VIDEO: Archie Shepp & Chucho Valdés au festival Jazz à la Villette - ARTE Live Web

Archie Shepp

Chucho Valdés

Archie Shepp & Chucho Valdés au festival Jazz à la Villette

Archie Shepp & Chucho Valdés au festival Jazz à la Villette (01:56:33)
Filmé le 07/09/2010 | En ligne encore pendant 68 jours et 18 heures  
Description

Chucho Valdés & Archie Shepp présentent leur "Afro-Cuban Project".

Et Chucho Valdés, Mozart cubain, fusionneur inspiré des sons locaux et des improvisations jazz, croisa le fer avec le toujours aussi vert Archie Shepp, dernier géant de la grande saga free. Mais derrière un tel avis de tempête sur la Grande Halle de la Villette, c'est surtout l'assurance d'une célébration robuste et festive de la culture afro-cubaine. Chucho Valdés est peut-être l'un des pianistes cubains actuels les plus complets. Durant les années 70, avec le groupe Irakere, il livra les tambours sacrés batá à la musique populaire. Puis il plongera l'art d'Art Tatum dans les sons caribéens et afro-cubains. Sans oublier de mentionner son génie de la composition, sa maîtrise du swing et l'inspiration de ses improvisations...

Du haut de ses 73 printemps, Shepp aussi a tout osé ou presque. Agir dans l'avant-garde libertaire des années 60 et 70 (John Coltrane, Cecil Taylor...) ou, plus près de nous, épauler les rappeurs en tous genres (de Public Enemy à Rocé), le saxophoniste de Floride, Parisien d'adoption, est comme aspiré (inspiré ?) par les rencontres en apparence improbables.

Crédits
• Artistes : Archie Shepp (saxophone), Chucho Valdés (piano), Carlos Manuel Miyares Hernandez (saxophone, ténor), Reinaldo Melián Alvarez (trompette), Lázaro Rivero Alarcón (contrebasse), Yaroldy Abreu Robles (percussions, congas), Dreiser Durruthy Bombalé (voix, tambour Batà), Juan Carlos Rojas Castro (batterie) • Production : Oléo Films - Jazz à la Villette 

 

VIDEO: Carvens Lissaint - Every Drop Counts

Carvens Lissaint

Poem by Carvens Lissaint

Carvens is a Hatian-American poet and performer from New York City. He was on the 2009 Urban Word NYC slam team. His poem, "Haiti" was written a year ago and has a startling prophetic tone in the wake of recent tragic events in Haiti. He is a passionate and ruthless force. Under heavenly grace and favor, Carvens' mother who was in Haiti at the time of the earthquake is safe and back home in the arms of her family. Carvens continues to be a recognizable face of the future and a profound example of noble men. Please share his poem. Please support Haiti in the relief efforts.
__________________________________________
www.everydropchi.com

Every Drop Counts is a grassroots organization developed by a group of young artists and activists in the wake of the earthquake in Haiti. They are working to bring clean drinking and bathing water to Haitians working with the World Water Relief. Please donate to their efforts and follow them on twitter: @everydropchi


--
shot by Steven Duarte
www.stevenduarte.com

 

PUB: Tiny Lights: A Journal of Personal Narrative - Essay Contest

Essay Contest Guidelines


16th Annual Contest Deadline: February 18, 2011

 

Tiny Lights invites entries that feature a distinctive voice, discernible conflict and an eventual shift in the narrator's perspective. We are looking for writers who weave the struggle to understand into the fabric of their essays.

This year, we offer 5 prizes in the "Standard" category and 3 "Flashpoint" prizes.

We can only consider unpublished work, or previously published material for which the author holds rights. Rights revert to author after publication in the hard copy edition of Tiny Lights.

  • Each essay must be accompanied by an entry fee: $15 for first essay, $10 each additional essay. Make checks payable to:

     

    Tiny Lights Publications. Mail to: P.O. Box 928, Petaluma, CA 94953.

     

  • SASE (self-addressed, stamped envelope) recommended for feedback/contest notification. One envelope for multiple submissions OK.
  • Essays may be submitted in one of two categories:
  • STANDARD (no longer than 2,000 words) or
  • FLASHPOINT (no more than 1,000 words)
  • Please indicate preferred category on ms.
  • Entries should be typed and double-spaced.
  • Cover letters are optional, but ideally the title page of the manuscript should include author's name, complete address, e-mail, phone number, and essay word count. Essay title and page number in header or footer OK. Author name should not appear there.
  • Personal essay requires writers to communicate the truth of their experiences to the best of their abilities. While no theme restrictions apply to this contest, we will not consider essays that celebrate brutality or gratuitous violence. Tiny Lights does not accept poetry, short stories, or material written for children. Entry fees for inappropriate submissions may not be returned.
  • Entries must be postmarked by February 18, 2011.
  • Prizes will be awarded as follows:
    • First Place: $350
    • Second Place: $250
    • Third Place: $150
    • Two Honorable Mention Prizes: $100 each.
    Three FLASHPOINT prizes of $100 are also offered. Awards will be determined by a panel of judges. Final authority rests with the Editor-in-Chief, Susan Bono.
  • Winners will be posted at www.tiny-lights.com by April 11th, 2011
  • Winning essays are subject to editing before publication. Final copy must be approved by writer. No essays will be published in hard copy or online publications without author's permission.
  • All contestants will receive a hard copy of Tiny Lights' contest publication featuring the winning entries.

A few words about hard copy submissions: I know it's old-fashioned, cumbersome and expensive for you to send us your entries via snail mail. Someday, I'm going to have to invest in the software that allows us to manage electronic submissions. But until we learn to enjoy scrolling through hundreds of essays on computer screens, you'll just have to put up with us sprawling on couches and beds, sitting at the kitchen table or in a sunny window or a rocking chair or a dentist's waiting room, reading every single word you send us. We're old-fashioned enough to believe that's important.

One way to save $$ on postage is to submit your entries in a 6" x 9" envelope, which allows it to be sent at letter rates. A 2,000 word essay folded in half with entry fee and SASE should not exceed the U.S. Postal Service's ¼" thickness limit, and costs about half of what the same material sent in a larger envelope does. (Do NOT expect a 6 ½" x 9 ½" envelope to get the same treatment!) Tiny Lights can live with the fold down the middle at those rates! While we're on the subject, please avoid business letter-sized envelopes for entries. Thrice-folded manuscripts are bad news. (Just imagine more than 4 of them open in a pile and you'll start to see what I mean.)

Here's why we recommend a SASE with a single "Forever" stamp (or letter stamp of your choice): By the time the winners are decided, the judges have formed some impressions of your work, even if it didn't place. It only takes a moment to jot these thoughts down, and if we have a SASE, we will send them to you, along with a nice rejection letter. Oftentimes, we will use the first page or two of your essay for this feedback, which can actually help remind you months later where your essay has been. (Of course, you keep meticulous records of where you submit, don't you?) There's no need to include postage for the entire manuscript's return, since you have other copies in your computer.

Speaking of returns, I have a weird confession. Crazy as it sounds, if you have entered our contests before and haven't gotten your SASE back, I probably liked your essay too much. At the end of every contest there are losing entries that are so good, I want to write the authors personally. But whenever I think about doing it, I feel guilty, because I have no real explanation for not choosing them, except someone has to lose, and then I get busy, and 8 months or a year later, I'm ashamed to see these manuscripts still in my office, so I hide them until they are so old I figure everyone's moved on and I can throw them away. Don't think for a minute I'm proud of this behavior. I'm telling you because it's just more proof that you never know what an editor really thinks about your work. So don't be unduly influenced by anything they do.

Any more questions? Additional inquiries may be addressed to editor@tiny-lights.com.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

PUB: Poetry competition - Get involved - National Railway Museum

Become a railway poet and WIN an Amazon Kindle

 


To mark National Poetry Day, our archive centre Search Engine is launching a competition to find the next great Railway Poet. Could it be you? If you're a budding John Betjeman, stretch your literary muscles and write a railway-related poem that could equal Robert Louis Stevenson’s classic 'From a Railway Carriage'.

What you could win

The overall winner wins an Amazon Kindle e-reader, so they can keep up with the latest literary masterpieces.

The winner of each category will enjoy a VIP day out at the NRM – including a thrilling Segway ride at Exhilaration Station.

Most importantly, the winner of each category will have their work accessioned into the National Collection.

How to enter

There are three age categories for the competition:

  • 5 - 10 years
  • 11 - 16 years
  • 17+ years

Submit your railway-related poem using the form below, or by post to:

Poetry competition
Search Engine
National Railway Museum
Leeman Road York
YO26 4XJ

You can also submit it to the Search Engine desk at the Museum.

Closing date is 31 January 2011. Terms and conditions apply.

Your Details

First name:*

Surname:*

Email:*

Postcode:*

Phone number:*

Date of birth:*

 

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Your poem:*

Your age category:*

  • 5 - 10 years old
  • 11 - 16 years old
  • Adult (17+ years old)

Sign up for our email newsletters and keep up-to-date on new competitions and events:

  • Sign up for the family newsletter 
  • Sign up for the adult newsletter 

submit

 

 

PUB: OddContest

 

Guidelines

SCIENCE FICTION & FANTASY PROSE POEM/FLASH FICTION CONTEST

Adult division: 18 and over, $10 entry fee per story/poem; multiple entries allowed
Prizes: $500 to first place; OddCon membership + books to top 3

Youth division: under 18 as of Jan. 1, 2011, NO entry fee, but send no more than one entry
Prizes: $50 to first place; OddCon membership + books to top 3

Deadline: January 15, 2011

Details: Send 500 words or less of speculative (SF&F) fiction or prose poetry (paragraph form). No previously-published work, but simultaneous submissions are allowed, and multiple adult submissions are encouraged. $10 entry fee must be paid for each adult entry submitted. Youth entries are free, but entrant must be under 18 as of January 1, 2011. Please do not enter before October 15. See definitions of "speculative," "prose poetry," and "flash fiction." Read the winning stories/poems for 2010!

2011 judge: Marion Boyer

2010 judge: John Rezmerski
2009 judge: Joe Haldeman, home.earthlink.net/~haldeman/
2008 judge: Bruce Boston, hometown.aol.com/bruboston

Judging process: Blind judging. Preliminary readers who are SF writers and fans will select the top manuscripts in each division to be sent to the final judge. All entries are read by several different readers. We send not only the entries receiving the highest cumulative scores to the final judge, but also those that are the top picks of individual readers. Convention committee members, their friends and families, and degree-program or professional students of the judge may not enter. Winners to be notified and results posted by March 1, 2011. Winning poems/stories will be read at OdysseyCon, published in the program, and posted on the website.

