PUB: Last Real Indians Writing Contest

WRITING CONTEST 2012

OPEN TO ALL NATIVE AND INDIGENOUS

COLLEGE STUDENTS WORLDWIDE!

 

RULES: 

  1. 1.      Work must be from a Native/Indigenous Perspective, by a Native/Indigenous person

  2. 2.      Pieces may be commentary, essay, news, investigative, or a short story

  3. 3.      All work submitted must be original, meaning it has never been published elsewhere

  4. 4.       Story Length:  Between 800-1000 words

  5. 5.      You must be an student enrolled in college to be eligible

PRIZES:

1st Place= $300                                                                         

2nd Place= $200

3rd Place= $100

1st through 5th Place winning entries will all be published by Lastrealindians.com.  The 1st place winner will also receive an offer to write 3 additional pieces for Lastrealindians.com.

DEADLINE:

Submit by June 25, 2012

Send Submissions as attachments to:  cankudutawin@gmail.com

Lastrealindians Mission Statement:   “At Lastrealindians.com, we highlight Indigenous artists, writers, musicians, designers, speakers, community organizers, movers, shakers, leaders, success stories, struggles, and current events as viewed through the lens of Indigenous perspective. Our writers are academically credentialed, and some are established authors with published literary works. We seek to offer the world crisp, clean, and incisive takes on relevant, hard hitting subjects that impact Indian country and the global community at large. In addition, LastRealIndians.com offers original material with poignant insight into anything germane to the Indigenous experience. Because Indigenous cultures are vibrant and alive, the meaning of what it is to be Indigenous is constantly evolving. With Indigenous tradition as our foundation, we push the envelope. We create these works, respond to our world, and stand together with one Indigenous voice to ensure that we will not be the last of the real Indians. We are real Indians; we are here to make the world new.” 

 

PUB: Open to African/ Asian Journalists: Li Journalism Fellowship (International Press Institute) > Writers Afrika

Open to African/ Asian Journalists:

Li Journalism Fellowship

(International Press Institute)


Deadline: 1 May 2012

The application period for the new Li Journalism Fellowship is now open and will run until 1 May 2012, the International Press Institute (IPI) announced today.

The annual, two-month fellowship is named after IPI Vice-Chairman Simon Li, a former assistant managing editor for The Los Angeles Times, and his wife, June, in recognition of their years-long support for IPI and press freedom.

The Li Fellowship is open to professional print, TV, radio, and online journalists who have a minimum of five years' reporting experience and who can demonstrate a commitment to excellence, ethical standards and the role of press freedom in promoting fundamental human rights.

Based at the IPI General Secretariat headquarters in Vienna, Austria, the Fellow will focus on a research or other project - which must include a press freedom aspect - agreed on by the Fellow and the IPI selection committee.

IPI will provide a monthly stipend to help cover the Fellow's expenses while in Vienna, as well as a two-month public transport travel pass. Fellows are responsible for covering travel and any additional living costs, though IPI will assist in locating accommodation.

Applications will be considered by a selection committee comprised of four representatives from the IPI Board of Directors as well as Mr. Li. IPI particularly welcomes applications from U.S. minorities, African and Asian journalists, and journalists who have focused on Africa or Asia.

"The Fellowship is a fantastic opportunity for a working journalist or a journalist in transition to further his or her career while contributing to IPI's valuable press freedom work,” said IPI Executive Director Alison Bethel McKenzie. "We look forward to receiving strong applications from media professionals across the globe."

The Fellowship will preferably take place during the months of August and September, though the exact time period is negotiable depending on the needs of the Fellow and IPI.

IPI notes that Fellows who intend to take a leave of absence or sabbatical from their place of employment must have written consent from their direct supervisor or media house to participate in the Fellowship.

TERMS AND CONDITIONS

• The Fellowship will run yearly.
• The Fellowship will be for a period of two months (preferably August and September each year, but negotiable depending on needs of Fellow and IPI).

• The Fellowship is open to professional print, TV, radio, and online journalists.

• Fellows must have a strong command of the English language, written and oral.

• Fellows who intend to take a leave of absence, or sabbatical, from their place of employment, must have written consent from their direct supervisor or media house to participate in the fellowship.

• The Fellowship will be based at the IPI General Secretariat headquarters in Vienna, Austria.

• A minimum of five years’ professional experience, as well as a demonstrated commitment to excellence, ethical standards and the role of press freedom in promoting fundamental human rights are required.

• While at IPI, Fellows will focus on a research or other project agreed on by the Fellow and the IPI selection committee. The project must include a press freedom aspect.

• The application phase will run each year from 1 February – 1 May.

• Complete applications must include application form, CV or resume, two character references, and two writing samples.

• IPI will provide a monthly stipend of 1,000 Euro / month to cover some expenses.

• IPI will provide a monthly travel pass valid for two months for all public transport in Vienna.

• Fellows will be responsible for covering their own travel and accommodation costs.

• IPI will assist Fellows in the selection of accommodation.

• Applications will be considered by a selection committee comprised of four representatives from the IPI board of directors and Simon Li.

• IPI particularly welcomes applications from U.S. minorities, African and Asian journalists, or journalists who have covered Africa or Asia.

Applications should be sent by post, e-mail, or fax to:

Anthony Mills
Press Freedom & Communications Manager
International Press Institute (IPI)
Spiegelgasse 2/29 A-1010 Vienna Austria
Fax: + 43 1 512 9014
Email: amills(at)freemedia.at

Download application form here >>

CONTACT INFORMATION:

For inquiries: amills(at)freemedia.at

For submissions: amills(at)freemedia.at

Website: http://www.freemedia.at

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

VIDEO: "Rejoice & Shout" Now Streaming On Netflix > Shadow and Act

Quick Review: Must-See Doc

"Rejoice & Shout"

Now Streaming On Netflix

Reviews by Vanessa Martinez | April 10, 2012

The poster for Rejoice & Shout really doesn't do this thoroughly engaging documentary any justice. I was able to catch the Don McGlynn-directed doc this past Easter Sunday. Now, I haven't gone to church in many months, and I don't consider myself a religious individual, especially when it comes to organized religion.

