis. Indeed, shortly after the outbreak of gunfire at the courthouse, Tulsa police officers deputized former members of the lynch mob and, according to an eyewitness, instructed them to "get a gun and get a nigger." Local units of the National Guard were mobilized, but they spent most of the night protecting a white neighborhood from a feared, but nonexistent, black counterattack.

Shortly before dawn on June 1, thousands of armed whites had gathered along the fringes of Greenwood. When daybreak came, they poured into the African American district, looting homes and businesses and setting them on fire. Numerous atrocities occurred, including the murder of A. C. Jackson, a renowned black surgeon, who was shot after he surrendered to a group of whites. At least one machine gun was utilized by the invading whites, and some participants have claimed that airplanes were also used in the attack.

Black Tulsans fought hard to protect their homes and businesses, with particularly sharp fighting occurring off of Standpipe Hill. In the end, they were simply outgunned and outnumbered. By the time that additional National Guard troops arrived in Tulsa at approximately 9:15 a.m. on the morning of June 1, most of Greenwood had already been put to the torch.

A brief period of martial law was followed by recriminations and legal maneuvering. Even though Dick Rowland was exonerated, an all-white grand jury blamed black Tulsans for the riot. Despite overwhelming evidence, no whites were ever sent to prison for the murders and arson that occurred during the riot.

The vast majority of Tulsa's African American population had been made homeless by the riot. Yet, despite efforts by the white establishment to force the relocation of the black community, within days of the riot, black Tulsans had already begun the long and arduous process of rebuilding Greenwood. Thousands, however, were forced to spend the winter of 1921-22 living in tents.

The deep scars left by the riot remained visible for years. While Greenwood was eventually rebuilt, many families never truly recovered from the disaster. Moreover, for many years the riot became something of a taboo subject, particularly in Tulsa. A state commission formed in 1997 to investigate the riot recommended that reparations be paid to the remaining riot survivors, while a team of scientists and historians uncovered evidence supporting long-held beliefs that unidentified riot victims had been buried in unmarked grave sites.

One of the great tragedies of Oklahoma history, the Tulsa race riot has lived on as a potent symbol of the ongoing struggle of black and white Oklahomans to forge a common destiny out of an often troubled past.

SEE ALSO: AFRICAN AMERICAN NEWSPAPERS, AFRICAN AMERICANS, CHARLES F. BARRETT, GREENWOOD DISTRICT, KU KLUX KLAN, LAW ENFORCEMENT, LYNCHING, OKLAHOMA NATIONAL GUARD, JAMES B. A. ROBERTSON, SEGREGATION, ANDREW J. SMITHERMAN, TULSA, TULSA TRIBUNE, TWENTIETH CENTURY

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Scott Ellsworth, Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1982). John Hope Franklin and Scott Ellsworth, eds., The Tulsa Race Riot: A Scientific, Historical and Legal Analysis (Oklahoma City: Tulsa Race Riot Commission, 2000). Eddie Faye Gates, They Came Searching: How Blacks Sought the Promised Land in Tulsa (Austin, Tex.: Eakin Press, 1997). Loren L. Gill, "The Tulsa Race Riot" (M.A. thesis, University of Tulsa, 1946). Robert N. Hower, "Angels of Mercy": The American Red Cross and the 1921 Tulsa Race Riot (Tulsa, Okla.: Homestead Press, 1993). Mary E. Jones Parrish, Events of the Tulsa Disaster (Tulsa, Okla.: Out on a Limb Publishing, 1998).

Scott Ellsworth

© Oklahoma Historical Society

 

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On This day:


The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921

 

 

On May 31, 1921—91 years ago today—one of the worst racial clashes in American history began in Tulsa, Oklahoma.

The Tulsa Race Riot—which would claim as many as 300 lives and destroy more 1,000 homes and businesses—began after rumors spread about a May 30th event in an elevator downtown. Although there are several versions of the events, the most common story posits that a 19-year-old African American man accidentally stepped on the foot of a 17-year-old white woman, who, when he reached out to keep her from falling, screamed.

Many whites in the community assumed the African American man had attacked the white woman—a common accusation against African American men at the time. This assumption, coupled with an already tense relationship between the black and white communities, led to disaster.

For 18 hours, armed white men burned and looted the black community, killing countless African Americans in the process. Although many tried to protect homes and businesses from the attacks, they were outgunned and outnumbered by the white mob.

In the end, no whites were sent to prison for the murders and arson they committed during the riot. Estimates of the death toll ranged from 38 to several hundred, and the thousands who lost homes and businesses that day spent a long time rebuilding—while living in tents. In 1997, Oklahoma finally formed a state commission, which ultimately recommended that reparations be paid to remaining survivors. However, efforts to secure reparations have so far been unsuccessful. Today, the riot is memorialized by Reconciliation Park.

