PUB: Blue Earth Review

Eighth Annual Flash Fiction Contest

Blue Earth Review’s Eighth Annual Flash Fiction Contest opens September 1, 2010.

  • We want only your brightest, boldest flash fiction—work that breaks boundaries in genre and content. The only requirement is that each entry is 600 words or less.

  • Reading fee is $5 for up to three entries. You can enter online by going to our Submission Manager and pay online by clicking here. You must set up two separate accounts: one in the Submission Manager for your contest submission and one on the Payment page for your $5 payment.

  • Please note: We will accept online submissions only. If you have any questions or issues, please e–mail the editors.

  • Put all entries in the same document—either a Microsoft Word document (.doc) or Rich Text (.rtf) file. Make sure to select "Flash Fiction Contest" in the genre drop down box.

  • Deadline is December 1, 2010.

  • All entries received after the deadline will be read as fiction submissions but not considered for the contest. All entries will also be considered for general publication unless otherwise marked.

Three winners will be chosen and awarded $100, $75, and $25.
Winners will be announced sometime in February and the three winning pieces will be published in the Spring 2011 issue of Blue Earth Review.

 

PUB: $1000 Writing Competition » Novel Endeavors - A Magazine of Boundless Fiction

$1000 Writing Competition

Novel Endeavors Second Annual Writing Competition: $1000 Award

We are accepting fresh and original works of fiction (the contest is open to all genres).  We want writing that is sharp, showcases your originality & style, and is sculpted with the precision of the Venus de Milo.

A $1000 prize will be awarded to the best submission as determined by our editorial team.

Additional submissions will earn honorable mention status and will be published in our magazine.

Submissions will be accepted from September 1, 2010 until December 15, 2010.  Winner and Honorable Mention recipients will be notified by 12/31/2010.

There is a $10 (USD) entry fee (pay via paypal or by mailing a money order to the address below) for each story submitted.  Authors may submit more than one manuscript; however, each submission should include the required entry fee of $10

Judging will be blind, so please do not include your name or other identifier on your manuscript.

Please submit only original, unpublished work in English (writing that has appeared on your personal website, facebook page or blog is considered unpublished). Short stories of up to 8,000 words will be considered.  Novel excerpts are not acceptable unless they are complete stand-alone stories.  Simultaneous submissions are acceptable.  Please notify us immediately if your work has been accepted elsewhere.  We will not be able to refund any entry fees once manuscripts are submitted.

Submit your story as an attachment (.doc; .rtf; .pdf) or pasted into the body of an e-mail to Contest@novelendeavors.com.  Please reference your paypal receipt number.

Enter your submission title(s)

Alternately you may mail a hard copy of your story to:

 

Novel Endeavors
P.O. Box 530
Buzzards Bay, MA  02532

Manuscripts will be recycled so please keep your original!

We reserve First Electronic Publication Rights for all stories accepted for publication.  Once the story has been published, all rights revert back to the author.

Please include a cover letter with your information and the info about your submission.  Sample cover pages are available for download below.  

Cover Page (Microsoft Word Document download)

Cover Page (PDF Document)

Cover Page (Website Version)

PUB: Center for Literary Publishing

COLORADO PRIZE FOR POETRY

SUBMISSION GUIDELINES

  • Manuscripts will be accepted from October 1, 2010, through the postmark deadline of January 14, 2011. The winner will be announced by May 2011.
  • The winning book-length collection of poems will be published by the Center for Literary Publishing and distributed by the University Press of Colorado in the fall of 2011.
  • There is a $25 entry fee, which includes a one-year subscription to Colorado Review (to US addresses only). Make checks payable to Colorado Review. VISA,Mastercard, and American Express also accepted (include card number, expiration date, and name as it appears on the card). If you prefer to pay the entry fee online, click below. Please print a copy of your PayPal receipt and include it with your entry.

     

  • This year's final judge is Cole Swensen. Friends and students (current & former) of the final judge are not eligible to compete.
    • Cole Swensen is the author of twelve books of poetry, most recently Ours (U. of California Press, 2008). Her awards include a Guggenheim Fellowship, the S.F. State Poetry Center Book Award, a National Poetry Series selection, and two Pushcart Prizes. She's also the co-editor of the anthology American Hybrid (Norton 2009), and on the faculty of the Iowa Writers' Program.
  • Colorado State University employees, students, and alumni are not eligible to compete.
  • Manuscripts may consist of poems that have been published, but the manuscript as a whole must not have been previously published.
  • If individual poems have been previously published, you may include an acknowledgments page, though it is not necessary; screening and final judges will not see that page.
  • Include two title pages: top page with manuscript title and author name, address, e-mail address, and phone number; second page with manuscript title only. The author's name should NOT appear anywhere else in the manuscript.
  • Manuscripts may be double- or single-spaced.
  • Manuscripts should be at least 48 pages but no more than 100 pages.
  • DO NOT SEND ORIGINALS: manuscripts will NOT be returned.
  • No submissions accepted via e-mail.
  • You may enter more than one manuscript. Each manuscript requires the $25 entry fee. If you'd like the additional subscriptions sent to someone other than yourself, include that information (US addresses only). Otherwise, your subscription will be extended by one year for each additional entry.
  • The theme and style are both open.
  • Authors do NOT need to be residents of Colorado or the United States. (Note, however, that subscriptions can be sent only to US addresses.)
  • Writers should enclose a self-addressed stamped envelope for contest results and a self-addressed stamped postcard for notification of the manuscript's safe arrival. Do not enclose extra postage for the return of your manuscript as manuscripts cannot be returned.
  • Send your manuscript to:
    Colorado Prize for Poetry - Center for Literary Publishing
    9105 Campus Delivery
    Dept. of English
    Colorado State University
    Fort Collins, CO 80523-9105
  • Questions? Please call us at (970) 491-5449 or send an e-mail to creview@colostate.edu