Entering: pay Adult entry fee of $10 per story/poem via PayPal to treasurer@oddcon.com (click button below to pay), or mail a check payable to OddCon to address below (postmark by January 15). E-mail your work (maximum length 500 words, excluding title), pasted into body of e-mail or attached as .doc or .rtf, to contest11@oddcon.com. Put last name, first initial, and CONTEST: Youth or Adult in the subject line. Be sure to include your name, date of birth if Youth entry, mailing address, phone number, and the name/e-mail under which payment was made, if not the one used to enter. Receipt will be acknowledged within 3 days. Please do not enter before October 15.

IMPORTANT NOTE! Sadly, one of our 2010 youth winners did not furnish contact information other than an e-mail address, and never responded to notification. All entries without a street address AND telephone number will be discarded. If you win, we mail you books. The information will not be used for anything other than this contest. Also, we send notification of receipt via e-mail; if you do not hear from us within 3 days of sending your entry, please adjust your spam filter accordingly. Notification does not come from the contest e-mail address.

treasurer@oddcon.com" type="hidden" />

Postal mail: Please do not send postal entries unless you have absolutely no access to e-mail. All judging is done via electronic media, and the transcription process from hard copy is unreliable at best.

Mailing address:
(for checks)

OddContest
Odyssey Con
P.O. Box 7114
Madison, WI  53707

Questions? E-mail contest11@oddcon.com or call 608-635-3966.

 

REVIEW: Book—The Hustle - bookforum.com / in print

Seattle is among the unlikelier American cities to be settling its accounts of racial strife. After all, the home of grunge, Starbucks, and the Space Needle prides itself on a certain shaggy, do-it-yourself civic sensibility. It's the town of Frasier, Bill Gates, and Jimi Hendrix, not Bull Connor, Orval Faubus, or Martin Luther King Jr. Still, as journalist Doug Merlino makes clear in The Hustle, the overcast capital has plenty of its own unresolved racial legacies—and like virtually all major American cities, these come refracted through patterns of class segregation, Chamber of Commerce–sanctioned gentrification, and "equal opportunity" that is equal only for some.

In 1986, Merlino joined an ad hoc team of seventh graders drawn from several schools in the Seattle area, although most came from two distinctly opposite ones—the affluent, and private, Lakeside, on the north end of town, and Garfield, a public school located in the heart of the heavily black downtown quadrant known as the Central Area. The team was the brainchild of two fathers, Willie McClain and Randy Finley, who sought to combine the teamwork and self-discipline of sports with the concept of individual social mobility. Finley and McClain's roster of three white and seven African-American players would compete on the court and learn about one another's disparate backgrounds. More practically, McClain's group of kids, from the predominantly black neighborhoods of Central Area and South End, would get the opportunity to be seen and scouted by the more elite Seattle schools. Or at least, that was the idea.

"It might have been a chance to talk on a level deeper than political sound bites," Merlino admits. "But we simply didn't have the language or the structure to discuss such things." Writing from the vantage point of more than two decades on, he is ready to accept that the team was operating under the patronizing assumption that lower-income black students have much to gain from exposure to the dominant white culture. His teammate Damian Joseph refers to it as "surface integration"—the one-way idea that while blacks cannot afford to disregard white culture, the white middle and upper classes can get along just fine without any knowledge of black culture. It's "more of a superior-type, 'We're here to help you, you can't help us,' that kind of thing."

The team went on to win the 1986 Western Washington Championship, but by the end of the following summer, the short-lived camaraderie would yield to complaints about playing time on the court and the pressures of grade-point averages and shifting priorities off. Although Finley would go on to successfully place seventeen other African-American kids—athletes and non-athletes—into private schools, the book shifts in tone as Merlino begins zeroing in on the shifting fortunes of his former teammates.

After their moment of cross-racial communion in the mid-'80s high school basketball scene, Merlino and his other white teammates find themselves settled into upper-middle-class positions as prosecutors or stock traders in Seattle or working for wineries farther north. Meanwhile, the black members of the team haven't fared as well. Coming out of high school into the crack-cocaine boom of the late '80s, John "JT" Thompson spent several years working the drug trade to his advantage, although by the time Merlino catches up with him, he is done with the game, now supporting two children and looking for work as a longshoreman. Myran Barnes, who worked the same streets as JT, is facing ten years in jail for a forty-dollar drug bust. Tyrell Johnson, who also had connections to the drug world, was murdered in August 1991, his body found in a ditch just outside the city.

Since so much of the drama in The Hustle revolves around the grueling effort to remedy the unequal dispersal of opportunity during the high school years, it's no surprise that Merlino returns to the plush Lakeside campus to detail the struggles of recent diversity initiatives there. In 2005, Microsoft founder and Lakeside alum Bill Gates pledged forty million dollars toward a financial-aid program to increase diversity at the suburban school. New teachers, including African and Latin Americans, had already been hired to help the process along, but it only took a year for a white parent to write a complaint to the Seattle Weekly. "As for the lofty goals of Lakeside," the letter moaned, "it's getting downright creepy. . . . The lecturing about privilege, materialism, poverty, diversity and class is starting to feel like a religious crusade." Entitlement—even the sort that strains to reach economically and racially isolated communities—never quite appears as such, either to the patrons of social diversity or to disgruntled parents.

It's easy enough to conclude that we don't need the saga of a misbegotten teen basketball team to drive these themes home again. But by reminding readers that questions of race and social mobility are at bottom really questions about what kind of people are granted what sort of life opportunities, The Hustle allows us to see our often recursive and overheated debates over such questions play out on a personal, frequently tragic scale.

George Ducker is a writer living in Los Angeles.

 

GAZA: Another Gaza war? | Al Jazeera Blogs

By Sherine Tadros in on December 26th, 2010.
Photo: Getty Images

 

On Thursday, as I hurried into Gaza, that was the question everyone was asking – from news editors in Doha, to the guy who carries luggage through the Erez terminal, to the Hamas official who took my passport details. 

 If the donkeys in Gaza could talk this is what they would be asking: Is there going to be another war? 

Maybe because I was there during the last assault people see me as a bad omen in Gaza ... but there is real cause for concern. 

Last week the strip witnessed the most violent few days since the end of the war, with Israel killing several fighters and dozens of mortars and rockets being fired towards southern Israel [one lightly injured an Israeli teenage girl].

From discussions with Hamas and military wings in Gaza, the good news is, it doesn't look like another war will happen right now. The bad news: is it is likely to happen.

Make War not Love

For the past two years, since the war ended, there has been no effort to reconcile Israel and Hamas, not even whispers of talks (direct or indirect) between the two. 

The unilateral ceasefire declared in 2009 seems to be holding only because neither Hamas nor Israel is ready for another round. 

Instead, both have used this time to regroup, rearm and, particularly for Hamas, recover .... building an arsenal that will ensure the next war will be deadlier - for both sides - than the last.

Israel has learnt from it’s 2006 war with Hizbullah and fitted it’s Merkava tanks with defence systems that can neutralize advanced missiles.  It says it is deploying these tanks on the Gaza border. 

Hamas have been accumulating a variety of mainly Russian-made weapons, including the Kornet - a laser guided missile able to penetrate the Merkava. 

And it did.  Last week a Kornet sliced through an Israeli tank but didn’t explode.  Kornet’s can take up to 10kg of explosives – had it exploded it would have killed Israeli soldiers and been seen as a serious provocation, if not declaration of war. 

Hamas never claimed responsibility for launching the Kornet, but it's widely believed Hamas (and perhaps Islamic Jihad too) were testing their new toy.

A fighter from one of the military wings told me they have weapons most of their fighters don’t even know how to operate yet.

From Arms Race to War

For now though neither Israel nor Hamas want to see an escalation of violence.  A senior Hamas official said on Friday his group will abide by the unofficial ceasefire as long as Israel does.

In fact, it’s not Hamas launching most of the rockets but the smaller Salafi groups (many of whose members are ex-Hamas fighters).  Hamas, they tell us, is aggressively cracking down on them, arresting their fighters and stopping them from launching rockets.

Israel’s army chief is on his way out and defense minister Ehud Barak is in hot water with his party and could face early primaries to see him out.  It’s not a good time for a war right now – certainly not one which would see Israeli soldiers killed, or perhaps worse, captured. 

In short, the stakes for another confrontation are much higher than they were in 2008.  The sides may not looking for a war right now, but they are it seems gearing up for one.

 

HAITI: The Beautiful Hard - Rebirth From The Ashes

The International Failure in Haiti…

in the Eyes of a Stranger

Ricardo Seitenfus (sorry, his site is in Portuguese) is a political scientist and historian. He has worked in Haiti as the special representative of the Secretary General of the Organization of American States (OAS) and the chair of the office of the OAS in Haiti.

On Monday, December 20, Seitenfus gave an interview where he iterated the breakdowns and failures of the international community in Haiti. When I read it, I realized it was something everybody should read, but the interview is in French. Google Translate goes a long way towards deciphering the language our parents neglected to teach us, but the translation is rough at best, and oftentimes, completely wrong. As I read the interview, the truth of Mr. Seitenfus’s words was so powerful that I felt it was necessary to share them with everyone in their most accurate meaning. So here is an English translation of the original text interview by Robert Arnaud, writer for the Swiss newspaper Le Temps. Via Haiti Libre. In some instances, where Google did provide the best translation, I’ve kept their words.

Le Temps: Ten thousand blue helmets (a reference to the blue helmets of U.N. peacekeepers) in Haiti. In your view, a counter-productive presence?

Ricardo Seitenfus: The system of dispute prevention within the UN system is not adapted to the Haitian context. Haiti is not an international threat. We are not experiencing civil war. Haiti is not Iraq or Afghanistan. Yet, the Security Council, lacking any alternative, has imposed Blue Helmets since 2004, after the ousting of President Aristide. Since 1990, we are here, in our eighth UN mission. Haiti has lived through, since the 1986 departure of Jean-Claude Duvalier, what I call a low-intensity conflict. We have been confronted by struggles for power between actors who do not respect the democratic game. But it seems to me that Haiti, on the international scene, essentially pays for its close proximity to the United States. Haiti has been the object of negative attention from the international system. It was for the UN to freeze the power and to transform Haitians into prisoners on their own island. The anxiety of “boat people” explains for many the decisions that the international community makes regarding Haiti. One wishes at any price, that they stay at home [closest translation...the meaning of that last sentence is muddy].

