Commercially available for the first time ever after more than 25 years, Big Fun In The Big Town, directed by Dutch filmmaker/journalist Bram Van Splunteren.
All you hip-hop heads,or just lovers history, should really dig this... I'm just going to post this quickly, as I have a lot on my plate this morning.
Commercially available for the first time ever after more than 25 years, Big Fun In The Big Town, directed by Dutch filmmaker, journalist Bram Van Splunteren.
New York, 1986: a city of big dreams and equally big problems. Like New York itself, hip-hop music encompassed both of these human conditions. But hip-hop and its cultural birthplace shared other important characteristics, too: the desire to always be original, a hustle-to-survive ambition, and – if the stars aligned – the ability to come out on top, no matter what the odds.
Dutch filmmaker, journalist and rap fanatic Bram Van Splunteren stepped into the city for one intense week in 1986. He was armed with five things: a camera crew, a map, a deep respect for the hip-hop artform, a list of phone numbers, and a burning desire to get to the bottom of what this still-growing subculture was all about. By the time he left, he had the answers he needed, along with a treasure trove of golden video footage. Tragically, these images never returned from Europe, languishing in obscurity from hip-hop’s homeland for more than a quarter-century. Until now.
Big Fun in the Big Town is about hip-hop when artistry in the game was still at its center. When skills, not hype, got you your first record deal. When Run-DMC took the reins from Doug E Fresh and Grandmaster Flash, paving the way for hundreds of other hitmakers to follow. When a chart-topping LL Cool J still lived with his Grandmother. When the Latin Quarter was the club to be at on any weekend night. And when artists from all backgrounds could taste their own pop-chart dreams, just beyond their reach but still seemingly attainable.
This essential, fast-paced documentary shows hip-hop from just about every angle, and approaches its subjects with a journalistic sobriety and respect rarely given to this oft-misunderstood artform and culture, even to this day. It presents worldwide superstars and aspiring rappers, dancers and beatboxers on an even playing field, reminding us that rap was once a wide-open game for anyone with talent to grab at the brass ring of fame.
DVD highlights include:
- Russell Simmons interviewed inside Def Jam Records’ offices at 298 Elizabeth Street
- Run-DMC in the studio and on the street: recording, freestyling, and adjusting to their new-found fame
- LL Cool J interviewed at his grandmother’s house in Queens, discussing love raps and authenticity
- Grandmaster Flash reprising his famed kitchen DJ set from Wild Style, this time in his living room
- Biz Markie, Roxanne Shante and MC Shan live on-stage in the Bronx
- Doug E Fresh beatboxing and philosophizing on the street in Harlem
- The late DJ Mr. Magic on WBLS (with his DJ, a young Marley Marl)
- Gangsta Rap originator Schoolly D live and backstage at the famed Latin Quarter club
- Suliaman El Hadi of hip-hop progenitors the Last Poets, spouting off about younger hip-hop artists
- Students rhyming, beatboxing and dancing at the Harry S. Truman High School in the Bronx
- In-depth liner notes by Martin Caballero, featuring an interview with filmmaker Bram Van Splunteren
Commercially available for the first time ever after more than 25 years, Big Fun In The Big Town, directed by Dutch filmmaker/journalist Bram Van Splunteren.
All companies have a responsibility to respect human rights in their operations, regardless of the sector, country or context in which they operate.
Our work aims to challenge those companies whose work leads directly to human rights abuses. This is an increasing threat in a globalised world, where transnational companies are not necessarily bound by the legislation of the companies they operate in. There are very few effective mechanisms at national or international level that stop corporations committing human rights violations, or hold them to account afterwards.
Our work aims to strengthen law at national and international level, to ensure that companies are accountable for the human rights impacts of their operations.
Shell
For a company whose logo is the shell of a giant clam, a marine and freshwater creature millions of years old, it's ironic that Royal Dutch Shell is so cavalier about the pollution of watercourses that its operations frequently cause.
In the Niger Delta in Nigeria, Shell's half-century of oil extraction has poisoned rivers, mangrove swamps and farming lands, and impoverished whole communities that depend on these natural resources for their survival.
This is a David and Goliath struggle for justice by poor people who've had their lives and livelihoods turned upside down by one of the world's biggest multinational companies.