 

 

VIDEO: Trailer/Preview For Animated Musical Feature Set In Cuba, “Chico & Rita” > Shadow And Act

Opening in the UK this November is Chico and Rita from Spanish filmmaker Fernando Trueba (Belle Epoque). Six years in the making, the film follows a pianist who pursues his true love, a Hollywood-bound nightclub singer, from Havana to New York and beyond. 93-year-old pianist-composer-bandleader Bebo Valdés wrote and performs the music and the film features “musical cameos” from Chano Pozo, Dizzy Gillespie, Charlie Parker and other jazz greats. 

>via: http://www.cartoonbrew.com/feature-film/chico-and-rita-trailer.html?utm_sourc...

________________________________________

Trailer/Preview For Animated Musical Feature Set In Cuba, “Chico & Rita”

31170_389423596713_60604281713_4477956_3200136_n

Check out this trailer for an animated feature film titled Chico And Rita, written and directed by Fernando Trueba.

Said to have taken 6 years to make, the film takes place in Cuba, 1948. More trom IMDBPro: “Chico is a young piano player with big dreams. Rita is a beautiful singer with an extraordinary voice. Music and romantic desire unites them, but their journey – in the tradition of the Latin ballad, the bolero – brings heartache and torment. From Havana to New York, Paris, Hollywood and Las Vegas, the two battle impossible odds to unite in music and love.

 The animated musical feature film features “musical cameos” from the likes of Dizzy Gillespie, Charlie Parker and other jazz greats.

The film has already screened at festivals in Telluride, Toronto and London this month, with a UK theatrical debut scheduled for November.

No Word on further distribution…

Color me curious on this one. Here’s its trailer:

 

via CBR

 

HAITI: Unfair and undemocratic - Other Views - MiamiHerald.com

HAITI ELECTIONS

Unfair and undemocratic

BY IRA J. KURZBAN

ira@kkwtlaw.com

 

Imagine if the Federal Election Commission in the United States disqualified the Democratic and Republican parties from the 2012 presidential election and declared that only candidates of minor parties could run. No one would consider it a fair election, and certainly the people of the United States would rise up, claiming the election is unconstitutional and undemocratic.

Yet the upcoming presidential and parliamentary elections in Haiti on Nov. 28 are just that -- unfair, unconstitutional and undemocratic. The country's Provisional Electoral Council, which itself is not constitutionally composed, is refusing to allow the country's majority party -- Famni Lavalas (Lavalas Family) -- to participate in the election. Thirteen other legitimate political parties are also being excluded from parliamentary elections.

The Famni Lavalas Party, headed by former President Jean Bertrand Aristide, won the last democratic election it was allowed to participate in by overwhelming margins. In May 2000, when President René Préval was in his first term, the party won virtually all the seats in the lower house of Parliament, the state houses and local governments. It won most of the seats in the Haitian Senate and the presidency. Since the February 2004 coup, Famni Lavalas has been banned from participating in Haitian politics.

The current Provisional Electoral Council, hand-picked by President Préval, has fabricated a new eligibility requirement to disqualify Famni Lavalas from the presidential elections. This new rule requires that the head of each party register presidential candidates in person.

President Aristide, however, is exiled in South Africa where a tacit agreement between many governments keeps him there. While the great powers have maintained a code of silence concerning Aristide and his right to return to his own country, they are feverishly working, with the complicity of the South African government, to ensure that he does not return. At the same time, the government of Haiti has refused to renew Aristide's passport to allow him to return to Haiti to register his party.

These political maneuvers are not lost on Haiti's people. While the mainstream media in the United States focuses on whether Wyclef Jean may run for president or what Sean Penn thinks of Jean's candidacy, the Haitian people refuse to play the fool. Indeed, they know the presidential election that will be imposed on them has nothing to do with democracy.

They will, as they did in 2005, only support a presidential candidate who will bring Aristide and Famni Lavalas back to the Haitian electoral system. With Famni Lavalas out of the race, the election will have extremely low turnout, which international ``authorities'' will predictably say is ``the best one can expect'' given the earthquake.

