PUB: Poetry Anthology - Mutabilis Press

Submissions now being accepted for new poetry anthology

We are now accepting submissions for a new poetry anthology to be published in 2011.

Theme: Given our noisy marketplace of beliefs, how or where can the sacred be found?

Guest Editor: Martha Serpas

Reading period: November 2010 thru April 2011. Publication date: December 2011.

Eligibility: Poets who have a connection with the states of Texas or Louisiana, by birth, residency and/or employment, are eligible to submit their poetry for consideration. 

Submission Guidelines: Submit up to 3 poems, totaling no more than 5 pages, with no identifying information on the poem. Provide 3 copies of each poem. Previously published work may be submitted with acknowledgments. Please print out and complete this form, and include it with your poems. SASE is optional. Poems will not be returned.

Rights: All rights will return to the poet upon publication.

To submit, please fill out and print this submission form, and send with poems and optional SASE to the address on the form.

Note from the publisher

 

>via: http://www.mutabilispress.org/

PUB: Call for Submissions | It's All in Her Head

Call for Submissions

It’s All in Her Head will be a dynamic collection of finely crafted, stigma-busting stories by a diverse group of women who have struggled with a continuum of mental challenges, from dysthymia to full-blown schizophrenia.

I am seeking first-person, literary non-fiction essays (please, no poetry) from established writers and talented emerging voices detailing your experience with a mental health issue, and how you’ve learned to make peace with it. Although your essay may (and should) reveal the truth about what it is/was like to live with your particular challenge, I’m looking for contributions that have a positive and/or hopeful tone (humor is more than welcome), with concrete examples of how you’ve managed to be productive, successful, satisfied, and yes, happy–or at least content. It’s All in Her Head will both acknowledge the severity of treated and untreated mental concerns and also share women’s strategies for taking care of themselves and restoring themselves, given the tools at their disposal, from pharmaceuticals to meditation, and everything in between…the winning cocktail that gives them some measure of mastery over their lives.

The statistics are alarming: one in six American adults suffers from a diagnosable mental illness such as depression, anxiety, PTSD, bipolar disorder, schizophrenia, ADHD, phobia, eating disorders, or addiction. Half of all Americans struggle with some form of mental illness at some time in their lives. Many millions more face the challenges of less-clinical, still-problematic conditions, such as worry, pessimism, and self-criticism. Doubly alarming is the underreported fact that most of these people are women.

On an epidemiological level, women are 2-3 times more likely to suffer depression and anxiety than men; women are 3 times more likely to attempt suicide than men; women constitute 90% of people with eating disorders. Furthermore, studies show that women of color are over-represented in mental health statistics, and frequently receive sub-standard care.

Leaving aside the question of whether and/or how gender disparities in mental health are attributable to biological differences in the brains of women and men, certainly cultural factors are partly to blame. Women’s emotions and ideas are frequently invalidated; our status in the workplace is undervalued; we are socialized against prioritizing ourselves and our health; and we are expected to remain cheerful despite all these things. Culturally, we are encouraged to distance ourselves from, distrust, and discount our emotions and our thoughts, which can exacerbate mood disorders and other psychological difficulties.

Still, an enormous number of women have found ways to cope with their challenges and lead productive, creative, intellectually and emotionally satisfying lives. They’ve ferreted out helpful treatments, medications, practices, habits, and other mechanisms that enable them to make peace with their troubled minds.

How have they done it? How have you done it? It’s All in Her Head strives to provide readers with a glimpse into the successful strategies exercised by women whose persistent mental difficulties were met head on with something else in her head: resiliency, resourcefulness, intelligence, determination, and strength. Essays will also include the powerful part played by supportive partners, health care providers, peers, family and friends.

Please consider adding your influential voice to this collection. There are far too many women who are in need of help. The involvement of established writers will catapult this project into a realm that will have the most reach and influence, to those who need its wisdom most.

Submissions:

Essays should include a title, and run approximately 2000-4000 words.

Although I am looking primarily for material not previously published, I can make a limited number of exceptions.

Please submit essays as Microsoft Word documents, iWork Pages files, or PDFs.

Deadline: March 1, 2011; early submissions and queries strongly encouraged.

Compensation: Yes–commensurate with publishing history.

Please send questions and submissions to: itsallinherhead@gmail.com.

PUB: WOC Anthology Submission Guidelines “BOUNDARIES & BORDERS”

              The Women of Color                 Writers’ Workshop & Community

 

**CALL FOR SUBMISSIONS “Boundaries & Borders”**


The WOC Writers’ Community’s Editorial Committee invites you to submit your best Writing or Artwork for possible inclusion in the Women of Color’s Anthology - Boundaries & Borders!  

        We’re Seeking a Diversity of Voices, in all Genre, from ALL WOC Writers and Artists which broadly interpret the experiences of living within or overcoming the confines of culture, status   condition or other in our lives, and those things we choose to write about - all work will be considered.

 

     Our aim is to present new, underrepresented and captivating literary works to the world

 

SUBMISSION DETAILS

Types of Work Accepted:

 Flash Fiction (100 to 500 words)

 Poetry (5 poems max., max. of 7 pages total)

 Short Stories (limited to 2,500 words)

 Essays (limited to 2,500 words)

 Nonfiction (limited to 2,500 words)

 One Act Play (between 7 to 10 pages)

 Original freestanding artwork (unpublished artwork must be your own - No Fee required)


Limit on Submissions: We accept up to 5 submissions per author.  Please note Editors reserve the right to limit number of works published

  1.     Reading Fee: $10 per submission. (5 poems = 1 submission, other Genre please see above guidelines

  2.     Fees are nonrefundable even if work is rejected

  3.     Payment Method: Via PayPal or Credit Card at www.wocwriters.com, for Money order please call

  4.      Deadlines:   Priority Submissions - WOC Brooklyn Workshop Writers Only - Oct. 10, 2010 to Dec. 15, 2010

                            Open  Submissions - All WOC Writers - Dec. 16, 2010 to Mar. 1, 2011



FORMATTING

Written documents must be formatted in Word and have the “.doc” extension.

Format Word documents as follows:

 1” inch margins - Double-spaced - 12 point font - Times New Roman or Arial - Number pages

All artwork must be in “.jpeg” or “tiff” format.  Please note; all images will be published in black & white.



SUBMITTING YOUR WORK

E-mail (only) submissions to: wocsubmissions@gmail.com.  All work should be e-mailed as attachments.

Each submission must be e-mailed separately (up to 5 poems constitute one submission)

Before you submit, make sure to pay the reading fee for each submission via PayPal at www.wocwriters.com. Please copy your confirmation code and include it in the body of your email - with your submission (Your work cannot be accepted without this code)

•     Email Subject Line: Subject line should only include: Genre of Work/First and Last Name (e.g. Poetry/Jane Doe)

Body of E-mail: In the body of your e-mail, include:

1.Your Full Name (Remember not to put your name on your submission)

2.Title and Genre of the Work

3.Telephone Number(s)

  1. 4.     E-mail Address

  2. 5.     A short paragraph description of how your submission meets the theme of Boundaries & Borders (optional)

5.Your Ethnic background (e.g. City, State, Country of origin, ethnic self identity as a women of color)

  1. 6.    Year you attended the WOC Workshop in Brooklyn (Limited time

7.Payment Confirmation Code - online Credit Card or we will accept Money Orders - call 347 210 8026 for info.

  1.     Submissions will be reviewed Anonymously. PLEASE DO NOT write your name on your submission pages

  2.      The Anthology Editorial Committee has the right to withdraw this offer at any time if sufficient submissions have been received

 

**Please follow the submission guidelines.  Submissions that do not meet the guidelines will be rejected**

 

 

IMPORTANT INFORMATION

¬DECISION OF THE EDITORS WILL BE FINAL.