This is Part 4 of a four part article. Immediately following is the introduction to the series, originally published April 23, 2012, for your convenience. Part 1 can be read in its entirety here. Part 2 can be read in its entirety here. Part 3 can be read in its entirety here.
Introduction
The title of this four part article is a metaphorical nod to the legendary jazz singer, songwriter, actor, and activist Abbey Lincoln (also known as Aminata Moseka) whose essay, “Who Will Revere The Black Woman?” is featured in the ground-breaking anthology The Black Woman. Edited by Black feminist author, screenwriter, and visionary activist Toni Cade Bambara, this all-Black woman anthology focused on the issues most pertinent to Black women and our communities. Originally published in 1970 and reissued in 2005 with a forward by Dr. Eleanor W. Traylor, The Black Woman was the literary wo/manifestation of the impact of the intersection of the Civil Rights/Black Power movements and the second wave of the Women’s Rights movement on Black women’s lives. In short, Ms. Lincoln’s ageless essay is a demand for justice and protection for Black women. In her concluding paragraph she writes,
[…]Who will revere the Black woman? Who will keep our neighborhoods safe for Black innocent womanhood? Black womanhood is outraged and humiliated. Black womanhood cries for dignity and restitution and salvation. Black womanhood wants and needs protections, and keeping and holding. Who will assuage her indignation? Who will keep her precious and pure? Who will glorify and proclaim her beautiful image? To whom will she cry rape?
I cannot afford the luxury of fighting one form of oppression only. I cannot believe that freedom from intolerance is the right of only one particular group. And I cannot afford to choose between the front upon which I must battle these forces of discrimination, wherever they appear to destroy me. And when they appear to destroy me, it will not be long before they appear to destroy you.[1]
I am struggling to find the right time to discuss inter and intra-racial gender-based violence in the midst of the justified outrage about the rampant and virulent racialized violence perpetrated against straight Black boys and men. Even with this being Sexual Assault Awareness Month, now doesn’t feel like the best time to write about the gender-based and state-sanctioned violence perpetuated against Black straight women, girls, and LGBTQ (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer) people both inside of and outside of our racial/cultural communities. I fear that sharing what’s on my heart and mind, might be construed as my taking away from the “real” issue at hand in most Black communities, which seems to be solely white supremacist and/or state-sanctioned racist violence against straight Black men and boys.
Audre Lorde’s writings remind me, however, that discussions on oppression within Black communities should never be taken up within an either/or frame. The diverse herstories/histories and contemporary realities of Black straight women, girls, and LGBTQ people have consistently revealed that the issues that directly impact us often take a back seat, if they even make it into the metaphorical car on the freedom and liberation highway.
There is a collective understanding among many in multi-racial, radical progressive movements, that the white supremacist, patriarchal, heterosexist, imperial, and capitalist power structure is the root of all oppressions in the United States. While I believe that to be true, even in the company of other oppressed people, Black straight women and LGBTQ people are still under attack. Too often we are caught at the intersections of race, gender, and if we identify as LGBTQ, sexuality. In spite of our shared his/herstories of oppression, struggle, and perseverance against the odds, not enough Black people view sexism, patriarchy, misogyny, heterosexism and transphobia with the same kind of activist passion that we view racism, white supremacy, and state-sanctioned violence perpetuated against straight Black men and boys.
The reality is this: when Black straight men and boys are beaten, brutalized, and/or murdered as a result of state-sanctioned and/or white supremacist violence, it becomes (as well it should be) a national issue in the Black community and in a few, definitely not all, instances, the outrage moves beyond the Black community. Yet, when Black straight women, girls, and LGBTQ people are raped, sexually assaulted, beaten, brutalized, and/or murdered as a result of misogynist, patriarchal, state-sanctioned, and/or white supremacist violence, it is too often the victim’s individual issue.
There are so many egregious, known and unknown, cases of racial and gender-based violence perpetuated against all Black people, regardless of their gender, gender identity, and sexuality, that it is literally impossible to write about all of them. I want to highlight a selected few of the far too many, however, to ask Black/African-American/African descended people to consider our responses when any of us have been railroaded into the prison industrial complex, sexually or otherwise assaulted, or murdered. I want us, Black/African-American/African descended people, to consider our responses to issues that affect many as opposed to those issues affecting some of us based on our gender, gender identity, and/or sexuality.