I also didn't grow up around Gospel music, although I've always been well aware of the genre, and I'm a big fan of Soul and Blues. Regardless, there could not have been a better way to spend my Sunday morning than watching Rejoice & Shout, which to my surprise was streaming on Netflix!

There are so many eye-opening aspects about the roots of Gospel music, which started with slave-sung Spirituals in the U.S. Southern plantations centuries back. What's amazing is looking at the big picture. Because, although we know this, we don't really give it the significance it deserves, maybe because we're not actively conscious of it, or give it much thought.

The roots of American music: Soul, Blues, Rock n Roll to modern R&B and pop music lie in traditional African American Gospel music, and this documentary, in essence, explores that "bridging the gap." Not only that, African Americans have crafted a singing style, with all its melody, falsettos, and rhythms that have inspired and influenced all music genres ALL OVER THE WORLD up until this day.

It's definitely not solely a Black Church documentary, although the Black Church is most certainly explored through the music. Could it have focused more on the lives on these pioneer singers and their struggles? Perhaps. There's a lot covered in this this doc though, which explores the past 200 years of African American music and what we know today as the Black Church.

Rejoice & Shout however, definitely focuses on highlighting the music; it almost feels like a musical. That's not a bad thing; because there wasn't a single performance showcased that I lost interest in or wanted to end. During the viewing I kept thinking, "I want this soundtrack!"

There are many fascinating historical records, images and early recordings featured: from the Spirituals and early hymns, harmony-based quartets, Soul music and the ultimate merging to today's Hip Hop and Rap music told through Gospel icons like Mavis Staples and The Staple Singers, The Clara Ward Singers, The Dixie Hummingbirds, and Sister Rosetta Tharpe.

Rejoice & Shout is historically poignant and culturally significant.  Aside from that, you'll be genuinely inspired, moved and uplifted. So, head over to Netlix and watch it, if you haven't by now.

 

 

INTERVIEW: Jacqui Alexander - Perspectives, Black Feminist Lesbian > AfroLez®femcentric

JACQUI ALEXANDER

Black Feminist Lesbian writer/scholar/activist/conjurer M. Jacqui Alexander on Signified … As Always, Jacqui breaks it down in a deeply spiritual and metaphysical way…

__________________________

 

M. JACQUI ALEXANDER
Born in Trinidad & Tobago, The West Indies. Currently lives and works in Toronto, Canada

M. Jacqui Alexander is a teacher, writer, and scholar, currently at the Institute for Women’s Studies and Gender Studies at the University of Toronto. She has written extensively on the heteronormative, regulatory practices of the modern state and the different ways in which radical communities, both outside and inside the academy, position themselves in relation to these practices. Her most recent scholarship has taken up questions of the sacred dimensions of experience and the meaning of sacred subjectivity. It also involves writing the life of an enslaved Kongolese woman in the Caribbean. Her publications include: Feminist Genealogies, Colonial Legacies, Democratic Futures (Routledge, 1997) with Chandra Talpade Mohanty; Sing, Whisper, Shout, Pray! Feminist Visions for a Just World(Edgework, 2002) with Sharon Day, Lisa Albrecht, and Mab Segrest; Pedagogies of Crossing: Meditations on Feminism, Sexual Politics, Memory and the Sacred (Duke, 2006). She is a member of the Caribbean Association for Feminist Research and Action. [M. Jacqui Alexander]

For Act 2’s public hearing, M. Jacqui Alexander contributed with the paper “Colonialism and its Contemporaries: Feminist Reflections on the State of War and the Meaning of Solidarity.” She summarizes the paper in the following words: “The paper marks the continuities and discontinuities between this contemporary moment of empire building and earlier forms of colonization in order to establish how the colonial is implicated in the modern. I use a transnational feminist framework to show that these processes are simultaneously racialized, sexualized, and gendered. ‘State’ here is meant to refer to the militarized imperatives at work in the neo-imperial state, the states of violence that promote silence and patriotism, and the psychic states that rely on segregations and the production of the ‘enemy’ as grounds on which to constitute citizenship. I end by reflecting upon the need to build interdisciplinary political solidarity networks that cross boundaries of various kinds.” [M. Jacqui Alexander] To download the paper, click PDF here.

 

>via: http://www.rethinking-nordic-colonialism.org/files/grid/c2.htm

 

 

MALI: The ‘Mess in Mali’ - The Logic of Unintended Consequences

The ‘Mess in Mali’:

The Logic of Unintended

Consequences

Not only did the action cost many thousands of lives and untold destruction, it also paved the way for perpetual conflict - not only in Libya but throughout north Africa.

Mali was the first major victim of Nato's Libyan intervention. It is now a staple in world news and headlines such as "The mess in Mali" serve as a mere reminder of a bigger "African mess."

On March 17 last year resolution 1973 resolved to establish a no-fly zone over Libya.

On March 19, Nato's bombers began scorching Libyan land, supposedly to prevent a massacre of civilians.

The next day, an ad-hoc high-level African Union panel on Libya met in Nouakchott, the capital of Mauritania, and made one last desperate call to bring Nato's war to an immediate halt.

It stated: "Our desire is that Libya's unity and territorial integrity be respected as well as the rejection of any kind of foreign military intervention."

The African Union (AU) is seldom considered a viable political player by the UN, Nato or any interventionist Western power.