¬We maintain the right to edit submissions, but work will not be published without your review and permission. If your work is accepted, you will be required to sign a release form and submit a photo and short biography. You may be asked to further edit

¬Simultaneous submissions will be accepted, but please kindly notify us if your work has been or will be published elsewhere



CHECKLIST   Please check that you’ve followed the Guidelines - for convenience please check off the following list:


▢   Submission Guidelines were followed when preparing the entry

▢  My work fits the Anthology theme: Boundaries & Borders

▢  Punctuation and grammar have been checked and doubled checked

▢  Payment of nonrefundable $10 fee for each submission & payment Confirmation Code included in the E-mail

▢  Submitted selected work to WOCSubmissions@gmail.com ONLY

  E-Mail Subject line shows only: Genre of Work/First and Last Name

▢  The body of the email includes payment Confirmation Code and all required elements

  Deadlines:   Priority Submissions - WOC Brooklyn Workshop Writers Only - Oct. 10, 2010 to Dec. 15, 2010

                            Open  Submissions - All Women of Color Writers - Dec. 16, 2010 to March 1, 2011

    Submission is an attachment, pages are numbered and the author’s Name DOES NOT appear in the work

 

We Look Forward to Receiving Your Submission!

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Anthology Submission Fee

You do not need to be a PayPal member

 

 

For Additional Information Please ContactNYCWomenWriters@gmail.com

 

EGYPT: Which Way Forward?

Sunday, 6 Feb 2011

By Sandmonkey

Today started with two very important facts: 1) The Mass resignation of important Mubarak regime figures from their posts in the Ruling National Democratic Party, including his longtime crony Safwat ElSherif and his own son Gamal Mubarak ; 2) The number of people who called me asking what the next move for the Tahrir Protesters will be and were disappointed by the lack of a clear way forward to the movement. They feared the protests would lose momentum and this historic moment would slowly dwindle and die.

Now, I am not a leader of this movement, and god knows I would be loathe to name myself as a spokesperson for the 5 million individuals nationwide who have joined these protests. If anything, I am simply a promoter and a participant who is way too proud of the fact that this is a movement with no leaders or representatives. In many ways this has helped the cohesion and unity of those protests: people agreed on a set of demands that promote general democracy, accountability and freedom. Demands that promote self-governing and personal rights no matter what your ideological leanings may be. We thought that was enough, and now we are thinking it might not be after all.

If we are to assess the successes of the movement so far, there have been a few key victories, but not any truly major ones. Mubarak says he won’t run again, but he won’t step down. Mubarak will change the constitution but will use the same parliament that has election fraud indictment tarring over 85% of its members. Even with today’s news, what the NDP did so far has been more cosmetic than actual change. We shouldn’t be appeased by it. Mubarak is still President, Emergency law is still in effect, the parliament hasn’t been dissolved, new elections haven’t been called for and the constitution is still that flexible document that the ruling party can change whenever they see fit. Even though we appear to be winning, we are not by a long shot.

Now, regarding the way forward, so far we seem to have two options on the table : 1) For the Jan 25 protests to remain as is: anarchic yet goal-oriented; & 2) the Wisemen’s council , which is currently being promoted as the third option between the Government’s Stubbornness and the Protesters unyielding persistence . They are gaining traction amongst those who do need leaders to represent their views and negotiate with the government, and their proposal is worth considering. The problem with the Wisemen’s council as a third option is this: while it is respectable and contains prominent Egyptian leaders and businessmen, I am not sure what leverage they got on either side or if either side would accept it as a mediating force.

That being said, the status quo just won’t due. This lack of action and organization will be used against us (the protesters) in every way possible. The participants will start complaining about the lack of direction or movement leaders. The government will start complaining that the protesters haven’t offered a single person to represent them and negotiate with the government for them, and that the protesters don’t know what they want. Mind you, this is utter rubbish: It’s not that the protesters don’t know what they want (you can read about their demands everywhere), it’s that their demands are so nonnegotiable for them, that it makes no sense for them to engage in negotiations until a number of those demands get realized. Thus, Gridlock!

So here are my two cents: next time when you head to Tahrir, alongside blankets and food and medicine, please get some foldable tables, chairs, papers, pens, a laptop and a USB connection. Set up a bunch of tables and start registering the protesters. Get their names, ages, addresses & districts. Based on location, start organizing them into committees, and then have those committees elect leaders or representatives. Do the same in Alex, In Mansoura, in Suez, in every major Egyptian city in which the Protesters braved police suppression and came out in the thousands. Protect the Data with your life. Get encryption programs to ensure the security of the data. Use web-based tools like Google documents to input the data in, thus ensuring that even if your laptops get confiscated by State Security Goons, they won’t find anything on your harddrives. Have people outside of Egypt back-up your data daily on secure servers. Then, start building the structure.

You see, with such Proper citizen organization and segmentation, we’ll have the contact information and location of all the protesters that showed up, and that could be transformed into voting blocks in parliamentary districts: i.e. a foundation for an Egyptian Unity party. That Egyptian Unity Party will be an Umbrella party that promotes equality, democracy & accountability, without any ideological slants. It should be centrist, because we don’t want any boring Left vs. Right squabbling at that stage. Once you institute the structure, start educating the members on their rights and their obligations as citizens. Convince them to bring their friends and relatives into meeting. Establish voters’ critical mass , all under that party.

The Egyptian Unity Party, however, will not be a permanent structure, but rather a transitional entity with a clear and direct purpose: create the grassroots organization to take back the parliament and presidency in the next elections. Once sufficient votes and seats have been obtained, the party will amend the constitution to promote civil liberties, plurality, and truly democratic elections. Once that constitution is in place, the party can disband, and its elected members can start forming their own parties and collations, based on their personal beliefs and ideologies, or they can join any of the existing parties, and breathe some life into their decaying carcasses. We will end up with an actual political process and representative political parties that will actually discuss policy and have to represent those who voted for them so that they can get re-elected. Democracy in action. An old but brilliant concept. A way to ensure that no matter what, we will have a huge influence on who becomes the next Egyptian President come election day in September.

I am extremely hopeful we can do this. So far we have proved all the critics and the haters wrong. It’s time to do that again!

-------------

 

 

“Be forewarned: The writer of this blog is an extremely cynical, snarky, pro-US, secular, libertarian, disgruntled sandmonkey”.

The man who wrote those words – the witty and courageous Egyptian blogger “Sandmonkey” – is currently in hiding in his native city of Cairo, moving from one friend’s apartment to another, as supporters of Hosni Mubarak pursue him and other democracy demonstrators.

 

 

__________________________

 

 

 

Revealed: US envoy's business link to Egypt

Obama scrambles to limit damage after Frank Wisner makes robust call for Mubarak to remain in place as leader.

By Robert Fisk in Cairo

Monday, 7 February 2011

Frank Wisner

EPA

Mr Wisner is a retired State Department 36-year "career" diplomat ? in otherwords, he was not a political appointee

 Frank Wisner, President Barack Obama's envoy to Cairo who infuriated the White House this weekend by urging Hosni Mubarak to remain President of Egypt, works for a New York and Washington law firm which works for the dictator's own Egyptian government.

Mr Wisner's astonishing remarks – "President Mubarak's continued leadership is critical: it's his opportunity to write his own legacy" – shocked the democratic opposition in Egypt and called into question Mr Obama's judgement, as well as that of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.

The US State Department and Mr Wisner himself have now both claimed that his remarks were made in a "personal capacity". But there is nothing "personal" about Mr Wisner's connections with the litigation firm Patton Boggs, which openly boasts that it advises "the Egyptian military, the Egyptian Economic Development Agency, and has handled arbitrations and litigation on the [Mubarak] government's behalf in Europe and the US". Oddly, not a single journalist raised this extraordinary connection with USgovernment officials – nor the blatant conflict of interest it appears to represent.

Mr Wisner is a retired State Department 36-year career diplomat – he served as US ambassador to Egypt, Zambia, the Philippines and India under eight American presidents. In other words, he was not a political appointee. But it is inconceivable Hillary Clinton did not know of his employment by a company that works for the very dictator which Mr Wisner now defends in the face of a massive democratic opposition in Egypt.

So why on earth was he sent to talk to Mubarak, who is in effect a client of Mr Wisner's current employers?