LT: What is it that impedes the normalization of the Haitian case?

RS: For 200 years, the presence of foreign troops has alternated with that of dictators. It is force/violence that defines international relations with Haiti, and never dialogue. Haiti’s original sin, on the world stage, was its liberation. The Haitians did the unacceptable in 1804: a crime which was a majestic injury to a worried world. The West then was a world of colonialism, slavery, and racism that based its riches on the exploitation of conquered lands. Therefore, the revolutionary model of Haitians scared great powers. The United States did not recognize the independence of Haiti until 1865. And France required a payment of ransom to accept this liberation. From the beginning, the independence and development of the country was hampered. The world has never been sure of how to treat Haiti, so it eventually ignored her. So began 200 years of solitude on the international stage. Today, the UN blindly applied chapter 7 of its charter, deploying its troops to impose its peace operation. It solves nothing. They want to make Haiti a capitalist nation, a platform for the exportation of American goods, it is absurd. Haiti should return to what it is, that is, an essentially agricultural country, fundamental imbued by its customary rights. The country is ceaselessly described in terms of its violence. But without a state, the level of violence reaches yet a fraction of that of Latin American countries. Several elements exist in this society that have prevented the violence from spreading beyond measure.

LT: Isn’t this an admission that you see Haiti as an unassimilable nation, whose only hope is to return to traditional values?

RS: There exists a part of Haiti that is modern, urbane, and turning towards the foreign. An estimated 4 million Haitians live outside of its borders. It is a country open to the world. I do not dream of returning to the 16th century, to an agrarian society. But Haiti lives under the influence of the international community, NGOs (non-governmental organizations), and of universal charity. More than 90% of its education and health systems are in private hands. The country does not have the public resources to be able to function in the minimal manner of a state system. The UN failed to take cultural traits into account. To summarize Haiti as a peace operation, is to minimalize the real challenges facing the country. The problem is socio-economic. When the unemployment rate reaches 80%, it is unbearable to deploy a stabilization mission. There is nothing to stabilize, and everything to build. 

LT: Haiti is one of the most aided countries in the world, yet the situation has only deteriorated for 25 years. Why?

RS: Emergency aid is effective. However, when it becomes structural, when it replaces the state in all its missions, it leads to a collective lack of responsibility. If there exists proof of the failure of international aid, it is Haiti. The country has become a Mecca. The January 12th earthquake and the cholera epidemic has done nothing but accentuate the phenomenon. The international community feels that every day it has to redo what it finished the day before. Fatigue of Haiti begins to emerge. This small nation has surprised the universal conscience with more and more enormous catastrophes. I had hope that, in the distress of January 12th, the world would understand that it took the wrong route with Haiti. Unfortunately, the same policies were reinforced. Instead of taking stock, we sent more soldiers. We must build roads, erect dams, participate in the organization of the state, [and that of] the judicial system. The UN says it has no mandate for this. Its mandate in Haiti is to maintain the peace of the cemetery.

LT: What role do NGOs play in this failure?

RS: Since the earthquake, Haiti has become an inescapable crossroad. For transnational NGOs, Haiti has been transformed into a place of forced passage. I would say even worse than that: of professional training. The age of [workers] since the earthquake is very low; they come to Haiti without any experience. And Haiti, i can tell you, is not suitable for amateurs. After the 12th of January, because of massive recruitment, the professional quality [of aid] has declined significantly. There is an evil or perverse relationship between the power of the NGOs and the weakness of the Haitian state. Certain NGOs exist only because of the misfortune of Haiti.

LT: What errors were made after the earthquake?

RS: Faced with the importation of massive goods for consummation by the homeless, the situation of Haitian agriculture has degraded once more. The country offers a free field to all humanitarian experiences. From a moral point of view, it is unacceptable to consider Haiti as a laboratory. The reconstruction of Haiti and the sparkling promise that we hold 11 billion dollars inflames lust. It seems that many people come to Haiti, not for Haiti, but to do business. For me, [if I were] an American, it is an embarrassment, an offense to our conscience. An example: the Haitian doctors that Cuba trained. More than 500 were trained in Havana. Today, almost half of them, who should be in Haiti, are working in the United States, in Canada, or in France. The Cuban revolution is currently financing the formation of human resources for its capitalist neighbors.

LT: Haiti is constantly described as the margin of the world, do you feel instead that it is a concentration of our contemporary world?

RS: It is the concentration of our tragedies and failures of international solidarity. We have not risen to the level of the failures. The world press comes to Haiti and describes the chaos. For them, Haiti is one of the worst countries in the world. We must go to the Haitian culture, to the land. I believe there are too many doctors at the bedside, and the majority of them are economists. But in Haiti, we need anthropologists, sociologists, historians, political scientists, and even theologians. Haiti is too complex for people who are hurried; the cooperators are in a hurry. Nobody takes the time, nor has the taste to understand what I might call the soul of Haiti. The Haitians have seized property that we, the international community, consider to be a milking cow. They [the international community] want to profit from this presence and they do it with extraordinary mastery. If the Haitians only think of us in terms of the money we bring, it is because we have presented it as such.

LT: Beyond the admission of failure, what solutions do you propose?

RS: In two months, I will end a two-year mission in Haiti. To stay here and not be overwhelmed by what I see, I had to create a umber of psychological defenses. I wanted to remain an independent voice despite the weight of the organization that I represent. I stayed because I wanted to express my profound doubts and tell the world that this is enough. This is enough playing with Haiti. The 12th of January has taught me that there exists the potential of extraordinary solidarity in the world. Even then, we should not forget that in the early days, it is the Haitians themselves, with bare hands, who tried to save their loved ones. Compassion was very important during the emergency. But charity cannot be the driving force of international relations. It is autonomy, sovereignty, free trade, and respect for others that should be. We should simultaneously think to offer opportunities for exportation for Haiti but also protect the family farm, which is essential to the country. Haiti is the last paradise of the Caribbean that has not been exploited for tourism, with 1700 kilometers of virgin coastline; we should favor a cultural tourism and avoid paving the road to a new Eldorado of mass tourism. The lessons we have given have been ineffective for too long. The reconstruction and accompaniment of a society this rich is one of the last great human adventures. 200 years ago, Haiti illuminated the history of humanity and that of human rights. We must now give a chance to Haitians to confirm their vision.

Mr. Seitenfus has since been removed from his duties in Haiti for sharing his opinion last Monday.
________________________________

Diva Spotlight: The Women of Haiti

women of haiti1 Diva Spotlight: The Women of Haiti

Marie Lucie Mentor

January will mark the one year anniversary of the devastating earthquake that shattered Haiti.  Since then, the road to recovery has been extremely slow.   Thousands of people are still living in tent cities where violence and rape against women is unfortunately very common.

I was moved by the January 2011ESSENCE article titled “Fighting Back” that discussed the women of the camps and how they are helping each other fight back against violence and rape; honestly it made me uncomfortable to read these women’s stories. It was also unsettling to know that many times, courts would negotiate financial agreements between rapist and the victim’s family instead of the criminal going to jail.

One woman who is making a difference in the lives of these women is Marie Lucie Mentor. She is the founder of KALMI (creole acronym for Haitian Committee for a Better Life) and provides financial, medical and other assistance to other 2,000 people infected with HIV.  While she does the best she can to support women and children of Haiti, but her resources are incredibly limited.

The women of Haiti are the focus of this month’s Diva Spotlight because they are survivors. They have not allowed the horror they experience to define them and stop them from living their lives.  Marie Lucie Mentor and other women organizations are vocal and present in their community, changing the way women cope with the aftermath of violence.

Many people made donations to Haiti after the earthquake, but those who need it the most have yet to receive the resources.  ESSENCE magazine list three ways YOU can help numerous women like Marie Lucie Mentor who are doing the best they can to help the women of Haiti:

1. FONKOZE USA:  501(c)3 organization offering microloans and educational services to rural Haitian women. Go to DONATE NOW at fonkoze.org and in the restriction box type “Marie Lucie Mentor’s program, KALMI” to send make a donation.

2. MADRE: An organization focusing on saving women in Haiti by providing humanitarian aid, whistles and flashlights through its Helping Hands program and other resources to support those who are victims of violence.  Log on to madre.org to donate.

 3. PARTNERS IN HEALTH:  Provides medical supplies required for cholera, HIV/AIDS, and other illnesses to those in need on a consistent basis. Visit pih.org to donate.

I know many of you made a donation last January to help the country, but please think about helping these women. Through the organizations listed above, your generous donations will reach the hands of those who are in desperate need of help while the country continues to wait for recovery efforts to begin.

The January 2011 issue of ESSENCE is on stands today.

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Haiti: where aid failed

Why have at least 2,500 people died of cholera when there are about 12,000 NGOs in the country?

Haiti floods February 2010People sweep away rubbish deposited by flooding caused by heavy rain in Cité Soleil, Port-au-Prince, in February. Photograph: Javier Galeano/AP

Haiti should be an unlikely backdrop for the latest failure of the humanitarian relief system. The country is small and accessible and, following last January's earthquake, it hosts one of the largest and best-funded international aid deployments in the world. An estimated 12,000 non-governmental organisations are there. Why then, have at least 2,500 people died of cholera, a disease that's easily treated and controlled?

I recently went to Haiti's capital, Port-au-Prince, and found my Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) colleagues overwhelmed, having already treated more than 75,000 cholera cases. We and a brigade of Cuban doctors were doing our best to treat hundreds of patients every day, but few other agencies seemed to be implementing critical cholera control measures, such as chlorinated water distribution and waste management. In the 11 months since the quake, little has been done to improve sanitation across the country, allowing cholera to spread at a dizzying pace.

Ten days after the outbreak hit Port-au-Prince, our teams realised the inhabitants of Cité Soleil still had no access to chlorinated drinking water, even though aid agencies under the UN water-and-sanitation cluster had accepted funds to ensure such access. We began chlorinating the water ourselves. There is still just one operational waste management site in Port-au-Prince, a city of three million people.

On the one hand, Haitians were deluged with text messages imploring them to wash before eating, while on the other they had to bathe their children in largely untreated sewer water. Before the quake, only 12% of Haiti's 9.8m people received treated tap water, according to the US Centres for Disease Control (CDC).

The road to controlling a cholera epidemic has been paved by hundreds of previous outbreaks worldwide. Yet, in Haiti, there are vast gaps in the deployment of well-established control measures. Now the epidemic is nationwide, making more than 120,000 people sick and killing at least 2,500.