The result is a faux election that will have lasting consequences for Haiti and the international community.

It will undermine the stated goal of the United States and its allies to achieve ``stability'' in Haiti, and it will undermine the legitimacy and sustainability of a central Haitian government that is not elected by, but for, the people.

In a report to the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Sen. Richard Lugar, R-Ind., called upon President Préval to restructure the Provisional Electoral Council and ensure the participation of opposition parties, including Famni Lavalas. Without this, Lugar argued, the November elections will lack credibility. Lugar warned, ``The absence of democratically elected successors could potentially plunge the country into chaos.''

Fair, inclusive elections -- that include the participation of Famni Lavalas and other legitimate political parties and respect for the right of all exiles to return, including Aristide -- are essential for establishing a Haitian government with the legitimacy and capacity to effectively manage the country's reconstruction. Settling for elections that are less than fair and inclusive might seem expedient in the short term, but in the mid- and long-term accepting flawed elections will ensure civil strife and political controversy. It will imperil international community investments in Haiti while leaving the country vulnerable to the next natural, economic or political disaster.

If we believe in spreading democracy throughout the world, it is difficult to understand the code of silence by the United States and other nations that support the disenfranchisement of the Haitian people by eliminating the majority party in the election. 

Ira J. Kurzban was the general counsel in the United States for the Republic of Haiti for 13 years during the Aristide and first Préval administrations.

 

 

 

INFO: The Haves vs. The Have Nots— Census Finds Record Gap Between Rich And Poor

Income Gap Widens: Census Finds Record Gap Between Rich And Poor

HOPE YEN | 09/28/10 08:15 PM | AP

 

Rich Poor Gap Census
A homeless man panhandles October 26, 2009 in New York City.

WASHINGTON — The recession seems to be socking Americans in the heart as well as the wallet: Marriages have hit an all-time low while pleas for food stamps have reached a record high and the gap between rich and poor has grown to its widest ever.

The long recession technically ended in mid-2009, economists say, but U.S. Census data released Tuesday show the painful, lingering effects. The annual survey covers all of last year, when unemployment skyrocketed to 10 percent, and the jobless rate is still a stubbornly high 9.6 percent.

The figures also show that Americans on average have been spending about 36 fewer minutes in the office per week and are stuck in traffic a bit less than they had been. But that is hardly good news, either. The reason is largely that people have lost jobs or are scraping by with part-time work.

"Millions of people are stuck at home because they can't find a job. Poverty increased in a majority of states, and children have been hit especially hard," said Mark Mather, associate vice president of the Population Reference Bureau.

The economic "indicators say we're in recovery, but the impact on families and children will linger on for years," he said.

Take marriage.

In America, marriages fell to a record low in 2009, with just 52 percent of adults 18 and over saying they were joined in wedlock, compared to 57 percent in 2000.

The never-married included 46.3 percent of young adults 25-34, with sharp increases in single people in cities in the Midwest and Southwest, including Cleveland, Phoenix, Los Angeles and Albuquerque, N.M. It was the first time the share of unmarried young adults exceeded those who were married.

Marriages have been declining for years due to rising divorce, more unmarried couples living together and increased job prospects for women. But sociologists say younger people are also now increasingly choosing to delay marriage as they struggle to find work and resist making long-term commitments.

In dollar terms, the rich are still getting richer, and the poor are falling further behind them.

The income gap between the richest and poorest Americans grew last year to its largest margin ever, a stark divide as Democrats and Republicans spar over whether to extend Bush-era tax cuts for the wealthy.

The top-earning 20 percent of Americans – those making more than $100,000 each year – received 49.4 percent of all income generated in the U.S., compared with the 3.4 percent made by the bottom 20 percent of earners, those who fell below the poverty line, according to the new figures. That ratio of 14.5-to-1 was an increase from 13.6 in 2008 and nearly double a low of 7.69 in 1968.

At the top, the wealthiest 5 percent of Americans, who earn more than $180,000, added slightly to their annual incomes last year, the data show. Families at the $50,000 median level slipped lower.

Three states – New York, Connecticut and Texas – and the District of Columbia had the largest gaps between rich and poor. Big gaps were also evident in large cities such as New York, Miami, Los Angeles, Boston and Atlanta, home to both highly paid financial and high-tech jobs as well as clusters of poorer immigrant and minority residents.

Alaska, Utah, Wyoming, Idaho and Hawaii had the smallest income gaps.

"Income inequality is rising, and if we took into account tax data, it would be even more," said Timothy Smeeding, a University of Wisconsin-Madison professor who specializes in poverty. "More than other countries, we have a very unequal income distribution where compensation goes to the top in a winner-takes-all economy."

Lower-skilled adults ages 18 to 34 had the largest jumps in poverty last year as employers kept or hired older workers for the dwindling jobs available. The declining economic fortunes have caused many unemployed young Americans to double-up in housing with parents, friends and loved ones, with potential problems for the labor market if they don't get needed training for future jobs, he said.