The oldest known survivor, Otis Clark, died a week ago at age 109—but the riot remains, to this day, a horrifying symbol of the extreme discrimination, harassment, and violence African Americans faced for decades.

For more information, click here.

To read oral history accounts of the riot, click here.

To learn more, and to view photographs, click here and here.

For articles published at the time, click here and here.

The University of Tulsa’s McFarlin Library holds a collection of materials related to the riot.

To learn more about the Tulsa Race Riot, check out Scott Ellsworth’s Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 (Louisiana State University Press, 1992) and Alfred Brophy’s Reconstructing the Dreamland: The Tulsa Riot of 1921: Race, Reparations, and Reconciliation (Oxford University Press, 2003).

 

 

 

 

VIDEO: Les Nubians North American Tour

Les Nubians

North American Tour

Francophone sisters Hélène and Célia bka Les Nubians are bringing their Nü Revolution jams stateside on an upcoming North American tour. Catch their soul-tinged afro lullabies live on one of their several dates below. Watch the Williamsburg, Brooklyn shot video for “Veuillez Veiller Sur Vos Reves (J.Period Remix)” above.

LES NUBIANS TOUR DATES
06/02 Washington D.C DC Jazz Festival at The Hamilton
06/26 Minneapolis MN Dakota Jazz Club
06/27 Minneapolis MN Dakota Jazz Club
06/28 Chicago, IL The Shrine
07/18 Santa Cruz CA Moe’s Alley
07/19 Oakland CA The New Parish
07/21 Point Reyes, CA Far West Fest

 

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PUB: Film Synopses Sought from Women: Guru Productions Film Competition (North Africa) > Writers Afrika

Film Synopses Sought from Women:

Guru Productions Film Competition

(North Africa)

 

 

Deadline: 20 June 2012

Guru Production can give you access to the world by submitting your synopsis for a short film or short documentary idea. The chosen topics will be produced under the concentrated guidance of media industry insiders. We want people to make quality work so that it is good enough to make it in the rounds at International Film Festivals and other televised outlets.

PRIZES: Winners shall receive up to $3,000.00

RULES

  • We accept your synopsis in: English, Arabic, Farsi, and/or Urdu

  • (Preferable in English)

  • Send us a synopsis between 1-5 pages (clearly show us the plot, character(s) outline, the angle of the story, and visual details of your idea) * No dialogue is preferable, but if necessary up to 5 lines only!

  • Include at the top of your synopsis a brief explanation as to why you think this story is original and the type of project it is (Documentary or Short film)

  • We will develop the top 3 projects into short documentary or short film format

  • We accept one entry per filmmaker

  • Must be a resident of the Middle East, North Africa, Afghanistan, Iran or Pakistan

  • The story has to be original

  • The writer must be 18+

  • The Applicant must be female

  • Include all contact details in your Submission: Name, Email, Phone Number(s), Country of residence

TOPIC: Freedom

For example: This is a great chance to showcase what freedom is in your environment. It could be a portrait of someone who looks free for you or represents freedom, an experience you have witnessed, or it can be about social/economical or cultural issues that that brings freedom to people.

Freedom is open to your personal interpretation and imagination!

DATES:

  • Entries close on June 20th, 2012
  • Winners will be announced in September 2012

HOW TO ENTER

Contestants can send their synopsis to info@guruprod.com

 

CONTACT INFORMATION:

For queries/ submissions: info@guruprod.com

Website: http://www.guruprod.com

 

 

 

 

 

PUB: Call for Submissions for Reverie: Midwest African American Literature > Writers Afrika

Call for Submissions for Reverie:

Midwest African American Literature


Deadline: 1 August 2012

Aquarius Press is accepting submissions until August 1 for the 2012 annual issue of Reverie. There will be no particular theme for this issue, but a special section will be dedicated to the works of Aquarius Press Legacy Award winners Samiya Bashir and Parneshia Jones.

Reverie is a literary journal devoted to featuring the best in literature by African Americans with “ties” to the American Midwest. Reverie appears in digital and print editions. We accept poetry, fiction, creative nonfiction, critical essays and book reviews.

Contributors selected for inclusion will receive one contributor’s copy and a feature on our website. Simultaneous submissions accepted with credits. If selected, contributors will be asked for a brief bio.

Artists are encouraged to submit artwork for the cover—if the artwork is selected, payment will be two copies.