Patton Boggs states that its attorneys "represent some of the leading Egyptian commercial families and their companies" and "have been involved in oil and gas and telecommunications infrastructure projects on their behalf". One of its partners served as chairman of the US-Egyptian Chamber of Commercepromoting foreign investment in the Egyptian economy. The company has also managed contractor disputes in military-sales agreements arising under the US Foreign Military Sales Act. Washington gives around $1.3bn (£800m) a year to the Egyptian military.

Mr Wisner joined Patton Boggs almost two years ago – more than enough time for both the White House and the State Department to learn of his company's intimate connections with the Mubarak regime. The New York Times ran a glowing profile of Mr Wisner in its pages two weeks ago – but mysteriously did not mention his ties to Egypt.

Nicholas Noe, an American political researcher now based in Beirut, has spent weeks investigating Mr Wisner's links to Patton Boggs. Mr Noe is also a former researcher for Hillary Clinton and questions the implications of his discoveries.

"The key problem with Wisner being sent to Cairo at the behest of Hillary," he says, "is the conflict-of-interest aspect... More than this, the idea that the US is now subcontracting or 'privatising' crisis management is another problem. Do the US lack diplomats?

"Even in past examples where presidents have sent someone 'respected' or 'close' to a foreign leader in order to lubricate an exit," Mr Noe adds, "the envoys in question were not actually paid by the leader they were supposed to squeeze out!"

Patton Boggs maintains an "affiliate relationship" with Zaki Hashem, one of Egypt's most prominent legal firms. It was founded in 1953 and Zaki Hashem himself was a cabinet minister under Mubarak's predecessor, President Anwar Sadat, and later became head of the Egyptian Society for International Law.

By a further remarkable irony, one of Zaki Hashem's senior advisers was Nabil al-Araby, one of the 25 leading Egyptian personalities just chosen by the protesters in Tahrir Square to demand the overthrow of Mubarak. Nabil al-Araby, a former member of the UN's International Law Commission, told me yesterday that he ended his connection with Zaki Hashem three years ago and had "no idea" why Mr Wisner had come out in support of Mubarak's continued rule. He himself believed it was essential Mubarak make a dignified but immediate exit. "The head must go," he said.

When Frank Wisner joined Patton Boggs in March 2009, the company described him as "one of the nation's most respected diplomats" who would provide clients with "strategic global advice concerning business, politics and international law". The firm stated specifically that "it looks to Ambassador Wisner to use his expertise in the Middle East and India to assist its American and international clients."

Stuart Pape, managing partner at Patton Boggs, said at the time that "it is a real coup for the firm to have Ambassador Wisner – one of the most experienced and highly regarded diplomats – join our ranks... His in-depth knowledge of global politics and the international financial world is a huge asset for our clients."

We still do not know exactly what kind of "expertise" he has bestowed upon the dictator of Egypt. But his remarks at the weekend leave no room to doubt he advised the old man to cling on to power for a few more months. The vast network of companies with family connections to Mubarak's regime is, of course, one of the targets of the pro-democracy demonstrators in Egypt.

A spokesman for the State Department said he "presumed" Mrs Clinton knew of Mr Wisner's employment by Patton Boggs and the firm's links with the Mubarak government, but refused to comment on any conflict of interest for the envoy. A spokesman for Patton Boggs could not be reached yesterday.

 

 

 

 

 

EGYPT: The Struggle Expands And Stands Steadfast As Women March Shoulder To Shoulder

Egyptian women lead march to 'liberated territory'

McClatchy Newspapers

Dozens of Egyptian women spilled out of a mosque in the Dokki neighborhood Friday, only their eyes visible from black veils that flapped in the breeze.

Marching in formation, they set off for downtown Cairo, where they hoped to join hundreds of thousands of protesters in Tahrir Square who were calling for the removal of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak.

When pro-Mubarak youths jeered at them from a balcony overhead, the women raised their voices louder. "Go home!" the youths yelled at the women, who replied by chanting, "He's leaving! Were not leaving!"

The three dozen or so women, who had met for their regular Quranic study group, trekked about a mile toward a bridge on the Nile, their numbers swelling as people in nearby apartment buildings rushed down to join them. Two men carrying boxes of water bottles fell in step. So did an unveiled woman with a large bag of croissants and a white-coated doctor with a load of bandages and gauze.

Down a side street, another group of hundreds of marchers advanced, waving Egyptian flags. The veiled women and their followers froze and braced for a showdown, thinking the other demonstrators were Mubarak supporters.

That was until the other marchers got close enough for the women to make out their chant: "The people want the fall of the regime!"

"It's OK, its OK; they're with us!" a man yelled.

People in the new group were welcomed with cheers and embraces and they, too, began marching behind the women's procession.

As the women from the Dokki mosque headed toward the square, others from across the sprawling city also were under way, small streams that merged into a river of people.

Across the bridge, military tanks blocked a main road into the square and the women's impromptu parade disintegrated, as men and women were directed to separate search areas.

"Get out your IDs!" an Egyptian soldier shouted.

"And get out your foreign agendas, too!" a man shouted in response, drawing laughter from both soldiers and protesters. He was referring to the assertion by government officials that shadowy external powers had infiltrated the demonstrations to serve foreign interests.

State television Thursday went so far as to claim that Israeli and American intelligence had fomented the uprising. The protesters threw back the accusations in a chant directed at the president: "Mubarak, you spy! Mubarak, you agent! You're a slave to Israel and America!"

After the soldiers' checkpoint, the women encountered a six-tier search system that protesters had set up for everyone entering the square at that point. The women, who numbered far fewer than men, zipped through easily. Women volunteers rummaged through purses and conducted full-body pat downs of all female protesters.

The men's lines stretched for at least a block, and they had packed for the trenches. Some of them wore construction-style hard hats to protect against flying stones, and others carried boxes of supplies such as canned food, bread, water and juice.

Nearer to the square, there were men who bore scars from Wednesday's fierce clashes: an arm in a sling, a bandaged head, black eyes, and torsos wrapped in bloodstained gauze. The injured were treated as heroes by many protesters, who greeted them with the Arabic equivalent of, "Thank God you made it."

The veiled women, still chanting, finally made it through the search. All along the main path, protesters formed a welcoming committee, praising their compatriots for their bravery. The women and other new arrivals flashed the peace sign and exchanged hugs and greetings with other protesters.

Calling "God is great!" the women edged their way into the mass of kindred spirits who'd reclaimed the square after fighting a bloody battle against government-allied mobs.

"Welcome," the protesters said, "to liberated territory."

 

 

__________________________

Medea Benjamin took part in protests with crowds in Tahrir Square, 02/04/11. (photo: AP)
Medea Benjamin took part in protests with crowds in Tahrir Square, 02/04/11. (photo: AP)

Mubarak Mobs and Street Vendors: Welcome to Egypt

By Medea Benjamin, Reader Supported News

05 February 11


RSN Special Coverage: Egypt's Struggle for Democracy


 

 was in the middle of buying some mints from a street vendor on Cairo's Talat Harb Street - right off Tahrir Square - when the rocks started flying. I had given a 20-cent coin to the vendor. He gave me one pack of mints, and all hell broke loose.

"Run, run," people yelled at me. I saw a group of men running down the street, carrying a man whose face was streaming with blood. Then I saw the pro-Mubarak thugs, armed with rocks, metal pipes, whips. "Run, Run," the Egyptians on the street told me. I ran for shelter as fast as I could.

This has become a pattern the past few days. Thugs hired by the regime, many of them plainclothes police, try to create chaos on the streets just outside the entrances to Tahrir Square, the epicenter of the Egyptian revolution. They randomly attack people, including us foreigners. Many of us have been beaten, our cameras smashed. My CODEPINK colleague Tighe Barry had been picked up on this very street two days ago, thrown into a car, roughed up, and later dumped out with a warning to stay away.

Tighe refused to stay away, and so did a million Egyptians who, despite the threats of violence, teemed into Tahrir Square today in what was termed the "Day of Departure." Young, old, rich, poor, religious, secular - they defied the desperate acts of a dying regime.