Homeownership declined for the third year in a row, to 65.9 percent, after hitting a peak of 67.3 percent in 2006. Residents in crowded housing held steady at 1 percent, the highest since 2004, a sign that people continued to "double up" to save money.

Average commute times edged lower to 25.1 minutes, the lowest since 2006, as fewer people headed to the office in the morning. The share of people who carpooled also declined, from 10.7 percent to 10 percent, while commuters who took public transportation were unchanged at 5 percent.

The number of U.S. households receiving food stamps surged by 2 million last year to 11.7 million, the highest level on record, meaning that 1 in 10 families was receiving the government aid. In all, 46 states and the District of Columbia had increases in food stamps, with the largest jumps in Nevada, Arizona, Florida and Wisconsin.

Other findings:

_The foreign-born population edged higher to 38.5 million, or 12.5 percent, following a dip in the previous year, due mostly to increases in naturalized citizens. The share of U.S. residents speaking a language other than English at home also rose, from 19.7 percent to 20 percent, mostly in California, New Mexico and Texas.

_The poorest poor hit record highs. Twenty-eight states had increases in the share of people below $10,977 in income, half the poverty line for a family of four. The highest shares were in the District of Columbia, Mississippi, Kentucky, Arkansas and South Carolina. Nationally, the poorest poor rose to 6.3 percent.

_Women's average pay still lags men's, but the gap is narrowing. Women with full-time jobs made 78.2 percent of men's pay, up from 77.7 percent in 2008 and about 64 percent in 2000, as men took bigger hits in the recession.

_More older people are working. About 27.1 percent of Americans 60 and over were in the work force. That's up from 26.7 percent in 2008.

The census figures come weeks before the pivotal Nov. 2 congressional elections, when voters anxious about rising deficits and the slow pace of the economic recovery will decide whether to keep Democrats in control of Congress.

The 2009 tabulations, which are based on pretax income and exclude capital gains, are adjusted for household size where data are available. Prior analyses of after-tax income made by the wealthiest 1 percent compared to middle- and low-income Americans have also pointed to a widening inequality gap, but only reflect U.S. data as of 2007.

___

Online:

http://www.census.gov

 

 

 

 

__________________________

Illinois Poverty Up 24 Percent In The Last Decade, According To New Report

First Posted: 09-28-10 01:09 PM   |   Updated: 09-28-10 01:09 PM

Poverty

 

 

The percentage of Illinoisans living below the poverty line rose dramatically over the last decade, according to new census data released Tuesday.

In 1999, the poverty rate in the state was 10.7 percent. The 2009 data, which is just coming to light, shows that 13.3 percent of Illinois was in poverty last year.

The American Community Survey, which released the new statistics, is a sort of mini-census conducted annually that polls roughly three million homes per year. A Midwest poverty advocacy group called The Heartland Alliance for Human Needs & Human Rights analyzed the data for the region.

According to the Heartland Alliance's report, poverty was up significantly in a wide range of measures. Median household income fell from nearly $60,000 in 1999 to just under $54,000 last year, a 10 percent decrease. The proportion of the population in "extreme poverty" -- that is, living on less than half the federal poverty guideline -- rose 18 percent over the same period, with 140,000 new Illinoisans joining the ranks of the extremely poor. Six percent of the state's population now lives below that threshold, which comes out to $11,025 per year for a family of four.

The child poverty rate was up nearly 30 percent in the last decade. Now, 581,466 children in the state -- nearly one child in five -- live below the poverty line.

Amy Rynell, director of Heartland Alliance's Social IMPACT Research Center in Chicago, spoke with the Chicago Tribune about the ramifications of the new figures:

"The data clearly shows that the economic recovery is not hitting home for our workers across our region," Rynell said. "We have many people both out of work as well as struggling very hard to make ends [meet]. We have seen this through use of food pantries and through increases in homelessness. We know that we will have to have a concerted response in terms of public policy and programming to make sure people don't fall behind and are able to make ends meet for our families."

Unfortunately, the social safety net that Rynell hopes for is slowly eroding, as a massive state budget shortfall and a government unwilling to raise revenues leads to cuts in human services statewide.

The state faced a roughly $13 billion deficit this year, one of the worst in the nation. Governor Pat Quinn floated the idea of an income tax increase to fight off cuts in education, but there was insufficient political will for its passage. His opponent, Republican Bill Brady, has vowed not to raise taxes, instead planning a 10 percent across-the-board cut in government spending.

With Brady holding a sizable lead in the polls, the growing ranks of Illinois' poor may well face a shrinking array of services available to them starting next year.