WRITER’S GUIDELINES FOR REVERIE (EMAIL SUBMISSIONS ONLY)

1) Include a 50-word bio including contributor’s Midwestern connection, mailing address and email at top of document and save the entire submission in Microsoft Word or Rich-text format (rtf) as an attachment. Use “Reverie” for the email subject line.

2) Text should be Times New Roman or Calibri 11 pt. font. Word count should not exceed 50 lines (poetry) and/or 3,000 words (prose). No page numbering/footers, no borders. Once accepted for publication, no changes to the manuscript will be allowed except for typographical errors; contributors will get one online proof before publication.

3) Tabs/indents at .3” and single space after punctuation.

4) Submit no more than three poems. No urban crime fiction or erotica. Critical essays should be in MLA or Chicago style.

5) Publisher reserves the right to make light edits as necessary and reserves the right to reject submissions. Email reverie.journal@gmail.com and Reverie only accepts submissions by email. If you have any questions please email the editors at reverie.journal@gmail.com.

CONTACT INFORMATION:

For queries/ submissions: reverie.journal@gmail.com

Website: http://www.aquariuspressbookseller.net/reveriemidwestafricanamericanliterature.html

 

 

PUB: Call for Papers: Crossing Thresholds « Repeating Islands

Call for Papers:

Crossing Thresholds

Crossing Thresholds:  Decoloniality and Gender in Caribbean Knowledge

The workshop aims to provide an opportunity for junior researchers (especially doctoral and postdoctoral candidates) to present their projects and engage in interdisciplinary cooperation on current perspectives regarding decolonial gender issues within Caribbean Research. Proposals may be submitted in multiple fields, including:

-          African Studies

-          Art History

-          English, French, Spanish and Portuguese Literature

-          Gender Studies

-          History

-          North- and Latin American Studies

-          Media- and Drama Studies

-          Political Science

-          Religious Studies

-          Sociology

-          Social and Cultural Anthropology

Presentation languages:  English, French, Spanish and Portuguese

Date:  23 – 25 January 2013

Location: Leibniz Universität Hannover, Romanisches Seminar, Königsworther Platz 1, 30167 Hannover, Germany

Organizing Group

The workshop is hosted by the Society of Caribbean Research (SoCaRe) and the Institute of Romance Languages at the Leibniz Universität Hannover (Germany).

Organizers: Pauline Bachmann (M.A.) , Julia Borst (M.A.), Rebecca Fuchs (M.A.), Bastienne Schulz (M.A.), Martina Urioste‐Buschmann (M.A.), Prof. Dr. Anja Bandau , PD. Dr. Martha Zapata Galindo

Topics

Topics related to the Caribbean region and opening up through decolonial perspectives may include:

-          gender-critical approaches to representations of imperial power

-          artistic negotiations (art performance, theatre, film, literature) of gender discourses (e.g. in the context of feminism and queerness) within the Caribbean and its diaspora

-          gender-related migration movements from and to the Caribbean

-          female agency in the context of slave rebellions, marronage and processes of political change

-          Caribbean women’s movements

-          LesBiGay participation in politics, societies and religious practice

-          homophobia

Concept

The cultural location of the Caribbean keeps resisting all academic labeling. Colonial plantation economy, enslavement, postabolitionist migration movements into and contemporary diasporic movements from the region, as well as the coexistence of European and Creole languages have turned the Caribbean into a zone of cultural contact in transoceanic frames of reference. In the context of colonial experiences of Creolization, gendered self-understanding in the Caribbean is linked to an ambivalent relationship towards metropolitan gender discourses of the Global North. This ambivalence enables Caribbean thinkers to critically consider Western and Non-Western epistemologies from a double perspective.

Decoloniality aims to criticize universalistic claims to Western modernity and related paradigms. In this sense, decolonial options require a corresponding mode of thinking which remains aware of the continuity of hegemonic monopolies of power upheld by the former colonial empires even after the majority of colonies has gained political independence. The concept of coloniality, understood to be the epistemological domination of knowledge, images and symbolic systems by the Western world, implies an imbalance of power between ‘center’ and ‘periphery’ as well as control over cultural and epistemic productions. This hierarchical relation of power, which is constantly in the making, must not be considered exclusively through the category of race (Quijano) but has to be extended to conceptions of gender and sexuality. As a consequence, decolonial gender theorists claim to think of entities such as race and gender as mutually intertwined and embedded within colonial structures of power. Only from this intersectional perspective and by ceasing to marginalize and hide (epistemologically) the female ‘subaltern’ Other by focusing on the emancipation of ‘white women’ is it possible to reveal the impact of a “modern/colonial gender system” (Lugones, “Coloniality”). As a concept of hybridity, Gloria Anzaldúa’s “mestiza consciousness” refers exemplarily to a feminist border thinking which not only questions the logics of coloniality and the corresponding rhetoric of modernity, but as an intersection (class, race, gender) focuses on decolonial options within cultural border situations which concern marginalized experiences of gender-queer identity positions.