Ever since this uprising began on January 25, the determination and bravery of the Egyptians has been overwhelming to witness. The democracy forces in Tahrir Square have braved tear gas, water cannons, rocks, sniper fire and mobs storming in on horses and camels. All the while, they have stood their ground and continued to hold on to this sacred square.

Today they were determined to liberate the outside streets as well. While I was running away from the Mubarak mob on Talat Harb Street, a huge crowd came rushing out of the square, running towards the thugs. Just the sight of this oncoming sea of people was enough to frighten the thugs. The Mubarak mob disappeared as quickly as it had formed. Talat Harb Street, the site of street battles the last few days, was once again liberated. People cheered "Horreyah, horreyah" - "Freedom, freedom."

Out of breath from running so fast, I turned around and saw the street vendor who had sold me the mints. He had run after me. It turns out that the 20-cent coin I had given him was enough to buy two packs of mints, not one. He had come to give me the second pack.

"Welcome to Egypt," he said, smiling.


Medea Benjamin, cofounder of the peace group CODEPINK (http://www.codepink.org) and the human rights group Global Exchange (http://www.globalexchange.org), is part of an international delegation of solidarity with the Egyptian democracy movement. For media interviews, call +011 20-107148431 or contact medea@globalexchange.org.

 

WOMEN: Africa shows signs of winning war against female genital mutilation | Global development | The Observer

Africa shows signs of winning war against female genital mutilation

African women, including Senegalese hip-hop star Sister Fa, are leading a successful campaign against the widespread practice of female circumcision

Senegalese urban soul and hip hop star Sister Fa is at the forefront of a campaign in 12 countries to turn young people against FGM. Photograph: Michael Mann

In Africa, if you play music in an open space, any music, then people will generally come. "It is the way to reach people, to bring them together." So says Sister Fa, a Senegalese urban soul and hip-hop star who has been lending her voice to a remarkable new drive against female circumcision in 12 of the countries worst affected by the practice across the continent.

The first report into a United Nations project that began in 2008 has shown remarkable success rates with more than 6,000 villages and communities in six countries already abandoning the practice of female genital mutilation (FGM) – also known as cutting or female circumcision – with the numbers growing every month.

The change is down to a unique approach with a proper understanding of local culture, says Sister Fa, who has seen her own home town of Thionck Essyl, where she herself was "cut", abandon it altogether. Mutilation is practised in 28 African countries, where 140 million women have been subjected to the brutal practice and a further two million are at risk every year.

"We're using music because the young people are the future. They need to understand that they are not alone," Sister Fa told the Observer from Dakar, where she is on a tour called "Education Against Mutilation". Other cultural ambassadors are performing similar journeys.

"It is when you are alone, when you think: 'How can I not cut my child? She will be marginalised, pushed in a corner'," Sister Fa continued. "When the cutting ceremony is organised for the village and one girl is not there, everyone will know that she is not there, the whole village knows she is not cut. Then that girl is treated like an animal, you can't get married, you can't cook or pass water to someone for them to drink.

"So usually the NGOs come in from outside, foreigners maybe, and they try to do a demonstration and say: 'We don't want you to do this', and the people think: 'Why should we stop? This is our culture, our tradition, who are you to come here once and try to put pressure on us? This is our life, go away.' But if you reach communities and keep coming back and keep coming back, then we are finding you can change things."

It was her Austrian father-in-law who persuaded Sister Fa that it was time for her to speak out. "He said: 'It's time. It's time to break the taboo.' It wasn't easy for me. Even now, when I talk about these things in Senegal, if I am interviewed on the radio, then people will call in and not talk nicely, threats, tell me I must not talk against these things."

But African women talking to African communities about mutilation is exactly the way to change things, says Nafissatou Diop, co-ordinator for the UN project, a joint programme between the United Nations Population Fund and Unicef.

Diop said 12 years of mistakes by well-meaning NGOs had been closely examined and the lessons learned.

"We understand that what some charities were doing before was wrong," said Diop. "They were looking at the supply side and targeting those people who were doing the cutting, but taking them out of the system doesn't stop the demand, nor does outsiders going into a village and setting up a demonstration with an anatomical model of a woman's body that shocks everyone in the village, telling them their daughters will die and then you go away never to come back. It does not suffice.

"We are realising that you need to sustain what you are doing, open a dialogue, non-judgmentally, put things in local context and bring them to a voluntary abandonment of FGM. When this type of intervention is driven by and within a community, it is not seen as being a 'foreign influence'."

In Ethiopia, the prevalence rate has fallen from 80% to 74%, in Kenya from 32% to 27% and in Egypt from 97% to 91%. With the help of strong voices like that of African women like Sister Fa, the ambition is to wipe out mutilation within the next generation.

"We reach the young people," said Diop. "The women, but the men too. In their head we have to make them believe they can marry a girl who is not cut. Believe me, the FGM would stop tomorrow if the men wanted it to."

In Europe, too, lessons of the programme need to be learned, say activists. Sister Fa now lives in Berlin. "Cutting is still here, a lot of women are in prison, but cutting is still here, nothing is changing," she said. "There are a lot of laws to punish people, but it's prevention we need."

Today is International Day Against Female Genital Mutilation

 

WOMEN: Eleven Women Murdered in the New Mexico Desert and No One Spoke Out | RHRealityCheck.org

Eleven Women Murdered

in the New Mexico Desert

and No One Spoke Out

By Adriann Barboa, Young Women United

February 2, 2011 - 2:52pm

Adriann Barboa's picture

Two years ago today, in a story that shook me to my core, a woman walking her dog found a femur in the desert.  She alerted the police, who began a three-month dig, covering a vast area of the mesa near my home.  The police found the bodies of 11 women, one of whom was four months pregnant.  Many of the women were close to my age and grew up here like me.  Were brown like me.  Had struggled here, like me.

But when these women were found dead, President Obama did not come to town. There was no jam-packed memorial to mourn their lives cut short.  What we had instead were devastated families whose greatest fear had been realized when their daughter’s remains were discovered on the mesa.

As the story unfolded, terrible sounds echoed in my ears.  Not the sounds of the shovels in the desert, but the sound of these lives being erased.  Not only through death, but through the official description of the events. The women were not brave heroes who faced histories of poverty, abuse and trauma with the best tools they could find.  They were “addicts.”  And because they used drugs, many earned money the best way they could—by selling sex.  And so they were “prostitutes.”  The authorities thought the story could begin and end there: bodies found, case closed.  11 more prostitutes dead. Done.

The $100,000 reward for information leading to the killers was rarely advertised, and by most accounts from the families of the missing and dead, the police have been less than enthusiastic about pursuing the case.  When challenged on their lack of results they said, The only suspects we have are dead.”  

I often found myself wondering if that would that fly if these were 11 white college students found buried under a football field.

After the initial news accounts, many of us pounced on the local authorities for the language they were using to describe the women, for the shrug of the shoulders they seemed to use when talking about their “high-risk lifestyles.”

We held monthly vigils to memorialize the women and their lives.  Over 400 people came out in force for our April vigil: Latinos, Native Americans, African Americans, immigrants, whites, the young and the old. All held hands, raised our heads, cried and sang.  

And I knew we were winning hearts and minds when I received a phone call from the city administration asking me to remove the pink crosses we had left standing in the park because city workers refused take down our memorial, or to disgrace the crosses by putting them in the city dump. 

We fanned the flames of something that was already here, in Albuquerque, in our barrios.  Compassion, love and heartbreak.  Even for women who use drugs, even for women who sell sex to buy them.

And we saw a change.  After we called attention to the language the officials were using in the case, we saw a powerful shift in their words.  Instead of prostitutes and addicts, they became women, mothers and daughters.  The investigation remains open, if slow.  The families have been connected, and can draw on each other for support.

There are many fronts on which we continue to fight this battle. There are three bills moving through the New Mexico legislature right now that would help.  Together, they would work increase access for substance abuse and mental health treatment for young women and pregnant women.  YWU and many other organizations, law-makers, health-care providers and families are working together to create an effective web of services.