>via: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2010/09/28/illinois-poverty-up-24-pe_n_741900.html

 

OP-ED: Women and the Nation - Sokari on Nigerian Women

Sokari Ekine

Women and the Nation

by Sokari on September 28, 2010

in African Women, Nigeria


The original idea for this piece was to write a short essay on Nigerian Feminism over the past 50 years.  However there are still those who feel that “feminism” is unAfrican and I feel there needs to be a discussion on what Nigerian Feminism is before one can begin to name Nigerian feminists.   I give an example. Earlier this year I was at a workshop on Gender and Militarization and we were working through ideas around “feminist methodology”.  One of the participants asked for clarification on the term ‘feminist’.  From the discussion it soon became clear that many of those present were reluctant to use the term which they associated with “lesbianism” or “man-hating”  which were “unAfrican” and feminism was a western idea and as such not something they wished to be a part of.   Some consensus was reached but anything to do with same-sex desire was dismissed by all but two women including myself.    What should have come next, was a discussion on  who or what can be said to be authentically African?   Who is the holder of this power to define who or what is African which assumes a static or fixed condition?   How can they do so given, for example, the cultural, linguistic and ethnic diversity in a geographical entity of nearly 1 billion people?  Even to say it is “unNigerian” is equally problematic.

My understanding of African / Nigerian feminism lies somewhere between indigeious feminisms which have always existed in the sense that Nigerian women have always fought against local oppressive conditions as well as more recently colonialism; and contemporary feminism which is relatively new and although it has its foundations in Europe,  Africa / Nigeria has developed it’s own contemporary indigenous feminisms which struggle against fundamentalist and oppressive conditions such as female genital mutilation, forced marriages, widowhood rites,  same sex relationships and so on.  The point is that feminism is not just about women, its about creating a new form of social relationships based on equality, mutual respect and justice.

So instead I am going to focus on some of the Nigerian women (some may identify as feminists, some may not) who  have taken action towards achieving justice and social, economic, environmental and political change.  Women who I consider to be progressive and who have challenged and resisted oppressive conditions and or laws by taking action either individually or collectively.   The women mentioned largely remain nameless but their actions have not been forgotten.  They have much to teach us with their courage and tenacity.   I hope that those who read the piece can add to it and possibly we can begin the discussion around what we mean by ‘Nigerian FeminismS”.   The list of women is not definitive – it is my list and I invite readers to share the names of  their role models and heroines.

Pre-Independence

Although pre-independence, it would be impossible and inappropriate not to mention to two important acts of resistance in Nigeria’s history.   The  Women’s War of 1929 [also known as the Aba Women’s Riots] and the Abeokuta market women protests of  the early 1940s.    Both protests centered around market women, the colonial imposition of unfair taxation and indirect rule in southern Nigeria.   In the Women’s War, which lasted nearly two months, market women gathered at the “Native Administration” centers in Owerri, Calabar and towns across South Eastern Nigeria to protest against taxes imposed by  Warrant Chiefs who were seen as bullies on the payroll the colonial masters.   The women,  some 25,000 strong in places, attacked the colonial system – prisons, courts, European owned shops as well as the Warrant Officers themselves.  The women were able to force the colonial authorities to drop the taxes and curb the Warrant Officers.   Their actions were mportant because this was a Women’s ‘revolt’ against injustice and also because it was the  first notable challenge to colonial authority.  This  show of resistance must have influenced the movement for independence which was largely led by men.  [For more on the Aba Women’s Riot see Igbo Kwenu]

The Abeokuta market women protests came almost a decade later but again the women revolted against colonial taxes and the failure of the traditional rulers to defend their demands and challenge the colonial masters. Instead under indirect rule, the Alake of Abeokuta was the person ultimately responsible for tax collection.

 

The issue of taxation was a particularly sore issue for the  women of Abeokuta  who were amongst the first females to be subjected to tax by the colonial government.  Girls were taxed at age 15 whilst boys 16 and wives were taxed separately from their husbands irrespective of their income.  The women considered the tax as “foreign, unfair and excessive” but they also objected to the method of collection.   The educator and feminist Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti [FRK] who was at that time headteacher at Abeokuta Grammar School learned of the women’s struggle and formed the Abeokuta Women’s Union [AWU] in which the ‘elite” Abeokuta ‘ladies’ joined in solidarity with the market women of Egbaland.

The AWU became a huge due-paying organisation with some 20,000 women as members and they were able to organise huge demonstrations.  It was a highly disciplined organisation and everyone was expected to follow the rules.  The anti-tax protest action was a long and protracted one in which FRK was at the head leading the women in the struggle which eventually resulted in the temporary abdication of the Alake of Abeokuta.   The protest consisted of mass demonstrations and refusals to pay the tax.  FRK apparently led training sessions in her compound for these demonstrations where she explained to the women how to cover their eyes, noses and mouths with cloth when tear gas was thrown.  She also instructed them to pick up the canisters of tear gas and throw them back at the police.   The demonstrations were called “picnics” or “festivals” by the women as they were unable to get permits.  The women were utterly fearless and even challenged the “ORO”, an entirely male “thing or ritual” said to have supernatural powers.  At one point FRK seizes the ORO which resembles a stick and displayed it in her home.   The anti-tax protests took a large toll on FRK and the women but they stuck with it and eventually succeeded in their demands. [ORO - I would appreciate more clarity on this so please email or leave a comment if you have any additional information]