But AU members were fully aware that Nato was unconcerned with human rights or the well-being of African nations.

They also knew that instability in one African country can lead to major instabilities throughout the region.

Various north African countries are glued together by a delicate balance - due to the messy colonial legacy inherited from colonial powers - and Mali is no exception.

It is perhaps too early to talk about winners and losers in the Mali fiasco, which was triggered on March 22 by a military coup led by army captain Amadou Sanogo.

The coup created political space for the Tuaregs' National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) to declare independence in the north merely two weeks later.

The declaration was the culmination of quick military victories by MNLA and its militant allies, which led to the capture of Gao and other major towns.

These successive developments further emboldened Islamic and other militant groups to seize cities across the country and hold them hostage to their ideological and other agendas.

Ansar al-Din, for example, had reportedly worked in tandem with the MNLA, but declared a war "against independence" and "for Islam" as soon as it secured its control over Timbuktu.

More groups and more arms are now pouring through the ever-porous borders with Mauritania, Algeria and Niger.

Al-Tawhid wa al-Jihad, along with al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) are now making their moves across Mali.

New alliances are being formed and new emirates are being declared, making Mali a potential stage for numerous permanent conflicts.

Speaking to The Guardian, former UN regional envoy Robert Fowler railed against Nato.

"Whatever the motivation of the principal Nato belligerents [in ousting Gadaffi], the law of unintended consequences is exacting a heavy toll in Mali today and will continue to do so throughout the Sahel as the vast store of Libyan weapons spreads across this, one of the most unstable regions of the world."

Considering that the inevitability of post-Libya destabilisation was obvious to so many from the start, why the insistence on referencing a "law of unintended consequences"?

Even "chaos" has its own logic. For several years, and especially since the establishment of the United States Africa Command (Africom) in 2008, much meddling has taken place in various parts of Africa.

Writing in Foreign Policy magazine, Gregory Mann tried to undermine the fact that Sanogo "had American military training, and briefly affected a US Marine Corps lapel pin."

He said that these details "are surely less important than the stunning fact that a decade of American investment in special forces training, co-operation between Sahalien armies and the United States and counter-terrorism programmes of all sorts run by both the State Department and the Pentagon has, at best, failed to prevent a new disaster in the desert and, at worst, sowed its seeds."

The details are hardly "less important," considering that Sanogo called for international military intervention against the newly declared Tuareg republic, referencing Afghanistan as a model.

True, regional African countries and international institutions have strongly objected to both the military coup in the capital Bamako and the declaration of independence by the Tuaregs in the north, but that may prove irrelevant after all.

The Azawad succession appears permanent and the US, although it suspended part of the aid to Mali following the junta's takeover, has not severed all ties with Sanogo.

After all, he too claims to be fighting al-Qaida and its allies.

It is difficult to believe that despite years of US-French involvement in Mali and surrounding region, the bedlam wasn't predictable.

The US position regarding the coup was precarious.

"The Obama administration has not yet made a formal decision as to whether a military coup has taken place in Mali," wrote John Glaster in AntiWar.com.

According to US military definitions, this is still a "mutiny, not a 'coup'" and US army personnel - referred to as "advisory troops" - were in fact dispatched to Bamako after March 22, according to Africom spokeswoman Nicole Dalrymple.

What is clear is that the "mess in Mali" might be an opportunity for another intervention, which mainstream media sources are already rationalising.

A Washington Post editorial on April 5 counselled: "Nato partners should perceive a moral obligation, as well as a tangible national security interest, in restoring Mali's previous order. The West should not allow its intervention in Libya to lead to the destruction of democracy - and entrenchment of Islamic militants - in a neighbouring state."

Unintended consequences? Hardly.

Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net) is an author and editor of PalestineChronicle.com. His work has been published in many newspapers, journals and anthologies around the world. His is the author of The Second Palestinian Intifada: A Chronicle of a People's Struggle (Pluto Press, London). His latest book is My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza's Untold Story (Pluto Press, London).

 

POLICE BRUTALITY: Darrin Hanna Begged For His Life As Police Allegedly Brutalized Him, New Recording Shows (VIDEO)

Darrin Hanna Begged

For His Life

As Police Allegedly

Brutalized Him,

New Recording Shows

(VIDEO)

 

Posted: 04/10/2012 12:00 pm Updated: 04/10/2012 12:54 pm

 

A photo taken of Hanna at the hospital after his altercation with police.

 

Newly-uncovered audio recordings show that a suburban Chicago man who died after a physical altercation with police was begging for his life during the struggle.

A group of North Chicago, Ill. residents have been clashing with local police over the death of Darrin Hanna, 35, whose case community members say represents the most severe in a long series of excessive police force in their area.

Hanna's relatives played police-recorded audio they obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request for city council members Monday, CBS Chicago reports. In the recording, Hanna can be heard pleading for his life. "They're killing me," Hanna can be heard shouting in the tape, which was not included in original police reports on the incident.

Police officers were responding to a report of domestic battery last November and detained Hanna, who had been accused of striking his pregnant girlfriend, according to ABC. Hanna struggled with police, sustaining injuries consistent with blunt force trauma and multiple discharges of a stun gun, and died several days later.

Hanna's death was officially attributed to several factors, including physical trauma and restraint and cocaine use that exacerbated his existing sickle cell anemia, according to the Chicago Tribune. But Carr's family says police officers involved should be held responsible.

Hanna's mother, Gloria Carr, became hysterical when new photos of Hanna's face shortly before his death were displayed at Monday's meeting.

(See footage from the meeting above.)

Council members did not formally respond to the new evidence Monday, and an internal investigation into the alleged police brutality is ongoing.