***
Part 4
The selected cases in Parts 1, 2, and 3, and responses (or lack thereof) from mainstream Black non-LGBTQ organizations and individuals force me to ask some excruciatingly painful questions. What is the value and worth of Black straight women, girls, and LGBTQ people in our non-monolithic racial/cultural communities when we are raped, sexually assaulted, and/or brutalized as a result of patriarchal, white supremacist, and/or heterosexist violence? Why is it that, more often than not, it’s the lone few and not the majority who speak up and out against violence perpetrated against Black straight women, girls and LGBTQ people? This is especially painful when we look at the long standing herstories/histories and contemporary realities of how Black straight women and LGBTQ people have been and are often on the frontlines of struggles against injustices, most especially white supremacist injustices perpetuated against Black straight men and boys.
African-American feminist scholar-writer Dr. Barbara McCaskill gave a powerful abbreviated documented herstory, from the enslavement of African people to present day, of Black (straight and queer) women’s activism in response to white supremacist violence perpetuated against African-Americans in her article, “From Emmett Till to Trayvon Martin: How Black Women Turn Grief Into Action,” published by Ms. Magazine:
[…]By confronting a somnolent nation with the consequences of bigotry and fear, then stirring citizens into action, African American feminists have stood our ground, turning acts of violence and victimhood into opportunities for empowerment and advocacy. We’ve worked within black communities to develop anti-racist and anti-sexist strategies. We’ve claimed what Collins calls in Black Feminist Thought an ‘outsider-within’ position ‘whose marginality provides a distinct angle of vision’ on the politics of power and authority. This has enabled us to save our lives and communities by calling out the people, perceptions and policies that mask or deny the realities of African Americans’ experiences…
Many of us were justifiably appalled with Geraldo Rivera’s wretched “The hoodie is as much responsible for the death of Trayvon Martin as George Zimmerman was…” comments blaming Trayvon Martin for his choice of attire the day he was savagely gunned down by George Zimmerman.
The outrage at Rivera’s anti-hoodie comments sparked an unofficial “hoodie” movement, in which celebrities, theologians, politicians, students, and other individuals from all walks of life, started wearing hoodies. When I compare Rivera’s deeply disturbing comments to comments that are consistently made about rape victim-survivors, I am struck with how too many people are either unable or don’t want to draw the direct victim-blaming parallels to that of sexual assault and rape survivors. In fact, it was the comments from Toronto Police Constable Michael Sanguinetta who said on January 24, 2011 “women should avoid dressing like sluts in order not to be victimized” that spawned the global SlutWalk movement. As both a speaker at SlutWalk Philadlephia and a critic of how a blatant display of racism was never properly addressed at SlutWalk NYC, I’m fully aware of the very important critiques and concerns expressed by Black Women’s Blueprint (please read their ‘An Open Letter from Black Women to the SlutWalk’ here) and AF3IRM (please read “AF3IRM RESPONDS TO SLUTWALK: THE WOMEN’S MOVEMENT IS NOT MONOCHROMATIC”here) about the institutional racism, which framed many of the SlutWalks in North America. This article is not about SlutWalk.
What I’m interrogating is why hundreds of thousands of us are so clear that it’s not okay to blame Trayvon Martin for his murder because of his choice of clothing the day that he was viciously gunned down by Zimmerman, but more of us are not clear that girls and women should not be directly and/or indirectly called sluts and whores based on their choice of attire; and subsequently blamed for any form of abuse they may experience because of the same. This kind of victim-blaming happens far too frequently with victim-survivors of gender-based violence. Ironically, Rivera expressed some (perhaps perfunctory) grief for Trayvon’s murder. For most victim-survivors of sexual assault and rape, however, we are not only blamed, but too often there is very little grief or sadness expressed on our behalf. Just reflect upon the treatment of the 11-year old girl-child in Cleveland, Texas, Ms. Nafissatou Diallo, and most victim-survivors whose testimonies are known.
I want to be explicitly unambiguous here: I firmly believe Geraldo Rivera should be absolutely, positively ashamed and most remorseful that he not only uttered those words in public but that even with his apology, he continued to offer a caveat to justify his sentiments. I believe the expressed, justifiable outrage on the part of hundreds of thousands, if not millions, (including from his own son Cruz), at Rivera’s victim blaming comments played a direct role in Rivera giving an on-air apology to Trayon Martin’s parents, Tracy Martin and Sybrina Fulton.