Political actvists in the early women’s movement

Madam Margaret Expo, Oyinkan Abayomi – founder of the Nigerian Women’s Party, Lady Ademola and Folayegbe Akintunde-Ighodalo are just a few of the pioneers in the formation of the Nigerian Women’s movement  concerned with capacity building, employment, suffrage and increasing women’s political participation.  What was common to all these women was the belief that women are not and should not be subordinate to men.  There was a recognition of the contradiction between women’s role in the public sphere and that of the private which needed to be challenged.

Post Independence

The last 50 years have seen very few protests equal to those in the post independence era other than those by women of the Niger Delta.  I will return to this later but first I would like to mention a number of individual Nigerian women who have made a difference in the struggle for social justice and who I consider to be women of action and feminists.

Human Rights activists

Dorothy Aken’Ova – For her work with young women on sexual and reproductive health in Minna, Niger State.

Hauwa Ibrahim – For her work as a human rights lawyer defending women sentenced under sharia law.

Ayo Obe- A Human Right Lawyer. Was once with the Civil Liberty Organisation.

Chibogu Obinwa: A human rights activist with Baobab for Women’s Human Rights in Nigeria.

Josephine Nzerem: For her very important and often forgotten group of Nigerian women – Executive Director of Human Angle, an organization that works to provide protection, advocacy and justice for widows and their right of inheritance.

Josephine Effah- Chukuma:  For her work in establishing Project Alert to protect women from sexual, domestic and gender- based violence. Her organization provides temporary accommodation for victims of abuse while they help seek justice, counseling and medical help.

Academics

Amina Mama, for ten years Amina was the director of the African Gender Institute in Cape Town. One of her main areas of research and expertise is ‘Militarism’ in Africa.

Ayesha Imam, founder of Baobab for Women’s Rights, specifically her groundbreaking  work on women’s rights in Islamic law

Funmilayo Olonisakin is the Director of Conflict, Security and Development Group, Kings College London.  She is the founder of the Fellowship programme for African women on Peace and Security.

Journalists/ Bloggers

Funmi Iyanda – For her work in broadcasting and her award winning show New Dawn and her courage to address the those uncomfortable issues and challenge many of the stereotypes and hypocrises that exist in our society.

Nigerian Curiosity – For her commitment to Nigerian democracy and analysis of Nigerian politics through her excellent blog –

Toyin Ajao: For her blog “The Activist”  with which she raises awareness on women’s rights, gender equality and the security of African women.

Ore Somolu – For her work with women and technology –

The Arts

Buchi Emecheta – For her writing on Nigerian women and the intersection of race, gender and sexuality in Britain.

Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie – For challenging patriarchy and homophobia  in her writing and for having the courage to engage Nigerians with their history, particularly Biafra.

Unoma Azuah – For her work as a progressive writer and mentor and like Adichie for challenging homophobia and fundamentalism

Bibi Bakare-Yusuf - For her work in promoting the writings of Nigerian and other African writers through her publishing house, Cassava Republic.

Lucy Azubuike -  For her work on women’s sexuality such as “Like a Virgin” which challenges oppressive traditions such as female genital mutilation [FGM]

Hafsat Abiola Constello – Through yearly staging of V-Monologue play in Nigeria (running for 4/5 yrs now). Stories of abuse against women, FMG, forced marriage, disinheritance of women are told.

To return to the collective actions of women in the post-independence period.  Apart from periodic protests by market women in major urban areas such as Lagos, there is no doubt that women of the Niger Delta have been the most visible in their struggle against the multinational oil companies and Nigerian military occupation of their lands.  During the height of the Ogoni Movement for the Survival of  Ogoni People [MOSOP] in the early 1990s,  the Federation of Ogoni Women [FOWA] were at the forefront of the struggle.  The troubles in Ogoniland came to a head in November 1993 when the Nigerian military government began a three-year campaign of violence, murder, rape, burning, looting, beatings and torture, against the Ogoni people.  For the Ogoni women, resistance was  incorporated into every part of their daily life as they lived through  Shell’s destruction of their environment and the presence of the Nigerian military.   The women faced harassment on their farms, on the way to their markets, in their villages minding their homes, and at night when they were asleep.  In this way their very existence became part of their resistance as they insisted on being visible and became more and more politicized engaging with elders and youths in the struggle.

FOWA soon gained voting rights within MOSOP and in this way FOWA was able to use a strategy of collective action as an act of resistance in their struggle and coordinate their activities with men in the community. Another strategy was to use their position and status as mothers to work with the youths who were, in effect, their sons or the age of their sons.    Similar tactics have been used by other women in the Niger Delta.  Women from the Egiland in Rivers State organised with youths to protest against the environmental damage caused by Elf oil as well as demanding jobs for their husbands and sons.

