VIDEO: Jimmy Cliff: Tiny Desk Concert : NPR

Jimmy Cliff: Tiny Desk Concert

 

Credit: Frannie Kelley and Bob Boilen (cameras), edited by Bob Boilen/NPR
 
Set List
 "Sitting in Limbo"
 "I Got to Move On"
 "You Can Get It If You Really Want"
 
 
Hear a Full Concert
 Jimmy Cliff

 

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July 12, 2010

Jimmy Cliff is a gentle soul — that's always come through in his songs and in the lilt in his voice. His most legendary songs appeared in the 1972 film The Harder They Come and its soundtrack; start with "Many Rivers to Cross" and you'll feel the heart, soul and wisdom of Jimmy Cliff.

Cliff starred in The Harder They Come as a reggae artist trying to make it in the music business, and the songs he sings — including "You Can Get It If You Really Want," "Sitting in Limbo" (both of which he performs in this Tiny Desk Concert) and "The Harder They Come" — never died. They're part of the soundtrack to a generation, but their reach extends beyond that. The Harder They Come put reggae on the map in the early '70s and became both an antidote and a guiding spirit to the punk and new wave music that would come a few years later.

For a musician, it must be hard to have your career hinge on your early music, but Jimmy Cliff always soldiered on. Still does. And his new songs are often as good as those early ones — he performs one, "I Got to Move On," here. But it is often circumstances, not songwriting abilities, that land a tune in the canon.

Jimmy Cliff was inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame earlier this year — and was, for many, the star performer there. In myriad ways, his aging voice sounds better than ever, having grown into those songs he wrote and sang nearly four decades ago. I felt honored to be a part of this Tiny Desk Concert, and pleased that we captured it for posterity.

via npr.org

 

VIDEO: Lupita Nyong'o's Docu-Film—In My Genes

Kenyan filmmaker, Lupita Nyong'o speaks on her acclaimed documentary about Albinism, "In My Genes"

Documentary film-maker Lupita Nyong-O talks about her first documentary film, "In My Genes" at the African Roundtable hosted by Global Information Network on April 6, 2009. The film tells the story of Kenyan albinos and their community's negative and positive reactions to their skin condition, touching upon issues of identity and race.

==============================

All About Lupita Nyong'o's Docu-Film

 


CK and Delphine, Twin Sisters


In My Genes Movie Poster


Agnes Muthakye and the family she always longed for


James and Pamela look at their first child

IN MY GENES is the eye-opening story of vision, violence and the value of human difference set in Kenya’s vibrant capital city, Nairobi and her environs. Shot in 2006, before the news of the rampant murders of albinos in Tanzania, the film is both heartrending and invigorating in tone.

Albinism, the inherited genetic condition that causes little or no pigmentation in the eyes, skin or hair, has been wrought with misunderstanding among many African communities, and Kenya is no exception. Being a person with albinism comes with constant stares, stigma, stereotypes, and discrimination. Some common misconceptions are that children with albinism are products of affairs with white men, that the condition is contagious, affects the brain development of the individual and, most traditionally, that they are a curse or a bad omen. While IN MY GENES addresses these misconceptions, this is not another “Oh-Poor-Africa” documentary. The stories are an affirmation of what individuals under great persecution can make of themselves and what they can then inspire and challenge in us. It is a film of such effortless intimacy, subtle glimpses and honest examination.

We experience what it is like to be “white” in a “black” society through the uplifting story of Agnes Muthakye, a woman, who at first glance may not seem like someone with much to laugh about. For one thing, she has albinism-- a lack of pigment in the skin and eyes-- and her appearance has provoked prejudice from family, friends and strangers since she was born. Agnes is also blind and as a woman of few means, she heads a household of 7 children, her 17-year-old daughter expecting another, by weaving traditional kyondoo baskets and knitting sweaters for sale. But despite all odds, Agnes refuses to lead a life of sorrow. She invites us into her life as she constructs a kyondoo over the course of a week. During this time, Agnes discovers the real reason why she is the way she is, and why she lost her eyesight. Yet Agnes keeps going, trusting in the work of her hands and the strength of her God. The threads of the woolen basket she weaves become a poignant metaphor of the need to reconstruct our human ties and the importance of solidarity.