The day before George Zimmerman was finally apprehended and charged with second-degree murder Rev. Al Sharpton made it plain that the time for inaction is over. In his April 10, 2012 article, “The Trayvon Martin and Tulsa Shootings: The Time for Inaction Is Over,” written for the Huffington Post, Rev. Sharpton addressed his outage in response to both the racially motivated murder of Trayvon Martin, and the Tulsa shootings, which resulted in the shooting of five African-Americans, of which three were murdered:
[...]Today, when we witness these unfortunate reminders of the historical imprint of racism resurfacing, we cannot act as if the issues can simply be swept under a rug. It’s time all of us engage in a long-term conversation on the elephant in the room — race. And as the Trayvon Martin case tragically proves, the topic cannot be discussed without dedicating an equal amount of time towards a serious look at our justice system. In addition to the criminalization and harassment of young men (and women) of color, the system often unfairly favors those not deemed a ‘threat’…
As powerful as Rev. Sharpton’s article is, he unfortunately did not also incorporate the March 22, 2012 murder of 22-year old Ms. Rekia Boyd, an unarmed black woman gunned down by a white off-duty Chicago police officer. Neither did he include the attempted railroading of Ms. CeCe McDonald into the prison industrial complex. Both Ms. McDonald and Ms. Boyd are very clearly victims of racism and, in the specific case of Ms. McDonald, transphobia. Yes, it is literally impossible for Rev. Sharpton to incorporate every single contemporary (let alone herstorical/historical) racist assault perpetrated against African-Americans in one article. However, I believe it is important that while addressing white supremacist state sanctioned violence perpetuated against Black straight men and boys, he and others should also highlight cases that show how the intersections of racism, sexism, heterosexism, and transphobia are also a deadly combination for many African-American LGBTQ people, straight women and girls.
Race is a huge elephant in the room, but it’s not the only elephant in the room that is harming Black communities. Our tremendous difficulty to discuss gender and sexuality in Black communities are also enormous elephants, which stand right next to the huge race elephant. We can no longer afford to talk about race as the only elephant in the room in the 21st century. When we do that, we are ignoring life-threatening issues that are directly harming half of our communities.
[…]We invisibilize black women when we narrowly equate black men as representative of black people; when we focus on the criminalization of black men as if this is the only narrative of criminalization; and when we enable or participate in the collective amnesia that most black women NOT ONLY die as a result of the deadly combination of gender and racial profiling at the hands of private citizens and law enforcement agencies, but also from the hands of our black partners and family members. The black female body, including black trans women, is perceived as inherently sexually deviant and, thus, worthless. We DO DIE just walking down the street-whether we are profiled as a sex worker and raped and killed or, much like Trayvon Martin, just standing there. We also die at the hands of law enforcement-because to be black and woman, or to be perceived as possessing feminine characteristics, is to be unsafe in a world where you can be raped and/or murdered-by your partner, your neighbor, or police precinct #9 AND to live with the knowledge that no one will come to your defense…
As a Black feminist lesbian who uses my cultural work to challenge sexism, misogyny, patriarchy, and heterosexism in addition to (not instead of) white supremacy, racism, and colonialism, my experience is that I often have to prove my loyalty to the race. It’s as if talking about sexism, misogyny, patriarchy, and heterosexism isn’t also a sign of loyalty to the race. Aren’t Black LGBTQ people and straight women members of the Black race, too? All of these categories effect all of us. They should be considered our issues. How can we continue to operate as if sexism, classism, misogyny, heterosexism, and transphobia aren’t also parts of the larger whole? Each should be non-negotiable inclusions in racial discourse.
We, as extremely diverse, non-monolithic Black/African-American/African descended communities living in the United States, must remember that if racism, xenophobia, white supremacy, and/or colonialism ended right this second, Black straight women, girls, and LGBTQ people would still not be safe. Conversely, if sexism, homophobia, and heterosexism ended right this second, Black men, women, and transpeople, regardless of our sexual orientation, would still not be safe.