Between 2002 and 2004 thousands of women from the Ijaw, Itsekiri, Urhobo and Iljae  nationalities organized a series of  unprecedented protests and occupations of oil facilities belonging to Chevron and Shell including Chevron’s main facility at Escravos in Delta State.   Young and elderly women with the support of their families and communities, held steadfast until their demands for development in their communities was agreed upon.   These protests were especially important as both the oil companies and Nigerian military were unable to use their usual divide and rule tactics to break up the women’s occupation.

Since the 2004 uprising there have been sporadic protests by women in the region such as between May and August this year when women from the Ekpan and Ugborodo communities in Delta State demonstrated in frustration against the continued lack of development and the erosion of lands in their community.   Unfortunately I do not have the space to present a critical examination on the success and failure of the various Niger Delta women’s uprising but on the whole they have not been sustainable largely because they have centered around a specific set of demands which when met, the protest ends until the next set of demands or crisis occurs.

In conclusion, reading the media, one would be forgiven for  thinking that for example, Niger Deltan women, market women who have always been extremely organised and vocal, were invisible, silent and passive victims of violence and oppression.   The same goes for commentary by political activists, social researchers and humanitarian organizations on the active participation of Nigerian women in general.  This needs to change because it is evident to me that if we are to achieve any meaningful change then we should start by studying and documenting the actions of  these pioneering and contemporary women and realise that within us we have an enormous amount of knowledge and the power to bring about change.  It is women who successfully challenged the colonial authorities and traditional rulers.  It is women who have been at the forefront of the non-violent struggle for justice in the Niger Delta though this has largely been ignored. It is feminists like Amina Mama, Lucy Azubuike and Chimamanda Adichie who are placing women at the center in their writing and artistic work.    This is not to elevate women to a superior place in our societies but to recognize that it is in the interest of men and everyone irrespective of their gender, status, ethnicity, religion, sexual preference to engage with feminism so as to create an environment where radical transformation can take place.

Thanks to Toyin Ajao for providing additional names of human rights activists for this post.

 

PALESTINE—VIDEO + INFO: The Silwan Situation

New video disproves settler version of Silwan shooting

by Adam Horowitz on September 28, 2010 · 4 comments

From the Wadi Hilweh Information Center:

Wadi Hilweh Information Center video reveals that the testimony given by the guard who killed Samer Sarhan last week Wednesday is invalid. The video recording was aired on Israeli Channel Two News.

The killer told the Israeli police that the incident had occurred when he was trying to defend himself from a planned ambush. He claimed that the street in Wadi Hilweh where he was driving was blocked by garbage containers, and that after stopping, his Jeep did not start. He claimed that after he stepped out of the vehicle, Palestinian residents began throwing stones at him - according to the claims – and that he had to shoot to defend himself. As a result Samer Sarhan was killed.

However, the video camera which was unveiled by Wadi Hilweh Information Center clearly shows that the street was not blocked and that the killer had fled in his vehicle immediately after the shooting.

It should be noted that the Israeli police accepted the shooter’s version and released him to his home less than 24 hours following the incident. This leads the residents of Silwan to fear that the settlement guards have complete freedom to use their weapons as they deem fit.

Silwan residents often complain about the conduct of the settlement guards. For example, on June 2nd, settlers’ guards tried to disperse demonstrators despite the presence of Israeli police at the scene, wounding one of the mosque personnel, Ayoub Mazen Auda, in the leg, and attacked a photographer of Silwanic, Ahmed Siyam. To our knowledge, the guards were not arrested or tried for their assault.

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MIDEAST
Riots Grip East Jerusalem
By Mel Frykberg

SILWAN, Occupied East Jerusalem, Sep 27, 2010 (IPS) - Tension, the twisted carcasses of gutted vehicles, buses with smashed windows, smouldering dumpsters, streets riddled with rubber-coated steel bullets and empty cartridge cases, teargas, and air thickened with black soot from burning tyres marked the beginning of the fifth day Monday of continuous rioting in East Jerusalem.

A Palestinian man was killed by an Israeli settlement security guard in disputed circumstances, a Palestinian toddler asphyxiated on teargas, and dozens of Palestinians were injured by beatings, rubber-coated metal bullets and teargas inhalation. 

The East Jerusalem neighbourhood of Silwan has been tense for months with clashes breaking out between protesting Palestinian youths and Israeli security forces on a regular basis. 

Jerusalem municipality has demolished many Palestinian homes. The planned demolition of dozens more homes, the eviction of many Palestinian residents, and the pending eviction of hundreds more to make way for illegal Jewish settlements and a Jewish theme park has led to a time-bomb waiting to explode. 

The spark that ignited the flame took place last Wednesday morning at approximately 5am when father of five 31-year-old Samer Sarhan was shot dead on his way to work following a confrontation with Israeli security guards outside the City of David Israeli settlement. 