Interviews with seven other individuals inter-cut Agnes’ narrative to share their unique experiences of living with albinism. CK, an energetic, eloquent and witty person with albinism grew up alongside a dark-skinned twin sister (a reported very rare occurrence for only one twin to be a person with albinism). She shares the surprising perks of being a person with albinism, including receiving preferential treatment from her parents, and yet, also the destruction of her dreams from traumatizing childhood experiences. James is expecting a baby with his dark-skinned wife, Pamela, any day soon. He tells us of what courting a dark-skinned girl was like and they share their hopes and fears should they have a child with albinism. Mwaura, a politician, Alex and Grace, educators, Benedict, a leather artisan, and Wycliffe, a medical student, all help bring alive a compelling and complex experience that charmingly tackles questions about the effects of their condition on aspects of their childhood, adolescence, sexuality, race, and dreams.

In Kenya, statistics of the occurring frequency of albinism are not available, as little national attention has been paid specifically to this condition. However in some parts of Africa, where studies have been done, albinism is estimated to affect as many as one in every 1,000 people. This is indication that people with albinism do make up a considerable number of our population. The film is filled with facts about the condition and acts as a powerful introduction to understanding the condition.

This film is inspiring, informative, and disturbing. The images are unforgettable, and the stories resonate reminding us of what it means to be human, what it means to love. IN MY GENES celebrates the resilience and vibrancy of people who sorely stand out from the crowd and manage to teach the world a thing or two about transforming perceived weakness into strength in the process.

 

 

PUB: Melissa Lanitis Gregory Poetry Contest

Bona Fide Books

The Melissa Lanitis Gregory Poetry Prize

Bona Fide Books will award annually The Melissa Lanitis Gregory Poetry Prize for an unpublished collection of poems. The winner will receive publication, ten copies, a $500 cash award, and a reading at Lake Tahoe. Prizes are awarded upon publication.

 

The 2010 Melissa Lanitis Gregory Poetry Prize
Call for Manuscripts
48 to 100 pages
Accepting submissions through August 31

 

Guidelines:

  • Submit a previously unpublished, full-length poetry manuscript of between 48 and 100 pages.
  • Include two cover pages: one with the title of the manuscript only, the other with title of manuscript, name, address, telephone number, and email address.
  • Include a table of contents and, if applicable, an acknowledgments page for prior publications.
  • Simultaneous submissions are permitted; please let us know right away if your manuscript is accepted elsewhere. (Refunds will not be issued.)
  • A reading fee of $20 (US) by check or PayPal must accompany each submission. Multiple submissions are accepted; each requires a $20 entry fee.
  • More than one manuscript may be chosen for publication.
  • Submit via email or post.

Email Submissions

Email your submission to submissions@bonafidebooks.com. Please submit your $20 entry fee via PayPal. 

Post Submissions
Mail your submission and fee to:

Bona Fide Books
PO Box 550278
South Lake Tahoe, CA 96155

Please make check payable to Bona Fide Books, Inc.

All entries must be received or postmarked by August 31, 2010.


 

This award is offered in honor of artist Melissa Lanitis Gregory, the inspiration behind Bona Fide Books. Melissa was a true friend and supporter of the literary arts. She died in 2009 and is greatly missed.