North Chicago community members campaigning for more accountability in the Hanna case are planning a protest at the North Chicago Police Station April 21.

 

HISTORY: 1969 Cornell Student Takeover



East Hill Notes with Gary Stewart: Episode 10

In a series of compelling testimonials, Ithaca city residents recall local life before April 19, 1969—when African American students took over Cornell's student union, Willard Straight Hall—the events that led up to the takeover, and the aftermath.

Guests: Kent Hubbell, Lucy Brown, Jackie Melton Scott, George Taber and Jane

>via: http://www.cornell.edu/video/?VideoID=440__________________________
 
April 16, 2009
A campus takeover
that symbolized
an era of change

The first in a series of articles about the four-decade legacy of the 36-hour student takeover of Willard Straight Hall that began April 18, 1969.

 


Armed students emerge from Willard Straight HallAssociated Press Images/Steve Starr
The Pulitzer Prize-winning photo of Cornell students emerging from Willard Straight Hall after the takeover.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Early in the morning of Parents' Weekend, 40 years ago this Saturday, 11 fire alarms rang out across the Cornell campus. At 3 a.m., a burning cross was discovered outside Wari House, a cooperative for black women students. The following morning, members of the Afro-American Society (AAS) occupied Willard Straight Hall to protest Cornell's perceived racism, its judicial system and its slow progress in establishing a black studies program.

The events that were to prompt decades of social, cultural and political change on campus were in play.

At 9:40 a.m., in an attempt to take the building back, white Delta Upsilon fraternity brothers entered the Straight and fought with AAS students in the Ivy Room before being ejected. Fearing further attacks, the black students brought guns into the Straight to defend themselves.

On the evening of April 19, in freezing rain, rookie Cornell police officer George Taber patrolled the perimeter of the occupied Willard Straight Hall unarmed. Members of Students for a Democratic Society -- students far to the left of many of the black students inside -- formed a ring around the Straight to lend support.

Today, Taber recalls the period as "a whirlwind. One thing after another. I was a raw rookie. I had no idea what was going on."

Eric Evans reads a statement

Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections

On April 20, 1969, student leader Eric Evans reads a statement following the takeover.

 

Within hours, police deputies from Rochester, Syracuse and across New York state massed in downtown Ithaca. "Had they gotten the command to do so, they would have gone and taken the Straight back and arrested people, or who knows what would have happened. It could have made Kent State and Jackson State look like the teddy bear's picnic. It would have been just absolutely terrible," Taber reflects.

On Sunday afternoon, following negotiations with Cornell officials, the AAS students emerged from the Straight carrying rifles and wearing bandoleers. Their image, captured by Associated Press photographer Steve Starr, in a Pulitzer Prize-winning photo, appeared in newspapers across the country and on the cover of Newsweek magazine under the headline, "Universities Under the Gun."

Although physical disaster was averted, deep psychological scars burned into the minds of many on campus. Four decades later, feelings in some quarters are still raw. The university as a bastion of reasoned argument, thoughtful debate and academic freedom seemed to be under siege. Relationships among faculty members were destroyed. Students were torn. An atmosphere of pervasive fear and anxiety gripped the campus and the nation. The AAS students were not punished, outraging some faculty members, students and alumni.

Armed students march across the Arts Quad
Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections
Students march across the Arts Quad following the peaceful resolution to the Straight takeover, April 20, 1969.

 

Within Cornell, the takeover has come to be seen as an event that gave birth to enormous social, governance and ideological change. In fact, institutional change was already under way.

In 1963, his first year in office, Cornell President James Perkins had launched the Committee on Special Educational Projects (COSEP) to increase enrollment of African-American students at Cornell and provide them with support services -- the first program of its kind at a major American university.

Perkins, who had chaired the board of trustees of the United Negro College Fund, said Cornell wanted to "make a larger contribution to the education of qualified students who have been disadvantaged by their cultural, economic and educational environments." COSEP later expanded to include Latino and Hispanic American, Native American and Asian-American students.

Only days before the Straight takeover, on April 10, 1969, the Cornell administration had approved $240,000 to create an Afro-American Studies Center and a director, James Turner, had been identified months earlier. "The students wanted an autonomous program; they wanted the center to have control of its own destiny," said Eric Acree, librarian at the Africana Studies and Research Center.

But change did come even more quickly after the takeover. "You now have recognition that other people need to be studied -- women, gays and lesbians, Latinos, Asian Americans -- and all of that is an outgrowth of the black studies movement," said Acree.

According to Robert L. Harris, professor of Africana studies, entire scholarly fields had been ignored. "The seriousness of Africana studies as an academic endeavor had been questioned, simply because the breadth and depth of existing scholarship was not widely known," he said. "In the decades since, the field has been the source of vast quantities of indisputably serious, relevant, compelling work."

As the academic canon broadened, so did student living options with the establishment of Ujamaa Residential College in 1971, followed by Akwe:kon in 1991 and the Latino Living Center in 1994. The current home of the Africana Studies and Research Center opened in 2005 (the first center was destroyed by arson in 1970). Students and staff now serve on the Cornell Board of Trustees. The university's need-blind admissions policy and Student Assembly can also be traced to the takeover. And only this year, an Asian and Asian-American student center was approved.

James A. Perkins addresses a crowd in Barton Hall

Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections

Cornell President James A. Perkins addresses a large crowd in Barton Hall as students confer, April 23, 1969.

Perkins resigned at the end of the semester after the takeover, and for years he was widely regarded as a decent but ineffectual president. But in 1995 Thomas W. Jones, a leader of the takeover, established the James A. Perkins Prize for Interracial Understanding and Harmony, to acknowledge the historic role that Perkins played in changing Cornell.