These women are national heroes to us. If Obama had come to our stadium to help us mourn, remember, and make sense of these lives and deaths, he might have said this:

I want America to be as good as these women needed it to be.  Let’s live up to their dreams, that this could be a country where you can be born without much, but live a life that is safe, and full of promise.  Where you can get a good education, a job, a home.  Where if you stray from the path, there are nets to catch you.  Where you are never found dead, dismembered, and alone on a mesa. 

 

INTERVIEW: Edwidge Danticat - We Are All Going to Die > Guernica

We Are All Going to Die

Nathalie Handal interviews Edwidge Danticat, January 2011

One year after the earthquake that devastated her native Haiti, the novelist on rebuilding the island, art in a time of trouble, and inhabiting bodies.

“Haitians are born surrealists,” says Edwidge Danticat (quoting a friend). It’s a surrealism found in le quotidien. In Haiti it’s common to see a peasant sleeping in a tight space—the author and MacArthur Fellow explains—his toe on a poster of Brigitte Bardot’s eyes. Or a one-room house with Paris Match collages all over its walls. Art is at the heart of the island’s daily life and the most nuanced and powerful ambassador Haiti has, she tells us in her latest book, Create Dangerously: The Immigrant Artist at Work. But what can art solve in this country’s present?

On January 12, 2010, a devastating earthquake followed by more than fifty aftershocks ravaged the island, leaving an estimated three million people affected—over two-hundred thousand dead, three-hundred thousand injured and more than one-and-a-half million displaced or homeless. This dark and horrid day also killed Maxo, Danticat’s cousin. The same Maxo who accompanied her uncle, alien 27041999, to the United States, and upon arrival was denied entry and accused of faking his illness. The next day, her uncle died in the custody of U.S. officials. Her uncle’s life story was poignantly captured in Danticat’s 2007 memoir, Brother, I’m Dying, nominated for the National Book Award and winner of the National Book Critics Circle Award.

As Danticat and I spoke in November while she was visiting New York City, news of a cholera epidemic spreading in Haiti made headlines. This news was followed by accusations by Haitians that UN peacekeepers from Nepal were to blame. As the toll increased to one thousand dead, elections brought more instability. Riots broke out in the streets when preliminary voting was followed by rumors of fraud. Most candidates asked that the elections be discounted. There were nineteen candidates on the ballot, among the most popular were former-First Lady Mirlande Manigat, who was in first place, and Michel “Sweet Micky” Martelly, who was eliminated by ruling-party candidate Jude Celestin by less than 1 percent. The Organization of American States asked Haitian President René Préval to delay the announcement of the election results until an international panel of experts could review the vote. This action was taken in hopes of ceasing violence in the streets and conflicts between supporters.

In light of all the upheaval and tragic circumstances that have haunted Haiti in 2010, what solution can art offer? Perhaps none; perhaps, as Danticat suggests in Create Dangerously, art gives voice, and takes the international community away from a one-dimensional and narrow view of Haiti. It eradicates the idea that the island is only about turmoil and unrest, holding the world close to its pulse—its art, literature, and music. Danticat reminds us how far images of Morgan Freeman and Queen Latifah dancing on television to the music of Haiti’s Tabou Combo went.

Born in Haiti in 1969, Danticat came to the U.S. at age twelve. She holds a degree in French literature from Barnard College and an MFA from Brown University. Author of numerous books, notably, Breath, Eyes, Memory, a 1994 Oprah Book Club selection, Krik? Krak!, nominated for the National Book Award, The Farming of Bones, winner of the 1999 American Book Award, and The Dew Breaker, winner of the PEN/Faulkner Award. Create Dangerously is her first book of essays, which was adapted, updated, and expanded from the Toni Morrison Lecture she gave in 2008 at Princeton University.

Haiti is her shadow, and shadows loom around her. She allows them. And in return, they save her. While writing The Farming of Bones, she watched horrible videos of death in order to understand how people died. “It’s a lot of work to die,” she concludes. She saw this more personally with her father who struggled with pulmonary fibrosis for nine months before dying. “I’ve always had this fascination with death,” notes Danticat. “I don’t know if it’s something that was said to me in the neighborhood I grew up in. So I keep looking for it.”

Like all of Danticat’s books, Create Dangerously has her heartbeat—a steady movement, a wide cry, a constant echo, a soft breathing. She offers us glimpses of an island and culture she is passionate about—and her dedication to which never ceases. She has just finished a fiction anthology, Haiti Noir, that appears this month. Readers will discover new and unknown voices, as well as masters, such as Madison Smartt Bell, Yanick Lahens, and Evelyne Trouillot. As we prepare to part, I ask her what she thinks Toussaint L’Ouverture would say about Haiti today. What revolution would he lead? We look at each other. A blank stare. Maybe these daily surrealistic portraits are leading a revolution. They’re insisting on existing and in so doing, resisting.

—Nathalie Handal for Guernica

Guernica: In your new book, Create Dangerously, you speak of art in a time of trouble, how from the singular or the personal comes the collective story. What is the responsibility of artists?

Edwidge Danticat: The responsibility of artists is to create as freely and as openly as possible. There should be no restrictions whatsoever on any artist or art. No prescriptions, orders, commands given to artists. They should engage us, make us think, entertain us in whatever way they see fit. There are however moments when art becomes part of something bigger, where a singular expression becomes part of the collective. That’s what the book is about.

A writer is like an actor, especially a fiction writer. You have to inhabit different bodies to write convincingly about them.

Guernica: As an immigrant and a writer yourself—are you limited in any way?

Edwidge Danticat: Not at all. If anything, I find it enriching because I am looking at two different cultures cross-eyed. I am looking at Haitian culture through American culture, American culture through Haitian culture. But also, I have a mixed gaze, and I am both an insider and outsider in both cultures, which might be an uncomfortable place personally. But it’s an extraordinary place artistically because all these things that you are processing mesh. Nuance is important to art and being from different places offers nuance. A writer is like an actor, especially a fiction writer. You have to inhabit different bodies to write convincingly about them. So the more experiences you have the more you are able to do that.

Guernica: But do you feel that your community would be accepting if you wanted to write about Paris when people are dying in Haiti?

Edwidge Danticat: Well, some people would say, she sold us out. Other people would say, good riddance, she’s exploited us enough... [laugh]. I would hope, however, that they would judge the work more than the subject. I would rather read a great book on a subject I care less about than a bad book on a subject I love. When a writer feels passionate about a subject, he or she writes better about it. I happen to feel passionate about Haiti and Haitians and Haitian Americans and out of that passion is born my subject. But writers are eternally curious and other subjects will come up and I am not going to deny myself the pleasure of writing about them just because I might risk offending or alienating some people.

Guernica: If a writer doesn’t write about the country they are from, that doesn’t mean they stop being from that place.

Edwidge Danticat: Of course not. I recently read a collection of short stories called The Boat, by a young writer named Nam Le. It is a fictional meditation, in its execution, of the dilemma of the immigrant writer. The writer grew up in Australia of Vietnamese parents, I believe. The first story in the book is about a writer who is trying not to write about the immigrant experience in his Iowa workshop. He seems to have disdain for the immigrant writers who visit and he thinks they’re famous because they’re exotics. He vows to write worldly fiction, but then the book is framed with two stories about Vietnam. His point, the fictional writer’s point, is, I think, that you can both write about your roots—maybe it is even that you don’t only have to write about your roots—and other things as well.

Guernica: Felix Morisseau-Leroy wrote in Creole. Franketienne, who also happens to have written a play about two people under the rubble that really echoed after the earthquake, wrote in French and Creole. How has Creole and French affected you as a storyteller?

Edwidge Danticat: Creole, more than French, is always behind the English I am writing. My characters are speaking in Creole and in my mind I do a simultaneous translation as I am writing. Franketienne and Felix Morrisseau Leroy are wonderful writers who gave Creole the respect it deserves by writing wonderful, innovative prose and poetry in it. Sometimes people will say you have to write in Creole, even if badly, to raise up the language. I’d rather have people writing in Creole who do it because they love it and are good at it and who think that it’s the best tool for the story they are telling, rather than people who write badly in Creole, just to have things in Creole.