[…](We are) caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly…
I don’t have to be you or even share your personal her/history to understand and respect your pain. I don’t have to approve of your sexuality or gender identity to honor your humanity. As long as we say and believe, “that’s not my context, therefore, I’m not responsible for your oppression and pain,” we’ll never eradicate all forms of violence perpetuated against all of us. And, as a result, none of us will be fully free from all forms of violence.
Black feminist lesbian scholar-activist Dr. Raena Osizwe Harwell wrote in a March 21, 2012, Facebook status post:
I am inspired by the outpouring of attention, rage, activism, and creative action in response to the Trayvon Martin murder. It is my hope that we understand this single case is a part of a broad history and trend of oppression. It is my greater hope that our response to this instance of racial (and gendered) violence is mirrored and matched the next time a woman of color, gay, lesbian or transgender person or any person subject to oppressive violence is victimized.
We must move out of the mold of solely addressing the horrific impact of racism and white supremacy on the lives of Black straight men and boys. If we don’t, over half of our Black/African-American/African descended communities will remain unsafe. If we had an intersectional approach, whose foundation included incorporating race, gender, gender identity, sexuality, class, citizenship status, religion, and/or physical ability, to address the multiple forms of violence that many of us experience outside and inside of our communities, we would be able to be more effective when working towards ensuring that all members of our communities are safe. I believe it is not until the most marginalized of us are safe from violence that we will all be safe from violence.
In 2001, a black Argentine woman attempted to board a plane to Panamá when immigration officials denied her boarding because they did not believe her passport was real. These officers, her own countrymen, told her that her Argentine passport couldn't be hers because she is black. These immigration officers are not alone. Many Argentines have been quoted as saying, no hay negros en Argentina (there are no blacks in Argentina). I, like so many others, not only believed this to be true, but are clueless to the fact that the famous Argentine Tango music and dance had its beginnings in Afro-Argentine barrios (ghettos).
It has been well over a century since Argentina reflected the African racial ancestry in its census count, but according to the organization Africa Vive (Africa Lives), it's been calculated that there are about 1,000,000 African descendents in Argentina. The 2010 census introduced the African ancestry survey.
Soccer star Arturo Tissone
As in other Latin American countries, the Spanish attempted to enslave the indigenous population during their initial invasion. So many indigenous people died from overwork and disease that the Spanish decided to bring African slaves from territories now known as Angola, Gambia, Democratic Republic of Congo, Nigeria, and Guinea to replace the dying native population. These Africans entered mainly through the port of Buenos Aires and were forced to work in agriculture, livestock, households, and to a lesser extent, crafts. In urban areas, many slaves made handicrafts for sale whose revenues went to their masters.
Throughout the eighteenth and 19th centuries, Argentina's black population comprised of up to 50% in some provinces and had a deep impact on national culture. The Buenos Aires neighborhood of San Telmo and Montserrat housed a large quantity of slaves, although most of the black slaves were sent to interior provinces. Slavery was officially abolished in 1813.
Guitarist and Tango composer.Enrique Maciel
In the 19th century, the African population began its sharp decline for the following reasons:
Heavy casualties caused by the constant civil wars, war for independence, and other foreign wars of which blacks made up a disproportionate part of the Argentine army. Also, like the Bufffalo Soldiers in the U.S., Afro Argentine soldiers fought against the native population whom the white Argentines despised as well as the blacks. It has been said that the government has purposely sent many blacks into dangerous front line battles.
Migration from Argentina to Uruguay and Brazil, where there were more blacks and a more favorable political climate.
Massive immigration of Europeans between 1880 and 1950 when European immigrants were heavily welcomed and while non-Europeans unwelcome.
By the late 19th century, black women, not having enough available black men, married European immigrants and white Argentines producing racially mixed children who also married non-black mates upon coming of age.
Revolutionary War Hero Antonio Ruiz
Today, the Afro-Argentine community is beginning to emerge from the shadows of Argentine society. There have been black organizations such as Grupo Cultural Afro (Afro Cultural Group), SOS Racismo (SOS Racism), and perhaps the most important group, Africa Vive (Africa Lives), that help to rekindle interest into the African heritage of Argentina. There are also Afro-Uruguayan and Afro-Brazilian migrants who have helped to expand African culture. The Afro-Uruguayan migrants have brought their candombe, an African derived rhythm that has been an important part of Uruguayan culture for over two hundred years to Argentina, while the Afro-Brazilians teach capoeira, orisha, and other African derived secular dances.