Within an interdisciplinary context, the workshop aims to discuss Caribbean perspectives which open up emic avenues out of purely Western paradigms of feminism (Paravisini-Gebert) and which unveil pre- and decolonial conceptualizations of gender (see e.g. Oyěwùmí’s research on gender among the Yoruba). By breaking down the biologically defined dimorphism and patriarchal frame of gender relations of Western typology (Mills), LesBiGay and transgender self-conceptions as well as corresponding bodily practices, excluded empirically and discursively by the “global design” (Mignolo) of Western heteronormativity, come into sight (Lugones, „Coloniality“; Hawley).

The main goals of the workshop are consequently to critically examine supposedly ‘universal‘ paradigms and categories of thought in terms of queering (Roßhart), to explore shifts of signification with regard to apparently valid patterns of thought (Butler) and to reflect upon decolonial options for thinking about gender and queerness by referring to subaltern productions of knowledge. It is crucial to note that categories of gender and queerness cannot be considered as isolated entities but have to be imagined intersectionally (Lugones, „Coloniality“) and reflected critically in relation to colonial experiences (La Fountain-Stokes).

From this perspective the workshop discusses socio-cultural processes, discourses and performative expressions within the Caribbean region which allow us to explore and analyze decolonial paradigms by referring to the key category of gender. In this sense, Caribbean postulates and representations of women’s emancipation are to be considered in the context of decolonial extensions of feminist discourses. Then again, decolonial approaches to Queer Theory shall be explored so as to question patriarchal and naturalized constructions of gender within the region, with alternative non-Western conceptualizations in mind.

Please send paper abstracts (300 words) to juniorresearch@caribbeanresearch.net by  July 31, 2012.

 

 

POV: The Spear - The Jacob Zuma Affair (South Africa)

 

The Spear

MAY 29, 2012 / WRITTEN BY CHUCK LIGHTNING

 

This is the kind of post you never want to write…

but someone has to…

In South Africa, there is a rampant phenomenon known as corrective rape…

throughout the country men are raping lesbians in an attempt to “cure” their sexual orientation…

(watch an excellent Dan Rather corrective rape report here…)

overall the statistics are alarming…

In general, South Africa has the highest rate of rape in the world: 1 in 2 women can be expected to be raped at least once in her lifetime, and 1 in 4 men admitted that they had committed rape at one time or another.

Even the president Jacob Zuma has been charged with rape.

According to court testimony, he raped the daughter of his deceased friend: a 31-year-old woman and family friend at his home in Forest Town, Johannesburg. She was an AIDS activist and HIV positive.  Zuma knew this, and yet he did not use a condom.  He told the court that to reduce the chance of contracting the disease he took a shower afterward.  He also told the court that he believed the victim was sending him sexual signals by wearing a knee-length skirt and no underwear under her kanga, or wrap, and sitting with her legs uncrossed, and that it was his duty, as a Zulu man, to satisfy a sexually aroused woman.

(For a timeline of the trial read here.)

These comments bring the recent controversial painting of Zuma rendered by the white South African painter Brett Murray into a new light.  The painting is named The Spear, and in it, Zuma stands bravely like a Russian Lenin, a defiant champion of the people–and yet, there is something off with the civilized depiction, for he is nude from the waist down.

(Above please see the Brett Murray painting in question alongside its proxy, an actual portrait of Vladimir Lenin.)

With Zuma’s rape charge in mind, I would argue now that Zuma’s exposed loins are thereby revealed to be a brutal weapon, a weapon of twisted tradition and history, the embodiment of South African misogyny, patriarchy, and violence against women–and by extension, yes, the violence of Africans and Christians against the LGBT community. (Let’s not conveniently forget that South Africa is predominantly a Christian nation. And before Muslims rejoice at the savagery of Christians: let’s also remember that in 2011, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation led a walkout of Muslim states from the Human Rights Council in Geneva because  they thought the gay rights legislation promoted by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton would promote “licentious behavior” and lead to the “legitimization of many deplorable acts, including pedophilia and incest.”)

The Spear painting has been vandalized, and there have been uprisings and arguments regarding its significance- with black Africans incensed that a white South African could disrespect the ANC president by exposing his painted penis to the world.  But I wonder why these same Africans are not rioting in the streets over the victimization of women in general, and the rape and murder of lesbian women in particular, and the terrifying shouts of “We’ll show you you’re a woman” that resound in the night as these lesbians are raped and stabbed across South Africa.