In the face of this ferocious outbreak, investigations into its origin have not been released publicly, even though this information is fundamental to understanding the epidemic's behaviour.

Hypotheses of cholera's origin range from the contamination of the river Artibonite by UN peacekeepers, through climate change to voodoo. In the absence of transparency, fear and suspicion have provoked violence. The population's anxiety is only amplified by catastrophic epidemic projections by the Pan American Health Organisation (PAHO), a sister of the World Health Organisation.

PAHO's epidemic modelling has not led to effective aid deployment. Huge amounts of aid are concentrated in Port-au-Prince, while scant support has been provided to inexperienced health workers in rural areas, where cholera is flourishing. MSF teams have found health centres with shortages of life-saving oral rehydration solution, and clinics that were simply shut.

It is against this backdrop that many non-governmental agencies have launched fundraising appeals, even while their post-earthquake coffers remain filled. The UN's Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has repeatedly claimed that underfunding of its $174m cholera appeal, launched primarily to benefit private groups, is hampering the response – despite the fact that Haiti is the top-funded UN appeal for 2010. As nearly a million Haitians remain homeless in the face of a full-blown public health emergency, arguments that existing funds are tied up in longer-term programmes ring hollow.

The inadequate cholera response in Haiti – coming on the heels of the slow and highly politicised flood relief effort in Pakistan – makes for a damning indictment of an international aid system whose architecture has been carefully shaped over the past 15 years.

Throughout the 1990s, the UN developed a significant institutional apparatus to provide humanitarian aid through the creation of the Department for Humanitarian Affairs in 1992, later renamed OCHA, all the while creating an illusion of a centralised, efficient aid system. In 2005, after the Asian tsunami, the system received another facelift with the creation of a rapid emergency funding mechanism (CERF), and the "cluster" system was developed to improve aid efforts.

The aid landscape today is filled with cluster systems for areas such as health, shelter, and water and sanitation, which unrealistically try to bring aid organisations – large and small, and with varying capacities – under a single banner. Since the earthquake, the UN health cluster alone has had 420 participating organisations in Haiti.

Instead of providing the technical support that many NGOs could benefit from, these clusters, at best, seem capable of only passing basic information and delivering few concrete results during a fast-moving emergency. Underscoring the current system's dysfunction, I witnessed the Haitian president, René Préval, personally chairing a health cluster meeting in a last-ditch effort to jump-start the cholera response.

Co-ordination of aid organisations may sound good to government donors seeking political influence. In Haiti, though, the system is legitimising NGOs that claim responsibility for health, sanitation or other areas in a specific zone, but then do not have the capacity or know-how to carry out the necessary work. As a result, people's needs go unmet.

While co-ordination is important, it should not be an end in itself. It must be based on reality and oriented towards action to ensure that needs are covered.

In Haiti, the cholera outbreak will continue to claim lives for the foreseeable future. What is clear, though, is that the aid community at large has failed to prevent unnecessary deaths, in a population already so tragically affected by one catastrophe after another.

 

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Buried alive for six days, earthquake survivors reunite for first time

By Moni Basu, CNN
December 28, 2010 -- Updated 1622 GMT (0022 HKT)
Click to play
Story of survival, reunion in Haiti
STORY HIGHLIGHTS
  • Falone Maxi reluctantly went to her university business class on January 12
  • When the quake hit, Maxi discovered she was trapped with fellow student Mica Joseph
  • The study partners bolstered each other though a six-day ordeal while awaiting rescue
  • Almost a year later, Maxi travels across Haiti to reunite with Joseph; what will she find?

Port-au-Prince, Haiti (CNN) -- The arduous trip begins from a city on fire.

Falone Maxi steps into the white Nissan Patrol, a small nylon bag and an Avis car rental map of Haiti in hand. She is determined to continue her journey with this important trip north, even amid the post-election turmoil in her homeland.

Almost a year after a devastating earthquake, angry Haitians are hurling tragedy's rubble into the streets, setting tires, buildings and campaign signs ablaze.

The political unrest delayed Maxi's trip by a day. But on this gloomy morning in December, the air thick with impending rain, she was up before daybreak to call the driver.

"Are we going today? What time will you pick me up?"

She awoke with the kind of nervous excitement that the wife of a soldier returning from war might feel. She has waited 11 long months to see Mica Joseph, the woman who now means more to her than her own sister.

She has not seen Joseph since that wretched January day when the earth under Haiti heaved violently and the lives of the two women, like those of millions of others, changed.

Dressed in skinny jeans, a white T-shirt and silver hoops, Maxi unfolds the map splashed with colorful ads that beckon tourists to a pre-earthquake Haiti. She calls Joseph on her cell phone.

"There is a lot of trouble in Port-au-Prince," Joseph says, concerned. "Will you be able to make it?"

"I'm on my way," Maxi says. "I want to see you."

The car makes its way onto National Road 1, which hugs the coastline before turning inward many miles north. In her most frightening moments in January, Maxi dreamed of the turquoise waters of the Caribbean.

The outward scars of her survival are now covered by her clothes or have faded altogether. But in her mind, Maxi constantly relives six harrowing days.

That's why she is on a quest to see Joseph, the only person who can understand.

Tragedy forges a survival instinct

On the morning of January 12, Maxi did not want to go to her afternoon finance class. She entertained the notion of playing hooky but realized her tuition was due. She reluctantly showered and put on a gray collared shirt, black jeans and sandals.

Maxi rarely wore flashy clothes or a lot of makeup and jewelry, though she could have been a model like her sister Carline. She was tall and slender, with flawless skin. But she didn't like to show off her looks, except for her manicured toenails, polished salmon pink.

She had always wanted to be a nurse but found herself enrolled in business administration at Groupe Olivier and Collaborateur University, known simply as G.O.C.

The private college was hardly cheap for Haiti -- $1,000 a year. Her brother, Frantz, helped pay her tuition and let her stay at his house. It was closer to the university than her family's home.

Before heading out that Tuesday, Maxi kneeled by her bed to pray as she did every morning and night. She didn't go to church much, but her faith in God had kept her going since a morning in October 2001 when, before the sun had lifted to the sky, her father left the house for work.

Maxi adored him, and he spoiled his youngest child with dolls, toys and clothes. He had paid for her to attend the College Methodiste de Frere, a private high school where her favorite subjects were Creole, French and English.

She'd felt safe when her father was around. She knew he would take care of her. Always.

But on that day, as Franck Maxi made his way to work at the El Rancho hotel where he was a gardener, armed men stopped him just a few blocks from his house, demanded his wallet and shot him. He was rushed to the hospital but never recovered.

Maxi was 14 and old enough to know political instability had sparked fear and brutality in Haiti. She understood her father was a victim.

But nothing could lessen her grief. Her tears flowed like a monsoon.

Her mother, Dieusana Joaceus, was forced to take a job as a street vendor to feed her children. Maxi forged a steely interior, a survival instinct in a troubled nation where it's never been easy to be a child, especially one without a father.

Now, almost a decade later, she was thankful her brother was helping her through college, even if today she didn't want to go.

Falone Maxi was rescued from the rubble of her university building six days after the January 12 earthquake in Haiti. She recuperated under sheets pitched in the yard of a friend. She was too afraid to sleep within concrete walls.
Falone Maxi was rescued from the rubble of her university building six days after the January 12 earthquake in Haiti. She recuperated under sheets pitched in the yard of a friend. She was too afraid to sleep within concrete walls.

 

Maxi gave in to the housekeeper's insistence that she eat a meal of rice, bean sauce and vegetables before she left. She wasn't hungry, but later, she would be glad she had eaten.

She sauntered down to the bus stop but couldn't find a tap-tap right away to carry her to Nazon, the central city area where her university was located. There was a lot of traffic on the streets.

It was well past 3 when she made it to her fifth-floor classroom. She took a seat by the door to keep from disturbing the class, which had already begun.

She saw Joseph sitting up front. The two women were not close friends, but they were the same age, 23, and often did homework together. Sometimes, they took the same tap-tap home.

Maxi liked the way Joseph spoke in her Capois accent. Joseph had grown up in the border town of Ouanaminthe, near Cap Haitien, where Creole is spoken with a different lilt.

Maybe one day, Maxi thought, they would get to know each other better.

At 4:53 p.m., a student was at the blackboard, and Maxi was lost in her notes when the floor began shaking. It stopped for a few seconds, then the entire building rocked. Ceilings and walls fell.

Maxi's classmates and teachers were screaming. People ran in every direction. Dust clouded Maxi's vision as she sprinted toward the stairwell. She thought the building was collapsing because of shoddy construction. This had happened a while ago at another school.

One of her sandals flew off her foot, and she fell. Then, five floors of the building collapsed on her. Maxi's world went dark.

Trapped under layers of pancaked concrete, mortar and metal, she couldn't move. She lay on her back, inhaling the chalky air. After a few minutes, she heard movement around her.

"Who's that next to me?" she asked.

"It's me, Mica."

A sister keeps vigil

When Maxi failed to return home that day, her sister grew worried.

Carline Joaceus frantically called her little sister's cell phone, but there was no response. She rushed to the G.O.C. campus and stood atop a wasteland of rubble, wondering if Maxi lay underneath.

More than 200,000 people were dead. Countless others were missing. All around the city, government workers scooped up bodies and unceremoniously dumped them in mass graves or burned them on the streets.

Joaceus watched rescue teams extract the buried. For the next few days, she kept vigil from morning to night, praying her sister would be pulled out alive. A fellow student said Maxi had been in class that day. She was surely trapped.

Joaceus imagined her sister's rescue over and over again. Other miracle rescues were taking place in Port-au-Prince. Eventually, nearly 140 people were pulled out alive. Babies and adults, the feeble and the strong -- all had survived for days under the rubble.

Joaceus described Maxi -- young, thin, pretty -- and asked rescuers if they remembered someone like that. Her name was not on any of the lists of people sent to hospitals.

Sometimes, rescuers showed Joaceus identification cards plucked from the rubble. "Is this your sister?" they asked.

"No, that's not her."

Whenever a body was discovered, she rushed over to look. None was her sister.

But that was no surprise. She knew her sister's spirit. Maxi was alive.

Prayers to God and to a father

Coated by debris and in pitch darkness, Maxi was relieved she was not alone. But she and Joseph were trapped between chunks of building, unable to extricate themselves.

"I can't move," Joseph said, crying. She was pinned down just above Maxi.

Maxi reached out and felt the blood on Joseph's face, her body. She felt blood on her own hair.