A Brief History of the Black Roots of Argentine Tango
Each CD features the same tracks titles used in the official movie release, but I used unreleased live tracks, demos, and Jamaican singles to compile this unofficial soundtrack.
CD 1
CD101 Bob Marley – Corner Stone Sweden 1971 CD102 JA01A Bob Marley – Judge not (first cut) (Beverleys 7” no matrix) CD103 Bob Marley 1975-10-04 Simmer Down CD104 Bob Marley 1973-11-27 Put It On CD105. Bob Marley 1973-10-30 Small Axe CD106. Bob Marley – Mellow Mood (horns and strings) CD107. Bob Marley and the Wailers – Peel Sessions – Stir It Up CD108 – Bob Marley – Concrete Jungle Madison, WS 1978 CD109. Bob Marley – 1976.06.24 Stardust Club, Exeter, Crazy Baldhead CD110 Bob Marley – Natty Dread Quiet Knight 1975 CD111. Bob Marley 7-7-1975 Trenchtown Rock CD112. Bob Marley – 1976-04-23 Get Up, Stand Up CD113. Bob Marley – Work Paris 1980 CD114 Bonus Track Crazy Baldhead Dub CD115 Bonus Track Bob Marley Natural Mystic Horn Mix CD116 Bonus Track Knotty Dread Version CD117 Bonus Track Natty Dread Out-Takes I Know A Place
CD 2
CD201. Bob Marley – Jammin’ – 1978-07-07 – Ahoy Club, Rotterdam CD202- Bob Marley – Exodus Bahamas 1979 CD203. Bob Marley - No Woman No Cry 1978-05-25 – Orpheum Theater, Madison, WI Late Set CD204. Bob Marley – War – 1976-04-23 Upper Darby, PA CD205. Bob Marley – I shot the sheriff 1980.09.20. MSG CD206. Bob Marley – Roots Rock Reggae Beacon, NYC 1976 CD207. Bob Marley – Three little birds Jamaican Mix CD208. Bob Marley - Real Situation Alt. Mix CD209. Bob Marley – Could You Be Loved 9-17-1980 Providence RI CD210. The Wailers – One Love 1975-10-04 Kingston, JA CD211. Bob Marley – Redemption Songs 1980-06-26 Milan CD212 Bob Marley – High Tide Low Tide Demo CD213 Bonus Track Bob Marley - Jamming Dub CD214 Bonus Track Bob Marley - Roots Rock Reggae Dub CD215 Bonus Track Bob Marley - Wake up and live Amandla Fest. Soundcheck 1979 CD216 Bonus Track. Bob Marley and Wire Lindo – Redemption Song – Live on Jamaican TV 1980
All songs can be played from my player below or the one on the radio page
When was the last time you heard a presidential pitch for extending lowered student loan interest rates over an r&b beat? Check out President Obama’s turn as he takes part in late night host Jimmy Fallon’s “slow jamming the news” segment to promote extending Stafford loan interest rates for students from low-income families. If Congress doesn’t act interest rates are set to double from 3.4 to 6.8 percent come July.
As it turns out, GOP candidate Mitt Romney and Obama happen to be on the same page about the issue. But it was President Obama doing the talking last night. How’d he do?
The Marsh Hawk Press Poetry Prize offers a cash award of $1,000.00 plus publication of the winning book. It is judged by a poet of national stature. The winner's name and title of the winning book are announced and advertised nationally.
Contest Rules for Regular Mail Submissions:
• Submit a manuscript of 48-84 pages of original poetry in any style in English. The manuscript must not have been published previously in book form, although individual poems appearing in print or on the web are permitted. Entries may consist of individual poems, or a book-length poem—or any combination of long or short poems. Collaborations welcome. (Please note: Manuscripts longer than 84 pages may be considered, but please contact us before submitting.)
•Because the contest is judged blindly, submitted manuscript must contain 2 title pages: Your name and contact information must appear on first title page only. Your name must notot appear anywhere else in the manuscript.
• Manuscript should be typed, single-spaced, paginated, and bound with a spring clip.
• Include a table of contents page and an acknowledgements page for magazine or anthology publications.
• Enclose an SASE for announcement of the winner. (If you want to save postage, just check our web site.)