The perverse irony is that, legally speaking, South Africa is ahead of America in the legal struggle for gay rights, and certainly ahead of Africa, and much of the world.

When the ANC came to power in 1994, the Archbishop Desmond Tutu and the anti-apartheid crusader Reverend Allan Boesak supported gay rights, and in 1996, President Nelson Mandela spearheaded the adoption of a constitution that overturned sodomy laws, and gave the LGBT community rights in areas such as adoption, immigration, inheritance, and medical aid.  Gays now serve openly in the South African military, and in 2004, the South African common-law definition of marriage was changed to include same-sex marriage.

On paper and in the courts South Africa is one of the freest, most loving places in the world.

But in the streets and in the townships the battle continues against ignorance, against violence, against hate, against bigoted police officers, hateful Christian ministers, and THE SPEAR, Africans that believe “gayism” is un-African, and that “jackrolling”–rape by organized gangs–is the only cure.

How this African attitude toward gayness corresponds with black American attitudes and black church attitudes toward the LGBT community is the subject of a study or documentary I’d love to to see…

Until then, please pick up the May 28, 2012 New Yorker, read “Violated Hopes” by Charlayne Hunter-Gault, and support the movement to stop the madness.

You can begin your fight for change by leaving thoughts, comments and questions below.

Thanks for listening. And as we fight, may we all keep laughing to keep from crying.

–c.lightning

 

 

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South Africa painting of President Jacob Zuma highlights nation’s racial tensions

  May 24, 2012 

Jerome Delay / The Associated Press

Jerome Delay / The Associated Press

Supporters of South African President Jacob Zuma gather outside the South Gauteng High Court in Johannesburg on May 22 as the controversial portrait of South African President Jacob Zuma painted by Brett Murray was defaced at the Goodman Gallery. Footage shown on a national news station showed a man in a suit painting a red X over the president's genital area and then his face. Next a man in a hoodie rubbed black paint over the president's face and down the painting with his hands.

 

JOHANNESBURG — South Africa’s ruling ANC went to court on Thursday seeking to remove from public display a painting of President Jacob Zuma with his genitals exposed, saying the work is symbolic of the lingering racial oppression of apartheid.

Handout

A man paints a cross on a painting by artist Brett Murray of South Africa's President Jacob Zuma at a gallery in Johannesburg.

Proceedings were halted after a bizzare scene where Gcina Malindi, lawyer for the ANC, broke down in tears when a judge asked him how the court can halt viewing of an image widely distributed on the Internet.

The portrait shows Zuma in a pose mimicking Soviet-era posters of Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin, chest thrust out, arm raised to the side, coat tail flowing in the wind.

It has stirred one of the country’s most heated political debates in years with a divide growing on racial lines over whether the image is symbolic of Zuma’s failings or demeans the dignity of an African leader.

“From where I am sitting, that picture is racist. It is disrespectful. It is crude and it is rude,” Gwede Mantashe, the secretary-general of the African National Congress told Reuters this week.

“The more black South Africans forgive and forget, the more they get a kick in the teeth,” he said.

The former liberation movement ANC came to office 18 years ago when apartheid ended, pledging to end the economic inequalities that grew out of decades of white minority rule.

But its record has been spotty, with many in the ANC blaming white capitalists for not doing enough to transform Africa’s largest economy, while a growing cross section blames the ANC for enriching itself and allies at the expense of taxpayers.

According to Statistics South Africa, 29 percent of blacks are unemployed compared with 5.9 percent of whites, while IHS Global Insight, an economic consultancy, estimates that whites have an average income nearly seven times that of blacks.

“The response by ANC follows a pattern seen in the past where criticism of the party by white people is said to be racist, instead of dealing with the issue,” said Lucy Holborn, research manager at South African Institute of Race Relations.

The artist of the portrait, Brett Murray, is a white, anti-apartheid activist who once used his work to lampoon the rulers of the white-minority regime.

But he turned into an ANC enemy with the Zuma portrait that was part of an exhibit in Johannesburg gallery called “Hail to the Thief,” which lampooned growing corruption under ANC rule.

Tension was heightened when the painting was defaced this week by a white man — peacefully taken into custody by security guards — and a black man who was head butted and body slammed by a guard. The defaced painting has been removed from public view.

Adding to the mix is that Zuma, a polygamist married six times and father of 21 children, has been a polarising figure seen as having a colourful personal life but an ineffectual leader of the continent’s top economic power.

“This is a constitutional democracy, not a monarchy. Respect is earned, and very few would say that the president has earned our respect given his lifestyle,” political analyst Justice Malala wrote in an opinion piece for Britain’s Guardian newspaper.