There was no signal on Maxi's cell phone, but she used the LCD light to see what was around her. Above were the feet of the dead. In time, rats would appear to gnaw on the flesh.

She heard voices. They belonged to others who were buried alive. Some got crazy as the days went by until, one by one, they fell silent.

Maxi and Joseph maneuvered themselves so they would not be smothered by concrete. Maxi bent her legs over her chest to create breathing room. To reserve energy, they took turns calling out to the outside world.

"We're alive, we're alive," they shouted. "Help us."

When they heard rescue teams, they knew it was daytime. When the voices went away, Maxi guessed that it was night.

They passed time by talking about boys. Or what they would eat when they were rescued -- rice and peas, macaroni, ice cream. Oh, what they would do for an iced Malta, their favorite soft drink.

They memorized each other's cell phone numbers and promised to always stay in touch.

Maxi dreamed about returning to the ocean. Her brother had taken her for a seaside holiday to Jacmel a few years earlier. She had let the sun kiss her skin and tasted the salt of the ocean. And even though she did not know how to swim, she had braved the waves on a Jet Ski. It had been paradise after the hustle and bustle of Port-au-Prince. She longed to breathe that air again.

She wanted to dance again at carnival, listen to Celine Dion's mellifluous voice and play tennis on her Wii.

Occasionally, the earth trembled. With every aftershock, more concrete fell.

Joseph was in unbearable pain. Her left leg was stuck under the concrete, and she could not move. Beneath her, Maxi shifted and settled herself, using a hard slab as a pillow.

When the phone light finally gave out, Maxi's world turned the color of a starless sky.

As the air turned foul, Maxi tore a page from a notebook and stuffed it up her nostrils. It was not enough to block the stench of human decay.

She was hungry, thirsty. She collected her own urine with her hands and put it to her lips.

"If we were going to die, God would have taken us right away. 
--Falone Maxi encourages Mica Jospeh during their ordeal

 

Remembering she had an apple in her bag, she reached inside to find it in pieces, crushed by the concrete. She fished them out and shared them with Joseph. The women savored each piece as though it were filet mignon. It was all that they would eat for six days.

"We are going to die," Joseph said.

"No, Mica," Maxi replied. "Don't give up. If we were going to die, God would have taken us right away. Have faith, Mica. The Lord will keep us alive."

They held hands and prayed together. "Our Father, who art in heaven."

The inner strength forged in childhood kept Maxi going. Under the rubble, she asked her father to watch over her from heaven.

"Give me strength," she whispered.

She held Joseph's hand tightly and rubbed her back to soothe her. She believed God had put them there together for a reason. They were going to be each other's salvation.

They would feel the warmth of the Caribbean sun again. Together.

On day 6, a rescue

"Falone Mathieu! Falone Mathieu!"

After six days, Joaceus heard her sister's first name being called out. The surname was wrong but surely, it had to be her.

She rushed to an opening in the rubble and instantly recognized her sister's black jeans, her pink nails. Maxi was badly bruised and cut. She was squinting, the sunlight too much to bear. Fresh air filled her lungs, and the coolness of water trickled all the way down to her belly.

She was severely dehydrated, and her blood pressure had plunged to 60/20. She was given first aid, and a rescuer stopped a passing CNN crew in the middle of the street and asked for help. Maxi was placed in the back of the CNN pickup and whizzed through a city in ruin to a makeshift clinic.

She doesn't remember many details of her rescue. She didn't even know whether Joseph made it out safely. She knew only that she could see, standing in the distance, another person who had not given up, her sister.

Dreams and nightmares

National Road 1 crosses the Artibonite River and passes through several coastal towns. At a rest stop, Maxi pulls out her map to determine how much farther it is to Ouanaminthe.

"We are in Gonaives," she tells Joseph on the phone.

"Wow," Joseph replies. "You are already half way."

But just outside the city, the car slows as the road lined with banana and papaya trees begins snaking upward into the mountains.

Maxi rolls down the window. The clouds hang low, and she can see her own breath. The cool, damp air smacks her face.

She can't remember the last time she was in the mountains. She likes the smell here. After being buried for six days, she relishes being high up and free.

"Can we stop to take a picture?" she asks.

Maxi has few photos of her life, none of her father. And none that show what happened on January 12, except for the video of her rescue, which she can't bear to watch. Nor does she feel comfortable inside a concrete house. The walls close in on her; it feels as though everything could collapse in a split second.

After her rescue, she had been whisked to several hospitals until doctors finally determined that her pelvis was broken. Her condition was not critical. She was sent home and put on bed rest.

Maxi slept under sheets pitched in the yard of a friend instead of inside a home with deep cracks and fissures. Her mother put fresh linens on a mattress on the ground, among chicken scurrying about the rocky dirt. Her sister rubbed cream on her face, combed her hair, helped her use a bed pan.

Unable to walk then, Maxi lay on her back, devouring pureed food and Harlequin romances. She loves tales of poor girls meeting rich, handsome men and living happily ever after. They are the stuff girls like Maxi dream of.

At night, she had nightmares. She didn't know whether she could live the rest of her life in Haiti in buildings prone to fall.

Four days after Maxi left the hospital, she dialed Joseph's number for the first time, not knowing what she would hear.

Joseph's uncle, Bedel, picked up the phone. Maxi learned her friend was hospitalized with serious injuries.

"She's going to be OK," Bedel Joseph assured Maxi. He could not bear to tell her everything.

In May, after her body healed, Falone Maxi returned to the university. She wanted to see the place of her ordeal before it was cleared.
In May, after her body healed, Falone Maxi returned to the university. She wanted to see the place of her ordeal before it was cleared.

 

In the spring, Maxi learned to walk again and after many weeks, she wanted to return to the university. She needed to see the evidence of her ordeal before it was removed forever.

On a warm May day, she pressed her face to the window of the car, gazing outward at the damage -- building after building razed to the ground. She had seen photographs of what the earthquake did to Haiti. Now she was seeing it firsthand.

The national palace, the symbol of her nation, was damaged beyond repair and slated for demolition. The Champs de Mars plaza, where Maxi liked to stroll with her friends, now held a massive tent city.

At the G.O.C University, she stood silently before the rubble, in awe of its enormity. How had she survived this? It almost seemed like it had happened to someone else.

She cried that day, clutching her face in her hands, pretending that it was the blowing dust that bothered her.

She wished Joseph could have been there with her.

A therapist encouraged her to talk about her ordeal. But she didn't really feel like telling the story over and over just so others could tell her they were sorry.

Instead, she texted Joseph or spoke to her every day.

Joseph had returned to her family in the northern town of Ouanaminthe. She spent many days inside, alone.

Her mother was a street vendor who worked long hours. Her sister didn't like to spend time at home. Joseph struggled to pick up the pieces of her shattered life.

Maxi knew her friend stayed awake at night, reliving everything.

"Everyone is sleeping. The house is dark. I can't sleep," Joseph told her.

"Have someone make you some tea," Maxi said. "That will help you rest."

Every phone call ended with: "I love you."

Finally, a reunion

Maxi cannot sit still as the headlights shine on a street sign that says Ouanaminthe.

Maxi's classmate, Mica Joseph, returned to her home to her family Ouanaminthe, Haiti. The two women survived together and wanted to see each other again.
Maxi's classmate, Mica Joseph, returned to her home to her family Ouanaminthe, Haiti. The two women survived together and wanted to see each other again.

 

The town, a stone's throw from the Dominican border, is small and quiet, unlike Port-au-Prince. The driver asks for directions at street corners. Everyone knows which house belongs to the young woman who survived the earthquake.

As the car turns onto an unpaved lane, Maxi sits upright, her eyes straining to catch a glimpse of her friend.

She has awaited almost a year for this. Her arms are trembling, her chest heaving.

Joseph stands outside a sliding green metal gate in front of her house. The fuchsia of her tank top is jarring against the drab of concrete and dirt.

Maxi begins to understand why Joseph's father, distraught over his daughter's plight, once told her: "It would have been better if you had died."

Joseph turns toward the car, metal crutches under both arms. Her left leg is gone, amputated just below the hip.

Maxi wipes tears from her eyes and runs toward her friend. The embrace is not long enough. Joseph strokes Maxi's face and forehead like a mother would a long-lost child.

Maxi journeyed to northern Haiti to see Joseph, the only person who could understand her ordeal. They were not friends previously, but after surviving the earthquake together, they had become like sisters.

 

They sit on the front veranda. Maxi feels what is left of Joseph's leg. Under the rubble, she had suspected her injury was severe -- she had smelled the gangrene.

It's unfair, Maxi thinks, that she should be physically well while Joseph suffers. She knows it is particularly difficult for the disabled in Haiti, where there are no special facilities and few accessible places. Joseph has a hard time even getting on a bus.

"I used to have friends here. But no one comes to see me anymore," she tells Maxi.

Maxi couldn't save Joseph's leg, but she feels compelled now to do all she can to return joy to her friend's life.

The two recall those six awful days.

"You wouldn't let me comb your hair," Joseph says. "You were afraid it would all break."

"Well, you peed on me," Maxi says.

"I'm sorry," Joseph says. "I had no choice."

Maxi laughs.

It is the first time she is able to remember without crying.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

INFO: Guyana's Brain Drain | Al Jazeera Blogs

By John Terrett in on December 25th, 2010.
Photo by Taran Rampersad

 

While the populations of most developing nations are rising rapidly, the same cannot be said for the northern South American country of Guyana.

It is rising slightly but for many years has been in serious decline.

The brain drain in this poor nation has been going on for many years as people emigrate to America, Canada and Britain in search of a better life.

I went to a small first floor apartment in the capital Georgetown to meet a couple on the eve of their departure for New York plus the country's President who wishes more of his fellow countrymen would return home for good.

"We're excited that we're leaving," Affia McKenzie told me.

She and husband Richard are preparing for the trip of their lives.  They're taking their ten month old daughter Sasha to live with his parents in America.

"I would want to have just about everything, every necessity of life, which includes my own vehicles, my own house, a good job."

They had good jobs in Guyana - she a shop manager - he a repairer of hydraulic pumps ... but they couldn't meet all the bills and feel they can do even better outside the land of their birth.

And they're not the only ones packing their bags.  Over the past four decades Guyana has seen a huge decline in population as people leave the country in search of better education, better jobs and a wealthier lifestyle.  It's just after 7 am here now and the line at the American Embassy is already long.

And many head to New York's Little Guyana in Brooklyn.