• Manuscripts cannot be returned.
•Postmark deadline: April 30, 2012.
• If submitting by regular mail include a check or money order for $20 entry fee, payable to MARSH HAWK PRESS. Check or money order must be in U.S. funds.
CONTEST MAILING ADDRESS:
Marsh Hawk Press, P.O. Box 206, East Rockaway, N. Y. 11518-0206
For a printable a copy of these rules click here. (Requires Adobe Reader)
Deadline: 31 July (Autumn issue), 31 December (Spring issue)
Lapis Lazuli is a refereed Bi-annual International e-journal of emerging Literary and Linguistic perspectives in the contemporary literatures in English relating to theoretical articles, interviews and book reviews on both literature and language. It is published on behalf of PINTER SOCIETY OF INDIA.
Lapis Lazuli encourages interpretative criticism, fresh insight into new and established literary/linguistic areas and seeks to entertain meaningful pursuits of different contemporary academic issues. It also encourages original contributions in the form of poetry. Each issue contains essays on major works of literatures in English in the global perspective. The journal will love to invite articles on the literatures in English of Australia, Canada, the Caribbean, New Zealand, Africa, South Africa and South East Asia.
CALL FOR PAPERS
The Journal would like to have original, well-written, duly researched articles on various segments of both the older and the contemporary literature in English, throwing light particularly on Drama and Theatre. The journal, nevertheless, will also encase, in the global perspective, such articles on poetry, fiction, literary criticism, linguistics, critical theories, creative writings and reviews of published books. We invite critical and analytical articles on various aspects of contemporary literature written, researched and duly documented by the academics, scholars and perceptive readers across nations.
The society will make efforts to publish occasional special issues. The editorial policy, with no leaning towards any particular ideology or concept, is open to any intellectual exercise in any area of literature. Publishers may send copies of their published books for review by selected experts.
Submissions, should be typed double spaced on hard copies (not exceeding 3000 words) on one side of the paper only, in conformity with the MLA style sheet (6th or 7th Edn.) documentation pattern; or may also be submitted by e-mail Attachment or by sending CDs using MS word. Hard copy manuscripts submitted for publication can not be returned to the authors, if not personally collected.
SPRING ISSUE of LAPIS LAZULI the last date for submission is 31 DECEMBER of every year.
AUTUMN ISSUE of LAPIS LAZULI the last date for submission is 31 JULY of every year.
Polari Journal is calling for submissions for a special issue to be published online in October 2012. This special issue will feature the best queer indigenous/aboriginal writing from around the globe. Polari tends towards the shorter forms: short stories, poetry, essays, scholarly papers, one act plays/scripts and reviews. In general, the word limit for fiction, plays and essays is 6000 words. Reviews should not be more than 1500 words. For poetry, the maximum is 100 lines.
At this time financial remuneration is not offered. All rights remain with the author/s. The Final Date for submission is July 1st 2012.
GENERAL SUBMISSIONS GUIDELINES
All submissions should include pertinent details such as name, contact details and any relevant biographical information (100 words max). You may also include a brief note about any publications history. Your cover letter should not be sent as an attachment but in the body of the email. This information will not be forwarded to peer reviewers.
All submissions must be emailed as Word documents to: editor@polarijournal.com indicating the genre of the submission in the subject field followed by your surname. For example, for a poetry submission type in the subject field or for a scholarly paper type .
Word documents must have the submission title in the file extension. For example: The_Lake.doc. Before submitting documents save them with all identifying information (including author tags) removed. To do this in Office 2007, click the Microsoft Office Button, point to Prepare and then click Properties. In the 'Document Information Panel' remove the author name in the Author box. Then save your document.
Please do not submit more than 1 short story, essay, review or one act play at a time. You may submit between 3 and 5 poems at a time. Please do not contact us looking for news of your submission. We would prefer you wait for Polari to contact you.
CREATIVE WORKS
Polari Journal publishes creative writing by emerging, developing and established writers. In most cases, preference will be given to writers who have achieved at least one other journal or anthology publication. However, Polari Journal is also committed to publishing exceptional creative work by unpublished authors. All submissions should be typed (double spaced) with at least 30mm margins. Please use 12 point Times New Roman font. We accept most genres however Polari is not an appropriate venue for strong er0tica.