>via: http://news.nationalpost.com/2012/05/24/south-africa-painting-of-president-ja...

 

__________________________

 

 

THE PAINTING

By Nomsa Mazwai

22
MAY

Just this Saturday myself and Moses Ramunenyiwa, Sekgothe Ben Mohlakwana, Ian Drew, KhayaKazi Khabonina Ngqula and Carol Gorelick were discussing this painting. Our views were very different, spanning from defending artistic freedom to respecting the President of our country, to defending the rights of an ordinary human being, which he is. 

I guess, for those who defended it as art, must continue to defend even this defacing because it develops the artistic story, these gentlemen were expressing how they felt, through art. For my friends on the other end, saying that its mean and disrespectful to depict any human in that manner, you stand vindicated I guess, these two South Africans obviously agree with you. 

I would like to highlight how this video, in the most clear and graphic form exposes deep seeded racism, still alive in our country. These two gentlemen, true South Africans the both of them, came together as South Africans to make a stand to protect their president. It shouldn’t matter that one was white and one was black, they are the future South Africa I dream, where we meet on issues, not on race.

Unfortunately the staff at the Goodman Gallery are not as enlightened as the rest of the country. Please note how the black gentleman, who did not even start defacing the painting, only followed the white gentleman who started, was not resisting arrest in no way shape or form but was wrestled to the ground and treated like a dog, treated like a sub citizen deserving of no respect. The white man on the other hand, who was the first to act in fact, is pulled aside and questioned. He is only ‘cuffed’ much later and in a very nice way if I might add.

What that black security guard did there makes me sick and I think this painting is one of the best things to happen to South Africa. Lets deal with race relations. Lets deal with white entitlement and black inferiority complexes. What are we doing wrong in our beautiful country and lets address these issues as South Africans, not as whites or blacks. 

I support the Goodman Gallery, love going to see paintings by South Africans, but you need to have some workshops with your staff. This video reflects very badly on the gallery because it suggests you condone, as Juju would put it, ‘racist tendencies’. 

I am a child of this rainbow nation, I believe we will built our multiracial society, but there will be no hierarchy based on colour in my lifetime.

+++++++++++++++++

Nomsa Mazwai is an activist, a scholar, and the future of South African music. 

A gifted vocalist and social change advocate, Nomsa sings her unique blend of melodic poetry to the sounds of classic jazz, drum & bass, neo soul, electronic, and Afrocentric rhythms. 

Her debut solo EP, Nomisupasta, garnered her three South African Music Award (SAMA) nominations for Best Newcomer, Best Adult Alternative African album, and Best Album Packaging of which she walked away with the win for Best Adult Alternative African Album.

Although making music is Nomsa’s passion, making a difference in South Africa is her priority. She is a Fulbright scholar, a published writer, and the first female student body president in the prestigious University of Fort Hare’s 90-year history. 

She recently completed an MA Economics, in the IPED program at Fordham at Fordham University in New York City, while preparing for the next stage of her music career.

>via: http://nomisupasta.tumblr.com/post/23548554484/just-this-saturday-myself-and-... 

 


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

VIDEO: Ballet Documentary is a Meltingpot Must-See! > My American Meltingpot

Ballet Documentary

is a Meltingpot Must-See!

 

By Lori L. Tharps

Hi Meltingpot Readers,

How many of you ever dreamed of being a ballerina? Even if it was just for a minute. I had that one-minute dream, but it was quickly squashed by my ballet teacher who informed my mother that I just didn't have a dancer's body... at age five! Luckily, I found gymnastics to be more my style and then I was on to swimming and ice skating and... well, you get the idea. Clearly, I didn't even have the mental fortitude to be a ballerina. But I still get shivers of excitement when I watch other young people dance.

So, you can imagine my delight when I heard about a new documentary, called First Position that follows six young people in their quest for a prestigious ballet scholarship. I originally heard about the film because of the young Black girl profiled. Her name is Michaela DePrince and she was orphaned in her native Sierra Leone, adopted by a White American family and triumphs in the film. I was hooked just hearing that nugget. But the film follows five other great kids, with diverse backgrounds, boys and girls. I am excited to see this movie because if finally shows other faces of ballet besides young White girls.

But rather than me trying to get you all excited, why don't you just watch the trailer and decide for yourself. Let the shivers commence.

Peace!

 

+++++++++++++++

My name is Lori L. Tharps and I am an author, a journalism professor, and a freelance writer. I am also a Black woman married to Spanish man and the mother of two brown boys and a brand new baby girl. My life is pretty colorful. Welcome to my American Meltingpot.