 

 

PUB: Mérida Fellowship - uspoetsinmexico.org

U.S. Poets in Mexico is pleased to announce our 2nd Annual

Mérida Fellowship Award

Deadline:  October 15, 2010
Winner announced: November 1, 2010

Judge: Maureen Owen

Maureen Owen is the author of ten poetry titles, most recently Erosion’s Pull from Coffee House Press, a finalist for the Colorado Book Award and the Balcones Poetry Prize. Her title American Rush: Selected Poems was a finalist for the L.A. Times Book Prize and her work AE (Amelia Earhart) was a recipient of the prestigious Before Columbus American Book Award. Other books include Imaginary Income, Zombie Notes, a brass choir approaches the burial ground, The No-Travels Journal, and Untapped Maps.  She has work most recently published in YAWP magazine, Columbia Review, Hanging Loose, Poems from the Women’s Movement, The library of America, ed. Honor Moore, and Visiting Wallace, Univ. of Iowa Press (eds. Dennis Barone and James Finnegan). Maureen is a recipient of an NEA Writing Fellowship, Foundation for Contemporary Performance Arts grant and most recently a Fund for Poetry grant.  She currently teaches at Naropa University both on campus and in the low-residency MFA Creative Writing Program and is editor-in-chief of Naropa’s on-line zine not enough night.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Apply

 

The Mérida Fellowship Award is awarded annually to one American poet (over 18 years of age) to participate in our workshops with tuition and registration fees paid, a hotel room for the week, our schedule day trips and optional Spanish lessons.

To enter the contest:
Send 4-6poems, no more than 6 pages in total, 12 pt. Times New Roman type. Do not put your name or address on submitted poems.  Previously published poems will be accepted. Contest submissions will not be returned. Enclose your poems, a check for $25 (entry fee) and the Application.

Mail to:
U.S. Poets in Mexico
P.O. Box 4150
Grand Central Station
New York, NY 10163

 

 

PUB: Ducts.org - Literary Contest

CONTEST DESCRIPTION

2010: it’s a new decade and a time of change for many. Ducts.org is getting in the swing with a multi-genre writing contest! Below are the 4 categories for which Ducts.org will be accepting entries. You may enter pieces in as many categories as you wish, though each entry will be subject to a separate reading fee. Manuscripts will be judged by members of the Ducts staff purely on the basis of skill, and will be scored by: quality of writing (33.3%), originality (33.3%), and how clearly the writer articulates the chosen contest theme (33.3%).

Each entry, with the exception of Flash Fiction, must be 2000 words or less, including title page.

PRIZES

Grand Prize of $400 for the winning entry, which may be selected from any category. Top Prizes of $50/each awarded to the most successful entries in each of the 3 remaining categories. The Grand Prize and Top Prize winners will also have their winning entries published in the Winter 2011 issue of Ducts.org.

CONTEST CATEGORIES

1) PERSONAL NARRATIVE: “I found it at home”

Write a personal narrative on what home—a personal space—means to you.

2) FICTION: “Where do we go from here?”

Write a work of fiction that focuses on a major turning point in the lives of its character(s).

3) FLASH FICTION

Write a short work of fiction on any theme you wish, as long as it is 500 words or less.

Note: Poetry entries will not be considered.

4) OPEN GENRE

Write a piece using any genre you wish—personal narrative, essay, fiction, flash fiction, etc. The only requirement is that the last sentence of your piece must read: “I knew there was no turning back.”

Note: Poetry entries will not be considered.

OFFICIAL CONTEST RULES FOR ALL CATEGORIES

Please note the following rules for entry:

*Reading Fee: $15. Payments are made through PayPal, using either an electronic check or credit card. Payment via PayPal must be received before an entry will be read.  However, if you choose to submit your entry by mail, please enclose a check with your essay.

 * Postmark/Email Deadline: September 1, 2010. Submissions with a later postmark date or received via email later than this date will be discarded.

*All entries are non-returnable.

*We accept submission three ways. You can submit (1) using our online form (2) by emailing your manuscript as a Word.doc or Text file to contest@ducts.org, or (3) you can send manuscripts via regular mail to Ducts Contest, P.O. Box 3203, Grand Central Station, New York, NY 10163.