"President Perkins made the historic decision to increase very significantly the enrollment of African-American and other minority students at Cornell," said Jones at the time. "He did so in the conviction that Cornell could serve the nation by nurturing the underutilized reservoir of human talent among minorities, and in the faith that the great American universities should and could lead the way in helping America to surmount the racial agony which was playing out in the civil rights struggles of the 1950s and 1960s. He made a courageous and wise decision and deserves recognition for it."

The radical ideals Ezra Cornell advanced in 1865 to found his university survived -- though the tumultuous events of the late 1960s forced the university to adapt. But in the end, after a long period of radical change, it has ultimately thrived.


The sixties: a decade in turmoil

"The whole decade," beginning with the 1963 assassination of President John F. Kennedy, "was a prelude to the takeover," recalls Cornell Dean of Students Kent Hubbell, who was a graduate student in 1969.

There were multiple issues firing the national social cauldron in 1969, in addition to the anti-Vietnam War, civil rights, women's rights and Black Power movements: calls for Cornell to divest itself of investments in South Africa because of apartheid; starvation in Biafra; youth culture; drug culture; the sexual revolution; and, above all, the specter of the draft.

Burned Africana Center

Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections

The remains of the first Africana Center on Wait Avenue after it was burned by an arsonist in April 1970.

Almost exactly a year before the Straight takeover, on April 23, 1968 -- 19 days before the assassination of Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. -- 150 Columbia University students were injured when New York City police violently put an end to black and radical students taking control of five campus buildings in protest of the Vietnam War and racism.

On May 17 of that year, Daniel Berrigan, the Jesuit assistant director of Cornell United Religious Work from 1966 to 1970, along with eight others, entered the Catonsville, Md., Selective Service office and burned dozens of draft records with napalm to protest the Vietnam War. They became known as the Catonsville Nine. Berrigan appeared on the FBI's 10 Most Wanted list.

Also in May, student protests paralyzed France and nearly brought the government down. Eleven days before the Straight takeover, 300 Harvard students, mostly members of Students for a Democratic Society, seized the administration building; 45 were injured and 185 arrested. Even as the Straight takeover occurred, National Guard helicopters sprayed skin-stinging powder on anti-war protesters in California.

In January 1969, six years after the publication of "The Feminine Mystique" and three years after the founding of the National Organization for Women, Betty Friedan came to Cornell to participate in a four-day Conference on Women -- one of the first of its kind to take place on a college campus. That summer would bring the Woodstock Festival, criminal charges against Lt. William Calley for the My Lai Massacre of 109 Vietnamese civilians and ongoing turmoil.

University Archivist Elaine Engst arrived at Cornell in fall 1968 as a graduate student. "It was such a fraught time in so many ways," she said. "Civil rights, the anti-war movement, youth culture. It was a very, very hard time. Studies were interrupted; for two years in a row classes didn't finish in the spring, they just stopped. The campus was basically in a continual uproar."

Posters distributed on campus in 1969 portray a divided era. At the same time as "spring fantasy" semiformals, polo matches and art exhibitions were promoted, there were offers of draft counseling ("Draft got you bugged?") and rallies against ROTC and Cornell's research on behalf of the war -- often in day-glo colors.

And then the Straight was taken over. Within weeks, student uprisings occurred on the campuses of Dartmouth College and Princeton, Tulane and Howard universities. President Perkins, said Engst, "lost control because, like many other university administrators, he really didn't understand the situation or the levels of feeling. Cornell was fortunate to have Provost Dale Corson assume the presidency, with his knowledge and credibility among students and faculty."

 

##

 

__________________________

 

 

 

The Day Cornell Died

 

As gun-wielding black students seized control of a campus building in April 1969, Cornell University descended into anarchy. An account thirty years later by Hoover fellow Thomas Sowell, who was teaching at Cornell at the time.


No one who was at Cornell University in the spring of 1969 is ever likely to forget the guns-on-campus crisis that shocked the academic community and the nation. Bands of militant black students forcibly evicted visiting parents from Willard Straight Hall on the Cornell campus and seized control of it to back up their demands. Later, after the university’s capitulation, the students emerged carrying rifles and shotguns, their leader wearing a bandoleer of shotgun ammunition. It was a picture that appeared on the covers of national magazines and was even reprinted overseas.

What happened behind the scenes was at least as shocking. Death threats were phoned to the homes of professors who had opposed their previous actions or demands. Shots were in fact fired into the engineering building.

Militant student leader Eric Evans announces an agreement with the Cornell University administration that ended the students’ thirty-five-hour occupation of the student union on April 20, 1969. The agreement gave the students amnesty and absolved them of any financial responsibility for damage caused during the takeover. (Photo courtesy of Cornell Alumni News.)

 

In a decade noted for its student riots, this was the most violent in the nation. In an academic world noted for its weak-kneed administrators, Cornell had the quintessential appeaser and dispenser of pious rhetoric in its president, James A. Perkins. As an assistant professor of economics at Cornell at the time, my characterization of Perkins in the media was that he was “a veritable weathervane, following the shifting cross-current of campus politics.” After thirty years, there is no need to take back any of that. However, a new book published on the anniversary of that tragic academic watershed reveals in even more painful detail how this hollow man set the stage for the betrayal of the university and his own downfall.

The book is Cornell ’69: Liberalism and the Crisis of the American University, by Donald Alexander Downs, a student at Cornell at the time and now a professor at the University of Wisconsin. Its value is largely that of a detailed chronology of the series of events over a period of a year that led up to the guns-on-campus crisis. Someone once said that there is a fundamental difference between telling a story and emptying your notebooks. Downs has emptied his notebooks. This is not to say that Cornell ’69 is wholly without insights. But the insights are mostly in quotations from those people who saw at the time what was happening and sought in vain to deter the university administration from its feckless and farcical policies. Downs’s own comments are pedestrian at best.