Shop keeper Andy Jarbandhan left Guyana with his parents more than forty years ago and meets new immigrants from his homeland almost every day.

"It's not so much the economical hardship that we may have in Guyana but maybe exposing their children to education and giving them a chance to develop and grow."

In the Presidential palace in Georgetown President Bharrat Jagdeo thinks the global recession will pull many Guyanese back home but he admits despite major economic improvements there's a brain drain particularly among young people.

"Still we're not still generating enough jobs of the quality to keep all of our young people occupied particularly in some disciplines so some still do - do migrate."

Back at their tiny first floor apartment Affia's mind is very much on the future.  She and Richard want more than anything else to give baby Sasha a great start in life.  

Richard said: "Stuff that she might like, that we couldn't have afford when we were probably her age and our parents could not have afforded it to give us we would like to make that possible for her."

 

INFO: Selling Stolen Bronze - The System Is A Fence

SOTHEBY'S IS TRAFFICIKING IN

STOLEN BENIN ARTWORKS

A colleague brought to my attention Sotheby’s impending sale of yet another piece of Benin cultural patrimony. I read the announcement of the sale and was struck by its brazenness. Sotheby's is trafficking in stolen goods and it is doing so without any concern for the fact of its brazen criminality. It is clear that the Benin artworks are a contested collection of cultural artifacts. The history of their plunder from Benin is not in doubt, and the Benin Kingdom has never at any time given up its claim to these artworks. There has been significant amount of words written about the history of the British plunder of Benin and why the artworks should be repatriated. How is it then that despite the constant requests for the repatriation of these artworks and their clear identification as stolen goods, they continue to be sold by firms such as Sotheby’s without any hesitation?

The Benin art corpus is known by everyone to have been stolen from Benin in 1897, and ironically, their history of being plundered is the main prop used to affirm their authenticity in all the sales of these artworks for over 100 years. The legal issue here is quite simple: is it ever possible to have legal ownership of a stolen good? In other words, if an artwork or piece of property is clearly identified as a stolen item, can anyone other than the known owner of that stolen item ever have a valid legal claim to it? Western institutions that hold African cultural patrimony seem to believe they can legally own stolen goods and so far haven't shown any willingness to examine their shameful actions in this regard.

The Sotheby's announcement makes a point of stating that the mask and five other Benin objects will be sold by descendants of Sir Henry Gallway, who participated in the looting of Benin city in 1897. All the Benin objects identified in the proposed sale are clearly identified as belonging to Benin kings who did not cede their title to the artworks to anyone (the coerced abdication of the Benin throne enforced by the invading British would be illegal in any court today: in 1991, the USA went to war to prevent Iraq from annexing Kuwait based on such principles). There is also no doubt that all Benin artworks in any museum of institution in the world belongs to His Highness, Oba Erediauwa, great grandson of Oba Ovonramwen and the reigning kind of Benin. Despite all this facts, the descendants of a known British thief and vandal who stole the Idia mask from Benin stand to make between 3.5 and 4.5 million British pounds on the sale of an artwork commissioned and paid for by a Benin king (Esigie), which was a representation of his mother (Iyoba Idia) was used as part of the royal regalia of an existing kingdom, while it is clear no single penny will accrue to the Benin king or his descendants from the sale of this item of cultural heritage.

The Benin kingdom and other wellwishers have mounted various legal challenges to the ownership and sales of Benin artworks by various Western institutions. So far, all these challenges have been dismissed without being given a proper hearing. I have reviewed some of these challenges and the possibility of bringing a new legal challenge through American courts and found that it is quite impossible to challenge these matters in court. The legal process here is very expensive and the barriers to getting your day in court are often too high to bear. Moreover, Africans are forced to prove their claims in courts constituted primarily to legally dispossess them of claims to their lives, bodies and natural resources. In the meantime, Western institutions continue to profit from African life and labor. Think about it: millions of Africans were sold into slavery and African land and natural resources were plundered to finance the Western ascendancy of the past five hundred years. Today, African resources continue to support Western development while the continent remains the poorest on the planet. The plunder of cultural resources deprives Africans of their history and of the economic value and equity of their cultural patrimony: all these flow into the coffers of Western institutions without bringing a single economic benefit to the African contexts of their production.

Leaving aside the ongoing looting of the continent and continued use of its inhabitants as guinea pigs by various Western corporations, I think the greatest error that has been made in scholarly studies of African artworks and cultural patrimony is the pervasive idea that African artworks are products of nebulous “community action”. Artworks from Africa are always stripped of their links to particular individuals and economic contexts by their identification as the product of a group ethos. The Benin people did not create the artworks in question here: the pectoral masks of Iyoba Idia were created by specific Benin kings as part of the state’s political and economic obligations. It was stolen from the bedroom of Oba Ovonramwen in 1897. For over six hundred years, Benin kings spent huge portions of the national wealth supporting the creation of lavish artworks and sustaining the specialized guilds that made these artworks. You can still see descendants of the guilds in Benin. African artworks were commissioned by various individuals and institutions, paid for in very real economic terms, and then incorporated into the cultural equity of the individuals and institutions that commissioned them. These artworks are not random creations: they were part of complex systems of knowledge management and economic exchange. Their plunder left their owners significantly poorer. It is tragic that the descendants of the thieves who stole these artworks from Africa should so brazenly benefit from their plunder when the descendants of the Africans who created the artworks receive no share at all in their economic value.

Some commentators have suggested that Africans should try to buy back their stolen artworks when these come to public auction. I consider such suggestions preposterous since it allows the vandals who plundered Africa to benefit from their plunder twice over. When Britain and other colonial powers pay restitution to Africa for the rape of the continent,then I will entertain such suggestions. In the absence of any real compensation for centuries of plunder and genocide against Africans, raising this issue at all is clearly a racist form of responsibility avoidance.

All across the world today, many stolen artworks are being repatriated to their countries of origins. No one is asking the cultural owners of these artworks to pay for the privilege of retrieving their ancestors' properties. Therefore, the relevant issue is whether Africans have any legal rights to their lives, natural and cultural resources. At what point does the brazen dispossession of Africa become a significant political, economic and moral issue? The Sotheby's sale is part of a broad disregard for the very real impact of dispossession on the reality and fortunes of black Africans today. There is no justice here and it does not appear that black Africans or their descendants will be afforded any kind of legal justice in the prevailing context of white Western power. And yes, this is clearly a racial issue. Zahi Hawass has by and large stopped Western institutions from brazenly trafficking in Egyptian artifacts. He continues to negotiate the return of large numbers of looted Egyptian artworks back to Egypt. Most of these artworks were removed from Egypt more than 250 years ago. Italy has repatriated artworks to Libya. Western museums have repatriated artworks to South Africa. But so far, all requests for repatriation or reparation by black Africans have been dismissed without hearing. This is not surprising: African Americans have so far only received an apology for their centuries –long enslavement and, through their overwhelming imprisonment, they continue to fatten the coffers of modern-day slaveholders who run various prisons in the USA. There has never been any Western country held accountable for their actions in Africa, not even Belgium that oversaw the genocide of close to 10 million Congolese between 1880 and 1920. Sotheby's multi-million dollar sale of stolen Benin artwork would seem insignificant within such a list of atrocities against Africa but make no mistake, it is part of the same current of morally and ethically dubious actions unfolding without any regard at all for African concerns.

It is therefore time for all Africans who have the resources to contribute to a massive effort to bring the global legal system to bear on these institutions who traffic in stolen African cultural patrimony. There are already precedents: the Holocaust reparation legal challenge is a clear precedence; so is the Native American Graves Repatriation and Protection Act. The issue of African cultural patrimony is an urgent human rights issue. Africans deserve equal access to and equal share of the economic value of artworks created by their ancestors. More importantly, they deserve to have a say in what happens to these artworks in the contemporary era. These artworks arrived in the West on a boat of plunder and bloodshed. Uncountable numbers of African lives were destroyed in the avaricious pursuit of colonization by Western powers. There needs to be an accounting for this history. Western institutions like Sotheby’s that broker the sale of these artworks should also cease and desist. They may not be legally liable for their actions today, but they will be legally liable at some time in the future.

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Some Thoughts on the Benin Bronzes

James Cuno (in Who Owns Antiquity?[2008]) takes six objects from the holdings of the Art Institute of Chicago to demonstrate its character as an "encyclopedic museum". The third piece is a bronze plaque from Benin that was acquired in 1933; Cuno speculates that it probably "left" the kingdom of Benin following the punitive raid by the British in 1897.

Kwame Anthony Appiah (Cosmopolitanism [2006]) also uses the Benin bronzes as he asks the question, "Whose Culture Is it, Anyway?"
Some of the heirs to the kingdom of Benin, the people of Southwest Nigeria, want the bronze their ancestors cast, shaped, handled, wondered at. They would like to wonder at—if we will not let them touch—that very thing. The connection people feel to cultural objects that are symbolically theirs, because they were produced from within a world of meaning by their ancestors—the connection to art through identity—is powerful. It should be acknowledged. The cosmopolitan, through, wants to remind us of other connections.
Kwame Opoku has also been commenting on these same bronzes (e.g. "Is James Cuno a “Nationalist Retentionist”?", ModernGhana.com, July 4, 2008; see also a series of postings on Afrikanet.info). His passionate essays have prompted me to hunt through some of the news archives to see what I could find about the dispersal of Benin Bronzes. I cannot pretend this is comprehensive list, but it gives a little bit of the background to this debate.

The "Benin Punitive Expedition" was assembled in January 1897 (see "The Benin Expedition", The Times January 20, 1897). This was in response to the killing of a British party around January 1, 1897 ("Massacre of a British Expedition in West Africa", The Times January 12, 1897). The accounts of the assault on Benin city are chilling. An eye-witness at the inquest into the death of one of the British officers mentioned that the British troops turned their Maxim guns on the defenders who fell from the trees "like nuts" ("The Death of Captain Byrne", The Times March 27, 1897).

This is the context for the removal of these bronzes from Benin City. When Appiah asks us to make "connections", these are the images that spring to mind.

"Loot" soon returned to England. One of the first examples was the display of "Some interesting bronzes from Benin City" that were put on display in the Royal Colonial Institute in London in June 1897. The notice that appeared in the Court Circular of The Times (July 1, 1897) mentioned the bronzes, "the precise origin of which is at present unknown". The bronzes were on loan from the Hon. G.W. Neville, MLC, "of Lagos"; The Times cryptically added that Neville "had accompanied Admiral Sir H. Rawson's recent expedition". (For Sir Harry Holdsworth Rawson see ODNB; "he advanced to Benin city to punish the massacre in January of British political officers ... Benin was captured and looted, then accidentally burnt.")