*Manuscript Requirements: Send no more than 2000 words (500 words for the flash fiction category), plus title page. Good photocopies acceptable. Mailed manuscripts must be paginated and secured with a staple.

*More than one manuscript may be submitted but each requires a reading fee. Simultaneous submissions are acceptable but Ducts.org must be notified if the manuscript is published elsewhere.

*Notification Dates: Results will be announced in our Winter 2010 Issue on December 1st, 2010. .

*The Winning Entries: Grand Prize winner receives publication, $400. Top Prize winners receive publication, $50.

*The odds of winning this contest will depend upon the number of entries.

*All Ducts staff are disqualified from this contest.


This issue of Ducts is made possible with a regrant from the Council of Literary Magazines and Presses, supported by public funds from the New York State Council on the Arts, a state agency.

 

REVIEW: Book—Cotton and Race in the Making of America

Gene Dattel. Cotton and Race in the Making of America: The Human Costs of Economic Power. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2009. xiv + 416 pp. $28.85 (cloth), ISBN 978-1-56663-747-3.

Reviewed by William G. Thomas (University of Nebraska--Lincoln)
Published on H-Environment (June, 2010)
Commissioned by David T. Benac

Facing Up to Slavery and the Balance Sheet

Gene Dattel's Cotton and Race in the Making of America tells the story of the rise of cotton production in the United States from the beginning of the nineteenth century to the mechanization of production in the 1930s. Dattel follows what he calls "the money trail" to the "heart and soul of America" (p. ix). His book attempts to show readers the underbelly of American economic growth in this period--where racial oppression, slavery, and exploitation generated enormous wealth and power for white Americans and persistent poverty for black Americans. But Dattel makes an even larger claim in this book. He wishes to expose "America's overwhelming attachment to material progress at whatever the human cost" (p. ix).

Dattel weaves several interlocking arguments throughout this book. He believes that cotton was so lucrative that it pulled every American into its web; that without "slave-produced cotton, there would have been no Civil War" (p. 27); that Northerners participated in and sustained racism; that Northern racism helped imprison blacks in the South after the Civil War; and that cotton corrupted the soul of Americans, creating a permanent "black underclass" by withholding opportunity from black Americans for generations.

Gene Dattel grew up in the Mississippi Delta and he is clearly concerned about the region's desperate poverty in the wake of the cotton economy. Much of the book can be understood as an explanation for why reparations to black Americans might be justified as compensation for the deep exploitation of slavery, sharecropping, and segregation. Dattel brings a sensitivity to the Delta's history that makes an especially powerful mark in his later chapters on Mound Bayou and the Delta Pine and Land Company, two failed efforts to break free of the cotton economy that Dattel chronicles with great effect.

Dattel left the Delta, however, and he spent much of his career as a managing director at Salomon Brothers and at Morgan Stanley. His expertise in international finance and capital markets is brought to bear in this story. He carefully documents the cotton trade and the ways that the price of cotton on the international market fluctuated but remained remarkably "resilient" (p. 64). Indeed, Dattel argues for a long run of consistency in cotton prices, despite violent short-term ups and downs. Throughout the 1850s, he reminds readers, cotton sold for eleven cents per pound, when it cost some planters five cents per pound to produce (p. 65). As a result, cotton helped sustain a "financial web" and a chain of dependent businessmen, politicians, and nations (p. 69). Dattel also briefly points out the ways Southern planters could leverage their slaves as collateral for further expansion of their cotton operations (pp. 50-51). This is one of the most important and least-understood aspects of the property rights in slaves that white Southerners held. All manner of other financial instruments might be created and sold based on these rights and secured by human bondage. Bonnie Maria Martin has recently uncovered important evidence of this financing.[1]