The Cornell tragedy began with one of those good intentions with which the road to Hell is paved. When James Perkins became president of Cornell in 1963, it had an almost totally white faculty and student body. When I joined the faculty two years later, I did not see another black professor anywhere on this vast campus. Perkins, like other presidents of elite colleges and universities, sought to increase minority student enrollment—and to do so by admitting students who would not meet the existing academic standards at Cornell. The emphasis was on getting militant ghetto kids, some of whom turned out to be hoodlums who terrorized other black students, in addition to provoking a racial backlash among whites.

This combustible mixture led to escalating episodes of campus disruptions and violence by black militants, each episode being rewarded by the administration, while fending off faculty demands for punishment with glib pieties and evasions.

Black students who complained about threats and violence from the militants could not even get to see university officials, while the militants themselves had easy entry to Perkins, whom they increasingly insulted to his face. There was massive capitulation to militant demands for their own black studies center, free from the academic standards and controls found in other departments and programs—and all this was before the guns-on-campus crisis.

The armed occupation of Willard Straight Hall was about reprimands—mere reprimands—received by some members of the Afro-American Society for previous disruptions and violence on campus. It was a demand for exemption from the authority of a duly constituted faculty-student disciplinary body that had dared to slap them on the wrist. Apparently existing de facto double standards were not enough, though such double standards were so well established that, when a parent, evicted from William Straight Hall by the students taking it over, phoned campus security, the first question he was asked was whether the students who had evicted him were white or black. When he said they were black, “I was told that there was nothing that could be done for us.”

While Downs presents ample quotations from both supporters and critics of the Cornell administration, his own comments seem heavily constrained by political correctness. Arguments presented by militant black students are repeatedly taken at face value, even though cynical misrepresentations were at the heart of the key events he writes about. For example, supposedly the militants got guns to defend themselves after a cross was burned in front of one of the black dormitories and a brick was thrown through one of the windows of another. Now, decades later, it comes out that these were acts committed by the militants themselves to win campus sympathy—a foretaste of the Tawana Brawley hoax of later vintage.

Downs begins his account of the seizure of Willard Straight Hall by conceding that criminal actions took place and apologizing for telling the truth (“the truth must be spoken”). This is followed by apologetics for those who committed these acts (“remember that the students were young and angry”). However, no such hand-wringing accompanied his curt dismissals of the local sheriff’s deputies who were waiting on the fringes of the university as “intolerant young rural toughs, eager to unleash their brand of justice against unruly students.” How did he arrive at this conclusion? Not even a full sentence is devoted to this sweeping indictment.

It so happens that the pervasive racism that black students supposedly encountered at every turn on campus and in town was not apparent to me during the four years that I taught at Cornell and lived in Ithaca. Nor did I find the local police to be “intolerant young rural toughs,” not even when I was pulled over for speeding at about a hundred miles an hour on a deserted highway at midnight. There was even a certain humor by the cop who handed me the ticket, advising me to keep an eye out for police cars before doing that again. It was good advice, though I never had another occasion to use it.

Certainly there was a racist backlash among some white students after innumerable incidents of unpunished violence and disruptions by black militants, as well as other needless provocations by ghetto kids with chips on their shoulders. The racial atmosphere on campus became so charged that one of the black students moved in with my wife and me to escape dangers from both blacks and whites in the dormitory. The local black community in Ithaca was also not thrilled by the importation of hoodlums by radical chic whites at Cornell.

It never seems to occur to Downs that how people conduct themselves has something to do with how others react to them. This applies across the racial lines. One of my white colleagues who had a somewhat hippie look complained to me that he was treated rudely in a certain clothing store in Ithaca—a store where they were all but obsequious to me when I came in wearing my only Hart, Schaeffner & Marx suit.

Accuracy may not be this book’s strongest suit, judging by things I am in a position to know. For example, it says on page 184 that the sit-in at the economics department office in 1968 took place on a Friday, as part of a pattern of having such things happen on Fridays for tactical reasons. In reality, the economics department sit-in took place on a Thursday, April 4, 1968—the day Martin Luther King was assassinated.

 

Three days after the takeover of the student union, Eric Evans (left) and Cornell University President James Perkins address a campus rally of eight thousand. The president informs the crowd that the faculty council had just voted to overturn a reprimand of three student protesters, one of the main demands of the occupiers of William Straight Hall. (Photo courtesy of Cornell Alumni News.)


 

Also contrary to this book, I did not resign from Cornell in June 1969, after the crisis, but in August 1968—eight months before the crisis—effective at the end of the academic year. Nor had I been “considering the move for some time,” as Cornell ’69claims. I was not considering the move for even a second, because I had already made it—and had not spent even a day considering my resignation the previous year, after discovering a typically contemptible action by the Cornell administration. Such misreporting makes me wonder how many other inaccuracies there are in this book.

Omissions are also troubling, especially in a book that is so wordy about small details. One of the most obvious factors that receives virtually no attention were the serious academic problems of the black students admitted under lower academic standards. How much of their disaffection and alienation was a result of this painfully humiliating fact, obvious to the whites around them, and how much was due to the “racism” that they claimed to see everywhere, is a question that needed exploration, however politically incorrect it might be to discuss such things. But this is a non-issue in this book, where more attention is given to one of the militant leaders’ supposedly almost straight-A average. Since transcripts are not shown to outsiders without authorization and the student himself is now dead, was this a verified fact or part of the romantic folklore that has grown up around this episode?