Guernica: Do we need a “Guernica” to produce art?

Edwidge Danticat: You mean your publication [laughs]. Of course we don’t need wars and massacres to produce art. What’s wonderful about Haiti is that we have produced great art in spite of those things. Art—and by that I mean song, dance, painting, as well as literature—has been one of the many tools we have used for our survival.

Guernica: I remember being fascinated as a young girl in Port-au-Prince by what people in the streets would turn into art pieces—using a small stone, a chacha branch, whatever was available to them as canvas. Haitians truly have art in their soul.

Edwidge Danticat: Yes, it shows you that art will not be denied. Think of the daily functions of art in Haiti. The lottery stands. The tap tap camions. It’s all covered with beautiful art. My friend, the painter Ronald Mevs, used to say that Haitians are born surrealists. We are doing collage all the time, in daily life as well as in our art. So old oil drums become metal sculpture and old carnation milk cans become lamps, called tèt gripads, like bald-headed girls. Art is our communal dream.

Guernica: How has Haitian art changed peoples’ perception of Haiti?

Edwidge Danticat: People sometimes think they know Haiti through what they have seen in the news. When they see a piece of art that we’ve produced, listen to a song, or read a piece of literature that we’ve written, we become closer to them. We are now part of them when the art stays with them. They then come closer to meeting us, and closer to the different layers of who and what we are.

Guernica: Create Dangerously opens with the execution of Marcel Numa and Louis Drouin in 1964. You say that artists have stories that might be called “creation myths... that haunt and obsess them.” And this story is one of yours. Can you elaborate on that?

Edwidge Danticat: I have always been curious about these young men, Marcel Numa and Louis Drouin, who had left Haiti and were living in Queens and decided to return to Haiti to fight the dictatorship and ended up dead in the last openly state-sponsored public execution in Haiti. For me, and a lot of people I talked to, their deaths signaled a more brutal dictatorship and created a new reality that drove a lot of Haitians away from their homeland. That connection between this very brutal act and the further migrations it inspired has always intrigued me. Even though it happened five years before I was born, I have always felt that it is, in part, why I am here, why my parents and so many other people have left Haiti. That’s why it’s not only a very tragic story but a type of creation myth for me, in which a whole new generation of Haitian immigration emerged from that act. After the executions, people also tried to react with art, by reading and producing plays or reinterpreting Greek plays. I feel as though a new generation of artists also came out of that and I wanted to highlight some of that in the book.

Guernica: Do you think art always has to involve some kind of engagement—social or otherwise?

Edwidge Danticat: Of course not. As I said before, I think artists should be as free as they want to be. It is up to the artist to decide what he or she wants to do. But we should not “penalize”, if you will, people with a certain political view. In “Create Dangerously,” the Albert Camus essay that inspired the title of the book, Camus writes for the writers of his time something that is still true today. “The writers of today know this. If they speak up, they are criticized and attacked. If they become modest and keep silent, they are vociferously blamed for their silence.”

Guernica: You say we create to fight forgetfulness and that when the news moves on, art keeps a nation alive, allows a people’s stories and reality to stay present in the minds of the world. Can you give me examples that you have noticed in the last nine months?

Edwidge Danticat: Less than a year after the earthquake, there have been dozens of books written by Haitians about it. Most are memoirs, rather than the novels that were the dominant literary genre before the earthquake. There have been collective anthologies by Haitian writers as well as personal narratives, such as Dany Laferriere’s Tout Bouge Autour de Moi and Rodney Saint Eloi’s Kenbe la. There’s been a lot of poetry published on paper and online. Visual artists like Frantz Zepherrin and Pascal Monnin have created many pieces inspired by the earthquake. Art is one of the many ways people express their feelings about what happened to them. It’s also a way for them to celebrate their survival, in pictures, in song, in dance, in words.

Guernica: In the essay “Walk Straight,” you discussed being criticized when you wrote about a virginity test and that some Haitians accused you of exploiting your culture for money.

Edwidge Danticat: I think criticism is necessary. It’s all part of it. I usually try to learn from criticism, see if in some way the person criticizing me is really trying to teach me something. But you can’t become obsessed with criticism. Same goes for praise. You listen, take a deep breath, and move on. Keep working. That’s the most important thing, to keep going.

There are few publishing houses in Haiti so most writers self-publish and we didn’t have the kind of money that would have made that possible.

Guernica: The photographer Daniel Morel was present as a boy at Numa and Drouin’s execution and this incident led him to become a photojournalist. In this book you wanted to look at how people come to their art. Can you tell us more about how you came to your art?

Edwidge Danticat: I came to my writing by listening to stories my aunt and grandmothers told me. I used to make my own little books with folded paper, then I started writing for school papers when I moved to the United States. My first novel Breath, Eyes, Memory was my MFA thesis at Brown.

Guernica: Do you think you still would have been a writer if you never left Haiti?

Edwidge Danticat: The publishing part of it might have been hard in Haiti. There are few publishing houses in Haiti so most writers self-publish, and we didn’t have the kind of money that would have made that possible. This makes me think how many powerful voices will never surface because of that.

Guernica: You speak about the great history of Haitian painting, how significant it is to Haitian culture and history. George Nader was the world’s biggest Haitian art collector. Galerie Nader in Pétion-ville was destroyed by the earthquake—some twelve thousand works, an art collection with an estimated worth of thirty million to one-hundred million dollars, gone. Only about fifty pieces survived.

Edwidge Danticat: And there were other art collections destroyed too, like the wonderful collection at the Centre d’art and those amazing murals at Saint Trinité.

All art is in some way, I think, elegiac.

Guernica: Like the National Library in Baghdad: so many books destroyed. How does a nation recuperate, heal, and deal with such a loss—historically and culturally. Even if more art is being produced. What do you do with that loss of memory?

Edwidge Danticat: Fortunately, some of the art works, especially the work of the masters, had been photographed so there are records of some of them. There are also great collections of Haitian art outside of Haiti. Yet the works we have lost are irreplaceable. I think that is what inspires some of the painters to create new works, not just to replace but to honor what we have lost.

Guernica: You said something interesting about Haitian painting, that you see dreams in it, and it is also a way to ponder death. Can you expand?

Edwidge Danticat: Art is about life as much as it is about death. Art is a way, I think, of acknowledging that we are alive, but also a way of leaving our imprints because we know that we will die one day and we hope that the work will outlive us. The novelist and essayist Susan Sontag has said that photography is an elegiac art. All art is in some way, I think, elegiac.

Guernica: In Haiti, music has always played an important role in politics—carnival, rara, Haitian Vodou music. Today you have groups like Ram that seem to have a political message. Can you speak about the role of these bands in Haiti?

Edwidge Danticat: The rasin bands have always led the way in terms of offering a political message. That is in part because their music is drawn from Vodou, which has a spiritual message at its core, but also a message of survival, and when necessary rebellion. Konpa music can also offer that—and at carnival time more than any other time it does. These bands are as important to Haiti as they are to the outside. During the summer they travel all over the country to the fèt champet, the country festivals, and draw thousands of people.

Guernica: What are their impact in the international community?

Edwidge Danticat: I can’t speak for the international community, but I believe they offer yet another side of Haiti. After the earthquake when Wyclef Jean was on the NAACP Image Awards with Tabou Combo, a lot of foreigners called me and told me how they had no idea we had that kind of music in Haiti. To see Morgan Freeman and Queen Latifah dancing to Tabou Combo went a long way with a lot of people. Also, when the Rara, which can be as mournful as it is festive, came on during the Hope Haiti telethon, that lifted a lot of spirits.

Guernica: Your thoughts about the election?