 

INTERVIEW: Rebecca Walker: Black is Cool > Lambda Literary

Rebecca Walker:

Black is Cool

Posted on 28. May, 2012

by  

"…you can no more separate Cool from Blackness than you can separate Hula from Hawaiians, or Yoga from Indians, or French cuisine from the French." 

Rebecca Walker is cool. The origins of her cool aren’t located in some unquantifiable “swag,” nor is it strutting down a Fashion Week runway, cooing in a music video, or residing in a pulpit oratory whose cadence conjures protests of Southern trees bearing strange fruits. It isn’t even found in her casual Soho clothes or Noxema-clear complexion. Rebecca Walker’s cool stems from a mind, talent, experiences bred on both coasts (New York City and San Francisco, to be exact), and a pedigree of accomplishments that puts to shame many a slacker son and daughter of the 1%. Through her latest edited collection, Black Cool: A Thousand Streams of Blackness, one would say that Walker cites the ground-spring of her cool in a residence both less and more obvious, depending on your embrace of stereotype and level of social consciousness—her Blackness.

Biracial, bisexual, but far too multi-talented to be binary in any other way, for two decades Walker’s tackled the tough subjects of identity, community, power and justice placing her own life and experiences at the center of her discourse and making “the personal political” mean more than a lefty slogan. Considered one of the founding mothers of Third Wave Feminism and a leading multimedia voice from the Gen X generation, the Yale graduate and long-time contributing editor of Ms. has demonstrated all the modern renaissance woman can be. Whether working punditry at CNN or MTV, touring the college lecture circuit to inspire a generation of fresh, eager-eyed feminists, or writing the books they’re all talking about, including: To Be Real: Telling the Truth and Changing the Face of Feminism; Black, White and Jewish: Autobiography of a Shifting Self; What Makes A Man: 22 Writers Imagine the Future and Baby Love: Choosing Motherhood After A Lifetime of Ambivalence, the multiple award-winning Walker’s proven herself more than her last name.

Given all these lofty accomplishments, it seems almost bad manners to mention that Walker is the famously estranged daughter of womanist activist and Color Purple author Alice Walker. Named one of The Advocate’s40 under 40” and Time Magazine’s “50 Future Leaders of America,” Rebecca Walker has beaten back broadcast-whispered charges of nepotism with a grinder’s aplomb. It’s her tenacious talent that’s kept her pinnacled as a sought-after voice and frequently published cultural critic of note. Hers and the gifts of her talented circle are on earnest display in a work about a much dog-eared subject of “Black Cool” without the social science “pathology” invocations that usually accompany the subject. As you’ll see, for Walker the subject is so much more than a dissected “cool pose” leading to jail or hell. It’s as multi-faceted as the lady herself.

You chose these writers specifically to take on the task of making the ineffable effable. What about their talent and vision felt in synchronicity with you and your premise?

I chose a group of highly talented, prolific writers who, at various points in their lives, have created work that epitomizes Black Cool in its audacity, innovation, measured reserve, and/or concern about the necessity of black survival. dream hampton has led the charge in audacity for over two decades writing about and living hip-hop revolutionary culture. Her recent confrontation with Too Short about his inappropriate comments about young girls shows you how she handles the business of showing up for the show down with brilliance, grace, audacity, and thus, cool. Mat Johnson is a pioneer in graphic novels and the black superhero—he’s innovating, adapting, creating a new form. He’s a hybrid, himself, mythic, inscrutable cool. Michaela has worked as a stylist with everyone from Aretha to Prince; Michaela channels, distinguishes, feels, knows, breathes black cool. She delivered a genius rant (which I consider a legitimate literary form) about owning black cool. I chose writers I knew could deliver the goods with verve. Writers doing amazing work in the world. Writers who care about empowering and uplifting, and looking good while they do it.

Everyone focuses on “the cool,” but why the subtitle, “A Thousand Streams of Blackness”? Is it a subtle rejection of the enduring black monolith myth, of a singularly defined black cool?

Yes. When I originally conceived of the book I saw Cool itself in terms of one thousand, or even one million, streams of blackness, with each aspect, each stream, manifesting differently. I was drawn to the explosive visual of it, the multiplicity, the invitation to diverse manifestations of the cool, the idea that the streams of blackness reach back historically like beams of light, that Black Cool brightens the sky, that all of its beams shock and shatter, that the streams are infinite.  If we really take it back to say, Egypt, we could say, Black Cool shoots forth from the sun. But that’s not where we ended up. Now I think it as One Thousand Streams: JUMP IN!

Do you believe–as our culture embraces capitalistic values at every turn–that a true black cool aesthetic can be bought and sold as yet another appropriated commodity, like jazz?