At the time, I was sufficiently alarmed by the well-known fact that half of the black students were on academic probation that I went over to the administration building and checked the files. It was here that I first learned of a pattern that would prove to be all too common at elite colleges and universities across the country: Most of the black students admitted to Cornell had SAT scores above the national average—but far below the averages of other Cornell students. They were in trouble because they were at Cornell—and, later, Cornell would also be in trouble because they were there. One of the other omissions in Cornell ’69 is that some academically able black applicants for admission were known to have been turned away, while those who fit the stereotype being sought were admitted with lower qualifications.

One of the few people who came through the Cornell debacle with flying colors for courage and integrity was a slender young black woman named Pearl Lucas, an assistant dean who refused to kow-tow to the militants or to go along with the cant of the administration. She was fired on trumped-up charges, ruining her career. Yet, the half page devoted to her in this book mentions none of this and simply depicts her as an integrationist who had “tensions” with separatists. Apparently this was just part of Downs’s emptying his notebook, when the story could have been told in the same space he frittered away on pedestrian details.

Despite commemorative writings that appeared in 1989 at the twentieth anniversary of the 1969 guns-on-campus crisis and now the thirtieth anniversary Cornell ’69, it may well be the fiftieth anniversary in 2019 before political correctness has subsided enough for a trustworthy and in-depth examination to be published.


Thomas Sowell is the Rose and Milton Friedman Senior Fellow on Public Policy at the Hoover Institution.


This article is reprinted with permission of the Weekly Standard; it first appeared in the May 3, 1999, issue. For information about subscribing to the Weekly Standard, call 800-283-2014.

 

 

 

 

AUDIO + VIDEO: Ntjam Rosie – L’ Amour (Rob Manga’s Goodsoul Mix)(Download)

Ntjam Rosie – L’ Amour

(Rob Manga’s Goodsoul Mix)

(Download)


If you’re not up on Ntjam Rosie yet, let this serve as your notice! We’ve featured her beautiful sounds on the site before and love her most recent release, Elle. She’s not done though, April 20th she will release Ntjam Rosie – Live at Grounds, a live CD+DVD  that “features sparkling live performances of 6 tracks of the acclaimed album Elle and was recorded before a live audience last October in Grounds Rotterdam.”

She’s releasing this free track to bring your attention to the release. Eyes and Ears open! Pre Order HERE

 

 

AUDIO + VIDEO: Stream The "Marley" Soundtrack In Its Entirety + Much More

Premiere:

Stream The

"Marley" Soundtrack

In Its Entirety

 

This year's April 20 has a profound significance for anyone who's ever embraced the timeless music of Bob Marley. The stoner's holiday also marks the release of a highly anticipated documentary on the life of the late reggae legend. 

Marley was directed by acclaimed filmmaker Kevin MacDonald, who you likely know for his work on award-winning 2006 film The Last King of Scotland. He's brought that same gritty, true-to-life vision to Marley, which also features a 24-track soundtrack that chronicles Marley's inspiring live show and studio recordings. It's in the former category that we find the most intriguing piece on the OST, a previously unreleased live version of "Jammin'" from his 1978 One Love Peace Concert performance.  

All the tracks were hand-picked by those closest to him, including his family members and Island Records founder Chris Blackwell. We're excited to bring you an exclusive full stream of the two-disc soundtrack, which you can check out in its entirety below. Pre-order your own copy on Amazon. It drops April 17.

 

 

__________________________

 

 

5 Amazing Stories

Behind Bob Marley Songs

 

By Rob Kenner | April 16, 2012

 

5 Amazing Stories Behind Bob Marley Songs

This Friday, the long-awaited documentary Marley will hit theaters and video on-demand outlets everywhere. Directed by Oscar-winning film maker Kevin MacDonald, the groundbreaking movie manages to shed new light onBob Marley, one of the best-known and most influential superstars in the history of music.

Marley gets down to the nitty gritty, uncovering little-known facts about the forces that drove this boy from the rural village of Nine Mile to become the King of Reggae,  and helping us to hear his music with new ears. It's the sort of film that contains so many amazing details that it should probably be watched more than once (especially if you happen to be smoked out the first time you see it on 4/20).

Based on just one advance screening—and a close listen to the film's incredible soundtrack album—we've pulled together the back-stories behind these five Marley classics. Let's just say the movie may change the way you hear these songs forever...

CLICK HERE TO START THE MUSICAL STORY

 

Written by Rob Kenner (@boomshots)

__________________________

 

Celebrate 4/20

By Watching

The New Bob Marley

Documentary

On Facebook

Not sure what your plans are for 4/20 yet? Well, thanks to Facebook, you won't have to leave the house to fully enjoy this year's ganja holiday. Marley, a brand new Bob Marley documentary by filmmaker Kevin Macdonald (he directed Last King of Scotland) will premiere at midnight on 4/20 streaming on the Bob Marley Facebook page, which currently has more than 37 million fans. The viewing will cost $6.99 (payment via PayPal or credit card), and a portion of the proceeds will be donated to Save The Children

__________________________

 

Cedella Marley,

Daughter Of Bob Marley,

Talks To S&A About

Definitive "Marley" Doc

(Opening This Week)


FEATURESBY TAMBAY | APRIL 17, 2012

Magnolia Pictures will release Academy Award-winner Kevin Macdonald's Bob Marley documentary Marley,THIS FridayApril 20th, launching day and date on all VOD and digital platforms.

Described as the definitive documentary about legendary musician, from his earliest days, to his rise to international superstardom, the film made its world premiere at the Berlinale, as one of five films selected for the Berlinale Special, and next screened at the SXSW Film Festival last month, its North American premiere.

Marley is executive produced by Bob Marley's son Ziggy Marley and Island Records founder Chris Blackwell.

Made with the unprecedented support of the Marley family, the film features rare footage, archival photos, and incredible performances and interviews with his family, friends, and bandmates, and as the Marley family described it, the ultimate revelation of their father’s life - an emotional journey that they are proud to be able to have the world finally experience.