The Israeli authorities claimed the security guard in question had killed Sarhan in "self-defence" when his life was in danger after his vehicle was pelted with stones. Palestinians claim there was a verbal altercation and then a fist fight after which the fleeing Sarhan was chased by the security guard. 

In an all too familiar scenario a growing number of unarmed Palestinians have been shot dead by armed Israelis in situations that critics and human rights organisations argue are questionable at best and deliberate executions at worst. 

Furthermore, eyewitnesses who watched the security guard re-enact the circumstances of the deadly shooting for police, reported the guard stopping at several different locations where he allegedly opened fire after chasing Sarhan. 

It wasn't long before Silwan erupted into violence as news of the killing spread like wildfire through the neighbourhood. The rioting then spread to neighbouring areas of East Jerusalem. 

IPS attended the funeral of the dead man, which was held the same day, as did about 1,000 mourners. The anger was palpable and the atmosphere tense. Groups of heavily armed Israeli special forces were placed on high alert and observed proceedings from strategic vantage points looking down on the Silwan valley. 

Israeli settlers opened fire at the funeral procession as youths threw rocks and Molotov cocktails at their homes. Two Israeli police vehicles were gutted by Molotovs and several Israeli buses had their windows smashed by mourners during the funeral. 

As the ensuing violence over the next four days spread to large parts of East Jerusalem 14-month-old toddler Muhammad Abu Sneneh became the latest casualty after he was asphyxiated by teargas. 

His parents accused the Israelis of negligence saying that Israeli soldiers and police had prevented ambulances from evacuating the boy to hospital. Instead the boy was treated at a local clinic but died several hours later at home. 

The timing of the clashes -- just days before Israel's moratorium on illegal settlement building in East Jerusalem and the West Bank was due to expire and Israeli-Palestinian peace talks were due to resume was just too coincidental, argue some. 

Some Palestinians are speculating that an increase in the provocative behaviour of Israeli settlers in East Jerusalem is a fifth-column strategy by the Israeli government to derail peace talks and ease international pressure on Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to cease settlement building and expansion. 

"These provocations are calculated and violent acts with a political goal," Dimitri Diliani, a Fatah Revolutionary Council member told IPS. 

"The sequence of settler attacks against the Palestinian civilian population increased in severity and frequency as the settlement moratorium approached with the accompanying international pressure on Israel. 

"Israel will use the clashes as an excuse to portray itself once again as the victim, and to argue that its security is in jeopardy. A senior Israel Defence Forces (IDF) member actually claimed that the growing grassroots civil movement and the strategy of non-violence as espoused by the Palestinian leadership posed a public relations problem for Israel. He further argued that it was easier for Israel to argue its case to the world when Israeli civilians were the victims of Palestinian attacks," said Diliani. 

Abed Shaludi, a member of the Bustan Committee Against Home Demolitions agrees with Diliani's assessment, saying that the settlers are trying to provoke an uprising. 

"We are sick of the settlers and the situation. Our economical situation is weak, there are insufficient schools for our children, the settler guards walk in groups and intimidate the citizens by cursing at them and threatening them with guns. I knew it was just a matter of time before one of them eventually killed a Palestinian," Shaludi told IPS. 

But it appears the Israeli policy to Judaise East Jerusalem and drive the Palestinians from their homes will backfire. 

"We will not leave our homes under any circumstances," says Fakri Abu Diab, a spokesman from the Bustan committee. "My home is also slated for demolition. But they will have to kill me first. I would rather be dead than see my children forced to live on the streets," Abu Diab told IPS. 

>via: http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=52978

 


 

VIDEO: Curtis Mayfield



Keep On Keeping On



It's All Right


scmm42 | December 23, 2006

A great gospel performance from Curtis Mayfield.
David Lindley - Pedal Steel,
George Duke - Piano,
Hiram Bullock - Guitar,
Tom Barney - bass,
Omar Hakim - drums,
David Sanborn - Sax,
Philippe Saisse - Keybord.


Move On Up



People Get Ready


scmm42 | December 23, 2006

Curtis Mayfield in a poignant performance from Night Music. The band includes Taylor Dane, Hiram Bullock, David Lindley, David Sanborn, Omar Hakkim, Don Alias and Tom Barney.


 

VIDEO: Spine TV's Studio Sessions featuring United Vibrations > Black Nerds Network

Black Nerds Network

Spine TV's Studio Sessions

 

Last saturday saw us at Spine Tv's Studio Sessions, and with out doubt it was the best atmosphere...party...show of the year so far!!!
It started with the funky "analog renaissance" who were a group of 20 somethings that had been flashed back "LOST" stylee to the mid 70's and raised on a diet of FAT FUNK!!

Then concluded with the incredible United Vibrations who were a cross between Fela Kuti and Sun Ra with beats as fat as Pretty Purdy!

United Vibrations-Ra!

Got us some Ra!

Spine TV