Some of the material removed from Benin City passed into national collections. Ormonde Maddock Dalton and Hercules Read of the British Museum produced a catalogue, Antiquities from the City of Benin (London: British Museum, 1899). David M. Wilson's authoritative The British Museum: A History (London: British Museum, 2002) rather skates over the issue:
Franks and his colleagues ... were, as yet, not interested in the material as art - that came with the acquisition of the Benin bronzes at the end of the century ... (p. 161).

... [Dalton's] work on his seminal catalogue of recently acquired material from the Nigerian kingdom of Benin ... (p. 225)
Surely some mention of the circumstances of the acquisition would have been appropriate?

A taste for "Benin Bronzes" quickly developed. On September 12, 1899, a "Sale of Benin Bronzes" took place at "Mr J.C. Stevens's rooms, King-street, Covent-garden' in London (The Times September 13, 1899). This was described as "an unusually choice collection of very fine Benin bronzes" that "included many of the finest specimens yet offered, and mostly came from the palace and ju-ju house of the late King of Benin". The same auction rooms offered "A marvellous collection of BENIN BRONZES consisting of about 500 pieces" as one lot in June 1902 (see notice in The Times, May 17, 1902; report, June 4, 1902). These had been "taken by the British punitive expedition under the command of Admiral Rawson in February, 1897". Among the pieces sold were "ivory tusks carved with figures, animals, &c." (compare Cuno's Who Owns Antiquity? fig. 4 for a "Court of Benin Ivory").

A further selection of Benin bronze surfaced on the London market (in 128 lots) in May 1930 ("Benin Bronzes", The Times April 7, 1930). These came from the collection formed by George William Neville, a member of the "Benin Punitive Expedition". His obituary in The Times November 30 1929 commented,
One of Neville's exploits was to accompany the punitive military expedition to Benin in 1897, from which he returned with a remarkable collection of Benin curiosities.
The 1930 report continued:
In the King's compound [at Benin] and the ju-ju houses were discovered numerous works of art in ivory, bronze, brass, &c., buried, in several instances, and covered with the blood of human sacrifice.

These pieces came from the same collection displayed at the Royal Colonial Institute back in the summer of 1897. A further example of the material from Benin City surfacing on the market is provided by the collection formed by Dr R. Allman, medical officer for the Benin Punitive Expedition. This was sold at Sotheby's in December 1953 (The Times December 8, 1953).

Can we ignore the way that these bronzes moved from Benin City to the market and thence to private and public collections? Kwame Opoku has been right to remind us of these shameful issues.

 

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British Museum under pressure to give up leading treasures

The British museum is to come under renewed pressure to give up leading treasures as 16 countries plan to sign a declaration that demands the return of artefacts sent overseas generations ago.

British museum under pressure to give up leading treasures: Rosetta Stone
The Rosetta Stone at the British museum in London Photo: AP

The demand, issued in Cairo at the end of a two-day conference, is addressed to every country that holds ancient relics.

Western museum hold most of the items listed by countries ranging from China to Mexico. The British museum is the principal target because of the prominence of the artefacts it owns.

Egypt wants returned include the Rosetta stone in the British Museum and the bust of Nefertiti in Berlin's Neues Museum. Both the British and Neues Museum have rejected the demand.

The conference was hosted by Zahi Hawass, the head of Egypt's Supreme Council of Antiquities, who has been an outspoken campaigner for the return of lost treasures.

Mr Hawass acknowledged that there was no international legal basis for the demands but said a united stand between affected nations would bolster the claims.

"Instead of Egypt fighting on its own, let's all fight together. let's all come out with a wishlist," he said. "We need to co-operate all of us especially with that wish list. we need all of us to come with one list and fight until we return this artefacts back.

"Forget the legal issue," he said. "Important icons should be in their motherland, period."

A spokeswoman said the British museum had not received an official request from Egypt.

"The British Museum has not received an official request for the permanent return of the Rosetta Stone," she said. "The Museum has received a request from the Supreme Council of Antiquities requesting the short term loan of the stone for the opening of the new museum in Giza in 2012 or 2013. The Trustees of the British Museum will consider this request in due course."

It has faced a long running campaign by the Greek government for the return of the Elgin Marbles which were taken from the Parthenon at the outset of the 19th century.

Elana Korka, a Greek culture ministry official said the marbles were its prime concern. "We would like to see some good faith," she said. "They are the Parthenon marbles and that is where they belong."

International conventions written since 1954 prohibited wartime looting, theft and resale of artefacts but the agreements don't apply to items taken abroad before national or global laws were in force.

Nigeria has listed its claims for the Benin bronzes, which are also housed from the British Museum. Mexico has demanded the return of a feathered headdress of a tribal warrior and China has sought the handover of astrological items looted from the Summer Palace in Beijing during the Second Opuim War.

Artefacts that are on the looted list:

1 Elgin Marbles

(British Museum)

Greece has long fought to reclaim the frieze stripped from the Parthenon at the behest of the 7th Earl of Elgin in 1801

2 Rosetta Stone

(British Museum) Egypt demands the return of the 2,200-year-old stone tablet that holds the key to translating ancient hieroglyphs

3 Summer Palace

bronzes (private French owner)

China claims bronze heads from a zodiac clock were stolen during the Second Opium War in 1860

4 Benin Bronzes (British Museum) Nigeria lays claim to the royal treasures of Benin, saying that they were seized by British troops in 1897

5 Queen Nefertiti (Berlin Neues Museum)

Egypt wants the 3,500-year-old bust of the wife of Pharaoh Akhenaten returned

 

BENIN EXHIBITION IN CHICAGO...

Guest Blogger Kwame Opoku considers issues of African cultural patrimony engendered by the traveling exhibition of Benin Art, at the Art Institute of Chicago.
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BENIN EXHIBITION IN CHICAGO: CUNO AGREES TO CONSIDER REQUEST FOR RESTITUTION OF BENIN BRONZES
© Kwame Opoku, 2008

The exhibition, Benin - Kings and Rituals: Royal Arts from Nigeria, which started in Vienna, in 2007, went on to Paris and Berlin, was opened in Chicago, on 10 July and will be there until 21 September 2008. For various reasons, including the fear of litigation and judicial attempts to seize some of the Benin bronzes, only some 220 objects will be displayed in Chicago compared to some 300 objects in Berlin. The bad consciences of some of the holders of these objects seem to have been activated by the previous protests in Chicago and the discussions on the illegality and illegitimacy of their possession. Hence some owners were not willing to let their artifacts cross the Atlantic to the USA where judges are quick to order seizure of artworks which are alleged to have been stolen or dubious provenance.

A 40 page catalog specifically made for the Chicago exhibition, Benin: Royal Arts of a West African Kingdom,(click here for images of artworks from the exhibition) does not appear to be ready yet but will highlight 22 masterpieces from Benin art and includes as essay by the curator, Kathleen Bickford Berzock. As we have mentioned in various articles, the 535 page catalog edited by Barbara Plankensteiner for the exhibition in Vienna, Paris and Berlin is a masterwork and should be also consulted by all those seriously interested in the arts of Benin. (1) The home page of the Art Institute of Chicago contains very useful information, including videos for the understanding of the exhibition and the arts and culture of Benin. 

According to reports from Chicago, the opening of the exhibition was an impressive affair with the presence of the august Nigerian visitors as well as prominent Nigerians based in Chicago and Illinois.(2) Important Chicago officials such as the Mayor were present as well as Reverend Jesse Jackson, the African-American leader and activist. Edo singers and dancers as well as West African bands were also there to contribute to the occasion in African fashion by providing music, an indispensable element in all African social activities. Once again, the Benin Royal Family emphasized the need for the return of the artworks which were stolen by the British in 1897. Princess Theresa Evbakhavbokun Erediauwa stated that she wants to build a secure museum in Benin. She and the Nigerian officials there asked for support in recovering the artworks back through diplomatic channels. She wanted her family heirlooms back. These objects tell the story of her family. Chief Esosa Godwin Eghobamien stated that the presence on the artworks in Benin would provide more and better context. Visitors to exhibitions where these objects are displayed often do not even know where Benin is and it would be better if they came to see where the artworks were produced and thus see where civilization started in Africa. Kingsley Ehi, a real estate manager in Chicago and head of the Edo Arts and Cultural Heritage expressed the hope that these artworks will soon be returned home.

Despite the sad story of the looting of the Benin bronzes, Prince Ademola Iyi-Eweka was impressed by the exhibition; he would like the artworks to be returned. The world should know that Benin has survived despite losing the war against the British. Diplomatic efforts are being made to secure the Benin bronzes but if that fails, steps would be taken to institute legal proceedings. James Cuno, Director of the Art Institute of Chicago, responded to the plea of the Nigerian representatives by saying that the Art Institute of Chicago which is not involved, only possesses half a dozen Benin works of art which are beautiful and important. The encyclopaedic museum allowed art works from various countries to be seen at one place and their interconnections. He was concerned by the trend towards consolidating art from a particular time or place in a single location. A dispersal of the objects enables more people to see the objects and also reduces the risk of calamity. Despite all this, Cuno stated that if there were a request for the return of the Benin objects, the Art Institute of Chicago would consider it seriously.

Cuno’s statement must be considered as noteworthy of attention, coming from a man considered by many as the defender of the “universal museum”’ a guru for all those who believe nothing should leave the British Museum and similar “universal museums.” (3) Cuno has made repeated attacks on those he calls “nationalist retentionists” for claiming ownership of artifacts of ancient peoples with whom they have nothing in common except that they occupy the same territory as the ancient civilizations. The report on Cuno’s statement is sketchy and we do not have his exact words. We do not know whether he repeated his usual criticism of those claiming restitution in his abrasive style in presence of the Royal Family of Benin and the Nigerian officials. If the statements attributed to him are to be believed, then Cuno has made a small but significant shift in his stand. He did not dismiss outright such claims but is willing to consider such claims. Willingness to consider does not imply acceptance of the claim but it at least shows an admission that such claims may be valid in some cases.