In anticipation of the film's release this weekend, S&A recently got an opportunity to speak with one member of the Marley family - Cedella Marleydaughter of Bob and Rita Marley - about the film specifically, as well as her father's legacy, and her own life currently; below is a summary of that 20-minute conversation:

On whether she's seen the film and her reactions to it:

I've seen parts of it; I haven’t been able to sit and watch the entire thing; it’s an emotional journey that I’m not ready to experience yet; I think the documentary has done exactly what the family wanted it to do - to show dad in a different way, the human being that is Robert Marley; and I think Kevin did a good job with it.

On whether she learned anything about her father she didn't already know in watching or during the making of the film; or anything about herself:

Yes, information that we the children were not privy to at a young age, we were able to finally know. For example, the argument for him amputating his leg; we didn’t know he had suffered not one, but 2 strokes; we didn’t know they’d taken out his tonsils as part of the treatment for his cancer; a lot of things were happening to him during his battle with cancer. It was good for us to know, but it was very emotional; we didn’t know it would take Kevin Macdonald and the documentary to bring us that information (laughter); Not even my mom knew all those things; things that, were it not for this documrntary, we wouldn’t know about.

On the film's *humanizing* of Bob Marley:

He was a human being; he was a man; his life was an open book; there were no secrets; I think that’s what made him a great man; We tend to try to live up to certain public expectations of us; but what we see here is real life.

On what she'd like the audience to take away from watching the film:

They have to walk away just feeling something; I don’t think you can walk away without feeling joy, sorrow, or maybe you understand something a bit more, or you find something that you're able to relate to, and hopefully grow from it.

On whether she'd like to also see a scripted narrative film made about Bob Marley:

He [Bob Marley] would have to actually write the script (laughs); I don’t see anyone else who can totally understand his life; I really don’t know, apart from my mom and his mother, who really knew him that well; this is a man who would surround himself with 100s of people, and he’d always be gracious; but then he’d come home to us and tell us not to trust anybody.

For example, the assassination attempt; if we’re to believe the story, which I do believe, one of those 2 guys who were always with him every day, were responsible for it.

On pressure to live up to public expectations of the Marley name:

Well, the way we were raised, it’s a given; our parents were no joke; there’s a certain way we carry ourselves that’s not forced, and that is born in us; but as far as public pressures, no, I don’t live up to anyone else’s expectations.

On how close the family is currently:

Very close; we all live within a few blocks from each other in Miami, except for Ziggy and Sharon who live in California. My mother lives right next door to me in Miami. I talk to her every day, 3 or 4 times a day. We all love her, and we’re blessed we have her after daddy passed. It was good to have a strong woman to guide us; I don’t believe the popular thing that it takes a man to raise a boy; My mother did a good job raising my brothers.

My mother is still deeply in love with daddy, her husband, and I don’t think that will ever change. Even in my life, if I’m having problems in my marriage, I go talk to her for advice… I don’t always agree with her, but I understand her.

It’s been 30 years, and I would never imagine my life without them, my brothers sisters. And my mother; she loves all of us.

On her own personal projects/aspirations:

After the Olympics, I think I’ll probably get back into the studio with my talented brothers, who keep pushing me, saying things like, the other day, that I should be ashamed of myself because I have the best voice and I'm not using it (laughs).

I have another children’s book out in the fall (a take of 3 little birds); but right now my focus is on Marley, this documentary.

And finally, anything you wished you could have asked or said to her father, Bob Marley:

(After short silence) Many things; many things; I don’t think I told him I loved him enough; so that would be one thing.

Marley will open in a limite number of theaters, and will also be available on demand and on Facebook this Friday,April 20; it'll then expand to other cities over the succeeding 3 to 4 months.

For the full theater/date list, click HERE.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

PUB: No Entry Fee: The £1000 Melita Hume Prize for Best Debut Collection of Young Poet (worldwide) > Writers Afrika

No Entry Fee:

The £1000 Melita Hume Prize

for Best Debut Collection

of Young Poet (worldwide)


Deadline: 1 May 2012

The Melita Hume Prize

£1000 Prize for best debut collection of young poet, free to enter

Eyewear Publishing announces its inaugural (2012) THE MELITA HUME PRIZE FOR POETRY. This will be an award of £1,000 and a publishing deal for the best first full collection (i.e. debut) of a young poet writing in the English language born in 1980 or later. The book will be published in a hard cover format, and launched in early 2013, or sooner, in London.

The aim of this prize is to support younger emerging writers during difficult economic times, with a quality publication in England and a helpful amount of money which can assist them in their studies, travel or accommodation.

This contest is open to any one of the requisite age, anywhere in the world. The submission must be at least 40 poems long, or 50 pages, whichever comes first. Maximum 60 poems, and 80 pages. IT IS FREE TO ENTER. Todd Swift will be the judge. THE DEADLINE HAS BEEN EXTENDED TO MAY 1ST, 2012.

Please post your submissions to the address below:

Eyewear Publishing
Suite 38
19-21 Crawford Street
Marylebone
London
W1H 1PJ
United Kingdom

THE SHORTLIST WILL BE ANNOUNCED IN JUNE, THE WINNER BY SEPTEMBER 1.

Please include a biographical note of 100-250 words, a recent author’s photo, and a covering letter.

For email queries, contact TODDSWIFT AT CLARA DOT CO UK or Todd Swift at Facebook.

CONTACT INFORMATION:

For inquiries: toddswift@clara.co.uk

For submissions: Eyewear Publishing, Suite 38, 19-21 Crawford Street
Marylebone, London, W1H 1PJ, United Kingdom

Website: http://www.eyewearpublishing.com