Edwidge Danticat: I hope [the new president] will wake up every single morning and remember that there are more than a million people homeless and jobless and that he or she needs to do something about it. I hope it will be someone who cares about hunger, food security, education, agriculture, jobs, jobs, jobs. And I hope that his or her hands won’t be tied by the Parliament and/or the international community so that he or she can help make life better for the millions who are living in such indescribably horrible situations. There are people who think that elections should not be happening now. It’s a great shame that so many parties were excluded, particularly the Lavalas party, the party of former President Jean Bertrand Aristide. These are certainly not ideal conditions for elections. But it seems to me that the leadership now wants to turn it over and move on, so we should certainly not force them to stay. The specter of an “I am the only one who can do it, president for life” is always hanging over our heads. It seems like Haiti is always making Faustian bargains when it comes to elections. Damned if you do, damned if you don’t.

We have a very nasty environment in this country now for immigrants. Because of the bad economic situation here, everyone wants to blame immigrants.

Guernica: What do you say to those who criticize Haiti, say that it’s poor, Haitians haven’t done anything, and Haiti hasn’t advanced?

Edwidge Danticat: I say look at Haiti’s history. When Haiti became independent in 1804, it was strapped with French debt and isolated by the world. It’s suffered a long American occupation from which it inherited more debt and a brutal army. Yes, we’ve had some of our own homegrown dictators, but every time the Haitian people have shown some desire to lead themselves, they’ve been slapped down for some reason or another by some larger power. I’m not making excuses. But I think people should take in the entire picture before making a judgment like that. Haiti is much smaller, of course. But would the United States have prospered with Haiti’s same obstacles? It’s worth looking at because both nations became independent around the same time.

Guernica: Langston Hughes visited Jacques Roumain in 1932 in Haiti and translated Roumain’s Masters of the Dew later on. What do you think Roumain and Hughes would say about Haiti today?

Edwidge Danticat: The first line of Gouverneurs de la Rosée, which Langston Hughes translated as Masters of the Dew, is, “We are all going to die.” And if you read the travel narratives of Langston Hughes in Haiti, his description of Haiti in the nineteen forties is erringly similar to the Haiti of today. Roumain didn’t romanticize Haiti and neither did Hughes. I think they would both be shocked by how little has changed.

Guernica: This brings us to immigrants. They risk their lives for another world—like your uncle who died in U.S. custody—and are too often rejected. What did you learn from that experience?

Edwidge Danticat: I learned, or was reminded, how much people sacrifice to be here, to make it here. My uncle was one of hundreds who died seeking asylum, trying to find safety in the United States. We have a very nasty environment in this country now for immigrants. Because of the bad economic situation here, everyone wants to blame immigrants.

Guernica: Concerning immigration laws, what do you think of the temporary protected status granted after the earthquake? Can you comment on that and on the rumor that after Arizona, Miami is next.

Edwidge Danticat: I was happy that temporary protected status was granted to Haitians after the earthquake. It meant that people who were already here could work to support their families. That was long in the making and a wonderful thing. Haitian activists had been asking for it for such a long time, after other disasters in Haiti. It’s been granted to others and we were never quite sure why it could not be granted to Haitians. There are a lot of people running for office in Florida, the Tea Party element especially, who would like to see Miami have an Arizona-like draconian immigration law. We’ve already seen the ugly days of home raids here in Florida, where families are torn apart and kids are left alone. We’ve already seen people taken off buses. We’ve already seen people die in custody. How much worse can it get?

Guernica: Do you think the law would pass with all those immigrants in Miami?

Edwidge Danticat: The generally progressive multicultural melting pot that is Miami is only a tiny part of Florida, which is generally more conservative. Yes, I think if the economy gets bad enough, that and many other laws could pass. That’s why we have to be vigilant. We have seen with the Patriot Act and other post-September 11, 2001 measures that in times of crisis, certain rights and freedoms can be considered dispensable.

Guernica: The Dominican Republic and Haiti historically have had a strained relationship. You wrote a foreword to the Rene Philoctète novel, Massacre River, which speaks about a middle place in the border where people are neither one nor the other.

Edwidge Danticat: After the earthquake, the Dominicans were the first on the ground. There was rapprochement during that time. Many Haitians ended up in Dominican hospitals. Now I think things are returning to the way they were before, especially since there are now more Haitian migrants in the DR. I hope there will be a continuation of that good feeling, on both sides that we saw after the earthquake. The Philoctète novel is a great surrealist-type novel about the 1937 massacre of Haitians in the Dominican Republic. In the book there is a middle ground, a mixed group of people who can potentially make peace. There are a lot of people like that, thankfully, both intellectuals and others, and I hope that one day they will outnumber the others.

Guernica: What is the role of the Haitian diaspora in rebuilding Haiti?

Edwidge Danticat: The Haitian diaspora certainly wants to, and will, contribute in small and large ways to contribute to the rebuilding of Haiti. They have been doing it for years with grassroots NGOs, neighborhood associations, sponsorships of kids, etc... That will continue. We only have contentions now because many diaspora business people are competing with the foreigners for big contracts. The efforts I most believe in, however, are the grassroots efforts by people in the diaspora who have been working in Haiti for years and continue to do it today.

Guernica: Race is one of those subjects people are careful not to address but it’s still an issue. There are many debates on who is a Haitian and the issue of representation often comes up. Who should or shouldn’t represent Haiti—and it’s often in reference to black or white. On the other side of that is someone like Dany Laferrière who wrote the novel je suis un écrivain japonais, or I Am a Japanese Writer, echoing Roland Barthes that “text’s unity lies not in its origin but in its destination.”

Edwidge Danticat: Race, in my opinion, is not as much an issue as class. It’s like the saying, “If you’re black and rich, you’re mulatto. And if you’re white and poor, you’re black.” Not that I agree with it, but I’ve heard people say it. I think it’s safe to say anyone can represent Haiti. Look at the faces in the elections and that should give you a clue. There are all kinds of people in that presidential race. Perhaps cultural representation is a more thorny issue, as in the Miss Haiti debate recently. But most people were just glad that someone from Haiti was in the contest. I don’t know if it’s experienced differently from the other side. If you don’t look like the majority of the people. There are privileges, I suppose, and downsides that go with everything.

Guernica: You also just wrote your first children’s book, Eight Days: A Story of Haiti (Scholastic), in a way to explain to your two daughters what happened on January 12, and read the story to the children in Haiti. Can you speak more about this experience?

Edwidge Danticat: Eight Days is the story of a boy who is trapped in rubble after the earthquake in Haiti and dreams about his life, his friends, the games they used to play. I have read it for both kids in Haiti and here, and it gave them both a chance to discuss the earthquake in a safe and open way. The interesting thing is that the kids then open up to you about all sorts of things, when they feel like you’ve opened your heart to them.

Guernica: What’s next for you?

Edwidge Danticat: The earthquake in Haiti has shown me, and everyone else, I think, how precarious life can be. I hope that there is more fiction and more writing in the future for me. More time with my family in the United States and my family in Haiti.

 

VIDEO: ‘The Killing Of The Imam’ > AFRICA IS A COUNTRY

Film: ‘The Killing Of The Imam’

I chanced upon this 10-minute short film, “The Killing of the Imam,” which recounts the murder of Muslim cleric, journalist (he founded the newspaper “Muslim News” in 1960) and political activist (he was closely linked to the Pan-Africanist Congress), Iman Abdullah Haron, by Apartheid police in South Africa in 1969. The police claimed he had fallen down the stairs. Made by his grandson Khalid Shamis, the film mixes “… animation, documentary and archive.”

__________________________

 

Imam Abdullah Haron
1924 – 1969


 

Early life

Muslim cleric and community leader

`Abdullah Haron was born on 8 February 1924 in Newlands-Claremont, an area which in the late twentieth century became a very prosperous commercial centre in Cape Town’s southern suburbs. He was the youngest in a family of five, and still an infant when Asa Martin, his mother died. Since his father Amarien, was not able to care for him, the latter’s childless sister, Maryam, reared him. This aunt made her firm-handed influence felt during his teens. She supported him to pursue his studies until the time he got married to Galiema Sadan on 15 March in 1950.