We do not have the full text of Cuno’s statement and may never have it since it appears to be the policy or practice of this exhibition not to publish the full text of statements made at the opening. I still have not seen any text of statements made in Vienna, Paris or Berlin. This is an interesting practice in a scholarly matter. We hope that when Cuno says he will consider the matter when a request is made, he is suggesting that so far no request has been made since this will be blatantly false. The Nigerians have repeatedly in Vienna, Berlin and Chicago made it clear that they want the Benin artworks back. What else must they do? We have shown in several articles that there is no legal requirement for a formal demand. If the Art Institute is willing to consider returning some of the Benin bronzes but feels that the Institute’s regulations or some binding law would require written demand, he should in good faith, inform the Nigerians about this requirement and the relevant procedure. He should not leave it to the Nigerians to beat about the bush. Any other approach would seem to be merely delaying tactic. Cuno as well as the Nigerians are interested in clearing this matter if the co-operation he hopes for is to be fruitful.

A goodwill gesture by the Art Institute of Chicago would be an encouragement to those holding hundreds of Benin bronzes to come forward and make their indispensable contribution. Despite statements by a mischievous director of a famous American museum, neither this writer nor any of those arguing for restitution are suggesting that all Benin objects be returned to Benin. We are only suggesting that it is time that, for example, the British Museum which allegedly holds 1000 pieces and the Ethnology Museum, Berlin, which admittedly has 800 pieces could each afford to return some pieces each. The nightmare of the museum directors that they may one day find their museums emptied of all their African objects is a figment of the troubled imagination of those who have not attempted to understand the position of others.

Discussions in Nigeria on the restitution question, in view of the Chicago exhibition, are concerned with the lack of progress in the process of recovery (4). Comparisons have been made with the spectacular return of a number of objects by US museums to Italy. It is known that the Italians used both diplomatic negotiations, legal proceedings, including imprisonment of a curator of the Paul Getty Museum. In this context, one could also mention the success of another African country, Egypt, in recovering some 3000 objects in the last six years. The Supreme Council on Egyptians Antiquities, under the dynamic leadership of Zahi Hawass, publish their activities at their homepage and their objectives are made known to the public and all concerned. In an article published in the Nigerian newspaper, The Guardian, it appears that the aim of the Nigerian Government at the moment is to make an inventory of Nigeria’s stolen artefacts. The Minister of Tourism, Culture and National Orientation is reported to have disclosed that a committee will be set up to make an inventory of Nigeria’s artifacts within and outside the country. In this connection, it is recalled that the Minister was reported to have referred to the establishing of such an inventory in his speech in February, at the opening of the Benin exhibition in Berlin. Despite all efforts, we have not been able to secure a copy of the text of that statement.

With regard to an inventory of stolen Nigerian artworks abroad, it should be stated that with regard to the Benin bronzes, the catalog prepared by Barbara Plankensteiner for the exhibition in Vienna, Paris and Berlin, contains information sufficient for the identification of the locations and owners of the Benin objects. Philip J. C. Dark, in his study, “Benin Bronze Heads: Styles and Chronology”, identified 6500 Benin objects in some 77 places, mostly museums.(5) Similar publications and information on other Nigerian arts, such as those of Ife and Nok are easily available. We know for sure that some Nok objects are in the Musée du Quai Branly in Paris, which had been illegally acquired by the French.

A complete inventory of Nigerian artworks inside and outside the country appears to be more than a Herculean task the utility of which should be carefully considered. Most of the countries than have recently recovered stolen arts do not seem to have made such an inventory but proceeded as and when information became available. However one looks at the issue of restitution, it is clear that the Queen Idia hip-pendant mask means more to Africans and Nigerians than to Europeans and the British. Which European derives inspiration or hope from the African Queen-mother? Indeed, most Europeans are not even aware that there are so many African Queens and Kings held against their will in European and American museums. If the European museum directors do not understand this, they should stop talking about heritage of mankind. What kind of heritage is this which allows one side to high-jack for hundreds of years the religious, ritual and cultural icons of the other?

If the Art Institute of Chicago finally decides to return a Benin bronze, quiet diplomacy would be given a great boost. If nothing comes out of cooperation with such institutions, the Nigerians must seriously re-examine their position and methods so far.

NOTES
1) Barbara Plankensteiner, Benin Kings and Rituals: Court Arts from Nigeria. Ghent: Snoeck Publishers, 2007, pp.535
2) Lynette Kalsnes, “Arts from Ancient Kingdom Come to Chicago”, www.wbez.org
3) James Cuno, Who owns Antiquity? Princeton University Press, Princeton and London, 2008. See also,K.Opoku, “DO PRESENT-DAY EGYPTIANS EAT THE SAME FOOD AS TUTHANKHAMUN? REVIEW OF JAMES CUNO’S WHO OWNS ANTIQUITY?
4) See Annex. Tajudeen Sowole, “In Chicago, stolen Benin artifacts on paradewww.guardiannewsngr.com
5) Barbara Plankensteiner, Benin Kings and Rituals: Court Arts from Nigeria.
6) Philip J.C. Dark, “Benin Bronze Heads: Styles and Chronology”, in African Images: Essays in African Iconology , (Eds) D. F. McCall and Edna G. Bay. New York, London: Africana Publishing Co. 1975, pp.25-104; see also, Dark, Introduction to Benin Art and Technology. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973 pp.114.

 

 

James Cuno: Apologist for Hypocrisy

I have been following with increasing disgust the public pronouncements of James Cuno, director of the Art Institute of Chicago, and self-styled crusader for the right of Western museums to hold on to centuries of looted art. Cuno has recently published a book (Who Owns Antiquity: Museums and the Battle over our Cultural Heritage. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, click here for description) and in the past year, he’s been ubiquitous in the global media promoting what he describes as “universal museums” (specifically referring to Western museums) and defending them against claims by several countries for the repatriation of looted antiquities and cultural artifacts. In his book, Cuno argues that modern nation-states have mostly tenuous connections to the ancient cultures whose antiquities are found within their geographical boundaries and that these antiquities and cultural treasures are best held in trust by universal museums for the common enjoyment of humanity. Not surprisingly, these “encyclopedic museums” consist mainly of museums located in former colonial powers (the British Museum is the exemplar) mostly in western European countries. Of all the canards in Cuno’s book, I take particular exception to his claim that modern countries have no greater claim than anyone else to the objects produced in antiquity within their modern borders. Although he makes a plausible argument that modern identity politics too often draws problematic connections between the present and the past, to claim that there is no credible link between ancient and modern cultures that occupy related borders is to make a literalist argument that all aspects of antiquity is up for grabs by sheer force of power (click here for a very intelligent review of the book by Roger Atwood). The problem with this argument is that it validates the colonial violence through which many African cultural objects (for example) were brought to European museums and provides undue legitimacy to the entire process of plunder and brigandage which has been studiously refuted in modern politics since World War Two. 

Cuno calls for the US to renounce the 1970 UNESCO Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export, and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property in the same manner as it refuted the Geneva Convention in pursuit of the war on terror. Cuno’s opinion thus makes him an anachronism fighting a rearguard battle for a discredited neoconservative platform that might makes right. As with all such ideologues, Cuno emerges from positions of privilege (stints at elite private universities, institutions and art contexts) which he defends vehemently as a natural order of things. Cuno currently oversees one of the most commercially successful museums in the world whose significant annual income derives at least in part from its important holdings in questionably-acquired antiquities (such as the famous sculpture by Olowe of Ise in the Art Institute of Chicago’s collection): in fact, Cuno is overseeing a multi-million dollar expansion of the Art Institute of Chicago financed in part from fees collected from visitors to the museum. The primary issue is that Cuno assumes it is right for museums that currently hold dubiously acquired antiquities to directly profit from them but that it is asinine for other nations to lay claim to those same antiquities even if we can prove a direct link between the ancient makers and their modern descendants (Cuno’s position is that we can’t prove any such link). There is as such, an appalling brain-dead interpretation of global affairs in Cuno’s assertions akin to the tone-deaf reaction of many significant interlocutors to major cultural crimes like slavery and genocide in various global contexts. Too often, those who should know better claim to see no evidence that something untoward is happening. If you run a major museum that sees itself as a representative of the greatest power on earth, you can afford to dismiss the concerns of your antagonists as mere inconvenience. But even in this regard, Cuno makes his argument with the serene hypocrisy of a hedge-fund manager arguing against usury. 

The most startling thing is that Cuno’s position has gotten a lot of traction and only recently has decent counterarguments to his opinions started to emerge. My friend Kwame Opoku, a guest blogger on Aachronym, has been so incensed by Cuno’s arguments that he sends me lengthy posts refuting most of Cuno’s assertion: I have posted some of his comments on this blog and will post more in the coming weeks. As for me, I want to state clearly that Cuno is entitled to his opinion but he is not entitled to be free of criticism of his positions. In fact, Cuno's logic reminds me of the spurious arguments made in American academia in the 1990s about "the death of history", which seemed to me a convenient dodge by a Western world attempting to dodge responsibility for its debt to the rest of the world. Of course, you can declare an end of history right around the time that other global actors emerge to claim central positions in historical narratives. By doing so, you enshrine the supremacy of the Western historical narrative and delegitimize the rest. Like many canards, this problematic assertion of an end of history has fallen by the wayside. I have no doubt that Cuno's position will quickly be delegitimized. In the meantime, the fact that he uses his current position as a pulpit to enunciate questionable opinions is detrimental to the Art Institute of Chicago whose comprehensive art collection will come under scrutiny to examine just how much looted art is currently in its holdings. When that time comes, let’s hope the museum blames Cuno for calling unwanted attention to it.

When all is said and done, one of the most damning arguments against Cuno's "encyclopaedic museums" is that access to global spaces is routinely denied to Africans and other non-Western persons, which brings up the dastardly fact that African heritage in Western museums is largely inaccessible to Africans. While citizens of the Western countries that own the so-called universal museums can travel the world freely, citizens of the countries from which most of the artworks in these museums were looted from are usually barred from travel to Western countries. Kwame Opoku stated in this regard that there is no single European country that will grant an African a visa merely to visit museums abroad, and this applies to most Africans no matter their educational achievements or level of involvement with the objects in question. Consider in this regard this recent newsflash-- Bushmen denied visas to build mud-huts in Virginia, US. The story states that three "Bushmen" hired by a Virginia museum to reconstruct a !Kung dwelling for an upcoming exhibition were denied visas because they spoke little or no English, were poor and constituted a flight risk. So much for universalism.


References: Click here for what Tom Flynn (ArtKnows blog) described as a dire and ramblingKCRW interview with Cuno. Click Time magazine's interview with James Cuno; click Looting Matters for a list of responses to Cuno's book and interviews.

>via: http://aachronym.blogspot.com/2008/07/james-cuno-apologist-for-hypocrisy.html