Yes, I was compelled to edit this book because of my concern about the disappearance/appropriation/assimilation of Black culture, and how it can so easily be subsumed opportunistically within a post-racial, hyper-capitalist narrative to catastrophic effect.

I studied with Robert Ferris Thompson at Yale, the pioneer in articulating the Afro-Atlantic Aesthetic. Thompson taught that three words came to these shores with Africans: funky, hip, and cool, and the cosmology, or meaning, beneath these words is rich and complex. Thus, you can no more separate  Cool from Blackness than you can separate Hula from Hawaiians, or Yoga from Indians, or French cuisine from the French. There is a world view expressed through Black Cool that is part of our cultural contribution, and we need to more deeply understand its value rather than selling it for free or buying into the notion that Cool is something generic and sort of naturally, non-specifically occurring.

So yes, the aesthetic can be bought and sold, but this book is about not that. It’s about learning and reclaiming. It’s about decoding a Black cosmology that spans thousands of years and predates slavery because we need the elements of the African cosmology of Cool to survive. If the Cool is bought and sold and diluted and separated from Blackness, we lose. This book is about winning.

As the mother of a seven-year old boy, what about inherently embodied “black cool” do you hope he embraces and what aspects of black cool do you pray he avoids or purges, if any?

Black Cool is about audacity, resistance, intellectual passion, dignity, perseverance, style, the importance of family, and more. I want my son to have all of that. I don’t want him to pick up a degraded Black Cool that is packaged and sold back to us in the form of hyper-consumerism (bling, etc.), hyper-masculinity (problematic male-female relationships), and anti-intellectualism (too cool for school). Those have not been a part of Black Cool until this generation, and I could go on about the reason why, but readers should check Hank Thomas Willis’ piece in the book for greater insight into this.

From Obama to Shaft, so much of cool in the public’s consciousness seems to be the province of masculinity, either by sex or performed gender. Is cool ever feminine?

I stacked the book heavily with that in mind. Out of 16 pieces, only four are written by men. The point is to show that the elements of Black Cool transcend gender, even though we often see them represented in the male body for a whole host of reasons I don’t want to get into here. But audacity, reserve, eccentricity, swagger, focus on the posse, intellectual engagement: The Cool is in the content, baby, it’s in the cosmology. My job in this book was to show how women embody all of it too, how we manifest these underlying truths passed on through generations.

 So much of what is styled, designed, and accepted as cool by the mainstream, both black and white, originates from the Black LGBT margins but credit is rarely paid, making “cool” de facto straight. How do you feel these intersections and dismissals were tackled in the work?

Again, the contents of cool are ideological, spiritual, they exist in the realm of ideas and aesthetics and they do not discriminate on any basis—class, creed, who you sleep with. But yes, Black Cool has been been magnificently cultivated and sustained by those of us who live in the Black LGBT margins. I’m thinking of everyone here from the boys who vogue to the eclectic funk of Meshell Ndegeocello. Of course I could go on. In terms of how the intersections are tackled in the work—the collection includes writers from across the spectrum and emphasizes the transgressive nature of the Cool. That is, its lack of containment or ownership based on gender or sexual orientation.

Your book quotes Gwendolyn Brooks’ poem “We Real Cool,” with its ominous warning, “we die soon.” What does the epidemic of so many too “soon” deaths of our cool ones (and wannabe cool ones) say to the Black community, and does our cool now hurt us more than it helps us?

I just can’t with this question. I’m totally talked out regarding Black Cool, Trayvon and the hoodie, men in jail and sagging pants, hypercapitalism (bling) and its suicidal undertow, and hypermasculinity and its suicidal/homicidal imperative. The book tries to reclaim the Cool that can help, and reframe the cool that can hurt.

Being Freudian about it: is cool code for sexual prowess, or is it always in relation to the sexual? Is it ever more than a wink and a nod toward being sexually valuable or desirable?

Black Cool is sexy, no doubt. But the sexy comes from the mind as well as the body, the substance as well as the style. It’s deep sexy. It’s smart. It’s multi-layered fine.

What do you hope to be the legacy of this work and the discourse it sparks?

First and foremost I want people to begin to identify Cool as culturally specific. This doesn’t mean people can’t adopt, assimilate, borrow, emulate, etc., but it does mean they should be more conscious they are “borrowing” from another culture and respond in kind—be it through explicit referencing of the source, or financial remuneration. I mean for Cool to be respected as an aesthetic tradition with a powerful coda, a sophisticated set of signs. And for the creators of that Cool to be respected and compensated accordingly for the genius they bring. I really want young people to find this book and realize cool is much more than the reductive options they’ve been given. I want to suggest that they draw from the roots of Cool, and branch out from there to find their own expression, their own pose of magnetic genius.