During his early years he completed Grade 6 at Talfalah Primary School (est.1912). For two years he pursued ‘Islamic studies’ in Mecca where he was tutored by he famous Shaykh `Abdurahman al-`Alawi al-Maliki (d.1986). Upon his return he continued his studies under Shaykh `Abdullah Taha Gamieldien (d.1946) and Shaykh Ismail Ganief (d.1958). These three shaykhs had an indelible impact upon the Imam’s ideas and activities. Shaykh Ismail Ganief was, however, the one who encouraged him to participate fully in community activities, particularly in the social welfare sector. He thus extended his services to the poor and the needy, and also began to teach.

The Imam’s ideas were influenced and shaped by internal and external forces. Whilst doing his part-time studies under Shaykh Ismail, and teaching at a local Muslim school, he befriended individuals who prepared themselves for the building trade and teaching professions; they came from the Fakier, Sadan, Hattas, Galant and Ganief families. Quite a few of them frequented the intellectual gatherings of the Teacher's League of South Africa and the Non European Unity Movement and in turn, shared these ideas with him. The Imam was attracted to their views and became more aware of his community’s socio-political circumstances. Externally he was influenced by the ideas of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and other Arab-Indian movements. He purchased their books and extracted the relevant articles for circulation purposes.

When he was officially appointed in 1955 as Imam of Al-Jamia Mosque in Stegman Road (Claremont) many of his ideas were implemented. At Al-Jamia he created discussion groups, initiated adult male and female classes, innovated alternatives for the Coon Carnival, introduced brief talks about various issues pertaining to Islam after prayers during the month of fasting, allowed women to participate in the mosques' executive activities. Along with his close circle of friends such as Abu Bakr Fakier, Ismail Saban, Sait Galant, Sedick Galant, Karriem Sadan, Abu Bakr Hattas, Rashaad Saban, and others, he established the progressive Claremont Muslim Youth Association (CMYA) in 1958. The CMYA went on to publish a monthly bulletin, the ‘Islamic Mirror’, in 1959. And during that same year the Imam, Mr Abdul Kays, Mr Gulzar Khan, Mr M. Mukaddam, Mr Abdul-Rashied Sayyid and Mr Zubayr Sayyid decided to establish a monthly newspaper, the ‘Muslim News’ (1960-1986). He was appointed its editor and used the opportunity to make the paper as representative as possible. It covered cultural, religious, and political issues. The newspaper played a very functional role in that it kept the Muslims informed about Islamic issues taking place in the Cape, other parts of South Africa, and in the Muslim heartlands.

During the early 1960s the Imam and the CMYA invited various prominent individuals of diverse backgrounds to address them on various topics. Individuals such as Zac de Beer of the Progressive Party, Ray Alexander of the Food and Canning Union, and Mrs Eulalie Stott of the Black Sash addressed them on relevant aspects of their organizations. These ideas gave the Imam and CMYA members clearer perspectives of how others think, and how they needed to respond to the contemporary developments. And since these exchanges helped them to formulate their own ideas about Islam and society, it prompted them to circulate the well-known ‘Call of Islam’ anti-apartheid pamphlet in 1961. In addition to listening to the various viewpoints, they also maintained close contact with a number of activists such asAlex la Guma (d.1985) and Albie Sachs (CPSA member), Prof. Hoffenberg (former UCT Music Professor), and Robert Sobukwe (PAC leader). 

The Imam's ideas were however not only channelled through the ‘Muslim News’, but also via the Friday sermons and public lectures during the late 1950s and 1960s. It was in these sermons and lectures that he critically commented upon the different, barbaric racial laws. When the famous 1960 PAC-led march got underway in Cape Town, the Imam delivered a significant Friday sermon emphasizing the concept of human brotherhood in Islam and the Muslims’ role during that time; and he urged them to support the Africans who were worse off within this racist system. The Imam, at this point in his life, had been in close contact with the Africans from Langa, Guguletu, and Nyanga to show his social, moral and financial support. It is because of his respect for and his humane treatment of his fellow oppressed that they and their children affectionately called him ‘mfundisi’ (priest).

At a meeting on 7 May 1961 at the Cape Town Drill Hall, in an emotionally-charged speech the Imam described the Group Areas Acts as "inhuman, barbaric and un-Islamic" and added that "these laws were a complete negation on the fundamental principles of Islam... (they are) designed to cripple us educationally, politically and economically... We cannot accept (this type of) enslavement." When the Sabotage Bill was tabled in parliament, he and many others reacted very emotionally to it. He stated that this Bill " ... seeks to close all loopholes in the Government's regimentation of the lives of the people. Our motherland has been a big prison house with just a few loopholes to breathe through. Now that it is cemented, a granite wall is to be built around our motherland to suffocate us, so that the world does not hear our cry. Our country is unique .... Under the Suppression of Communism Act, it suppresses anti-Communists - like the Duncans and Luthulis - and yet it is not satisfied. The monster of racialism is vicious. ... How much can we bear, I ask you! Has tolerance not a limit?" In this manner he pro-actively attacked the apartheid laws.

During the 1960s the Imam developed strong ties with individuals such as Barney Desai, a former member of the Coloured People's Congress, who had by then gone into exile and become a member of the PAC. It was through the latter's links that the Imam gave his assistance to the PAC. Although he was not a member as some may argue or wish to believe, he clearly supported the activities of the PAC as well as that of the African National Congress. By the mid-60s when the Group Areas Act was cruelly enforced, the Imam was amongst the 1,000s who were affected by it. In 1965 the Imam and his family had to move from the Jefferson Road, Lansdowne house – where all three of his children (Shamila, Muhammed & Fatima) were born - to Repulse Road, Athlone. The Imam was in a fortunate position at that time in that he was working as a sales representative for Wilson Rowntrees (the British sweet company), and was therefore financially independent and in the position to build himself a new house. He built it opposite the City and Suburban Rugby Stadium where he eventually played a crucial cementing role in Muslim-Christian relations.

In 1968 he undertook a journey to Mecca with the main objective of reviewing his relationship with the PAC and to sort out his eldest daughter's study programme at one of London’s educational institutions. On this journey he met the Saudi Arabian Minister of Education, Hasan `Abdullah `Ali Shaykh, to discuss matters of educational interest and he also had the opportunity of meeting King Faysal (d. 1972). After his brief stay in Riyadh he left for Cairo where he spent a few days reacquainting himself with PAC members. He addressed a conference of Muslim representatives, which was attended by the PAC and ANC. Before reaching London, he stopped over in Holland where he met the Director of the International University Exchange Fund, Lars Gunner Erickson.

Before he returned home, he was warned that the situation was getting dangerous for him as the Security Branch police were targeting him, and he was thus advised to emigrate. As his father was old and frail and not eager to move to another country, the Imam was in a dilemma. As fate would have it, the Canadian Embassy seemed to have rejected his application, and by then he realized that it was too late. The Security Branch had been slowly building up a dossier of information regarding his clandestine activities. On the morning of 28 May 1969 the Imam was summoned by the notorious Security Branch to Caledon Square. This was the Muslim 12 Rabi'al-Awwal, the day when the community was preparing to commemorate the birth of their Prophet Muhammad. Once there, he was detained by one of the Security Branch’s brutal officers, Spyker van Wyk, under Section 6 of Act 83 of 1967, referred to as the Terrorism Act. The Imam was held incommunicado for over four months (123 days) with no opportunity to see his wife and children. That day marked the end of all the activities he had undertaken with such great zeal and enthusiasm since he had assumed the responsibility of Imam.

After having met members of his congregation, Mrs Catherine Taylor of the United Party raised the Imam's detention (under the 180 days Act) in parliament on 10 and 13 June 1969. She received a reply from the Minister of Police, Mr Muller that ‘it was not in the public interest’ to know why the Imam was detained. Despite these efforts, the Security Branch tortured and eventually murdered him on 27 September 1969. They averred that the Imam had `fallen down the stair-case!'

Source

Haron, Dr. M. (2003). Unpublished e-mail contribution to SAHO from author at Department of Theology & Religious Studies: University of Botswana.

Links

www.imamharon.com

 

>via: http://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/people/bios/haron-ia.html