Despite its impressive narrative power, however, Cotton and Race in the Making of America presents some difficulties for this reviewer. The first is that Dattel's South is the cotton South. He dismisses other economic activities in the region and downplays their importance in order to draw a sharply visible line of connection between cotton and race exploitation. Rather than a diverse and interlaced region in which numerous competing identities took shape in the nineteenth century, the South presented here is one-dimensional, flattened onto the axes of cotton and slavery. Slavery, according to Dattel, was only profitable on cotton plantations and could never work in industrial or other settings (pp. 80-81). Yet nearly all of the recent economic studies of slavery suggest not only its consistent profitability across crops but also its diversity and reach.[2] In overdrawing the signal importance of cotton, Dattel renders tobacco, sugar, and rice, for example, as "simply not relevant" (p. 163). Even with cotton as the focus of this study, Dattel might have opened up the geography of this economic activity and the diversity of experiences within the cotton region. Here, the South equals cotton, an equation that historians have spend decades disproving. Understandably, Dattel seeks to draw attention to cotton and to link America, not just the South, to its history. In this effort he undoubtedly succeeds, but he does so at the expense of a more nuanced interpretation of the South.

Second, the lives and experiences of black Americans remain distinctly secondary in this book, so much so that Dattel's persistent criticism of white exploitation begins to ring hollow. In the North, blacks found an "anti-black" racism so pervasive, he writes, that their situation was "far more hopeless" in some respects than slavery (p. 109). We learn little of free blacks in the cotton regions of the South and in the urban places that serviced the cotton economy. Race remains an unexplored concept in this book, invoked to mean essentially the economic exploitation of blacks by whites. But scholars have shown how racial definitions and identities were malleable, and slavery and racism have a complex history. However, here race is particularly economic, a construction defined solely by the market demand for cotton. "Race Moves West," the title for chapter 9, suggests how loosely the term is used. While the chapter details the exclusion and expulsion laws of the northwestern states before the Civil War, we learn little about the ways black Americans dealt with these laws or how people lived within and around the law.

After the Civil War, Dattel emphasizes even more strongly the ways black Americans were limited by forces beyond their control. "The story is terribly simple," he explains. "Although they [black Americans] were no longer bound to a plantation, they were stuck between a white North that didn't want them and a white South that desperately needed them" (p. 222). Following the arguments of Gavin Wright in Old South New South: Revolutions in the Southern Economy since the Civil War (1986), Dattel asserts that blacks were unable to move out of the South because the white North would not offer them jobs. They were trapped in the South "by a web of forces" (p. 222). Once snared in the cotton economy, black Americans, no matter what they did, experienced a "tragic" "devastating inheritance." Dattel suggests that for black Americans "high rates of illegitimacy," "a disproportionate incidence of crime," and "destructive behavioral traits" followed in the wake of slavery, segregation, and cotton (p. 364). The linkages between these social effects and the cotton economy (their causation) are never fully documented in this account. All of these assertions imply that Dattel's main concern is to make white Americans realize the level of exploitation involved in the history of slavery and cotton agriculture as well as the legacies of these forces today. But he does so at the expense of a deeper understanding of the humanity of those involved. Indeed, the "human costs" for African Americans remain largely unexplained.

In what is both a strength and a weakness of his approach, Dattel privileges economic explanations above all others. For Dattel, "reality" means economic considerations, and this reality trumps politics, family, or faith. In the North before the Civil War, the explanation for the "shared racial animosity" whites held against blacks was "simple: money triumphed" (p. 108). Later, William Henry Seward, for example, had "no trouble sacrificing freedmen" for larger economic goals of transcontinental supremacy after the war (p. 120). And even later in the twentieth century, "economic laws, not moral precepts, finally broke the chains that bound blacks to the cotton fields" (p. 283). Other realities, of course, characterized the lives of black and white Southerners, even those tied to cotton production, but they are not acknowledged.

With the emphasis so heavily placed on economic explanation, the region's environmental actors, such as the boll weevil, fertilizer, crop science, and weather, receive little analysis. The landscape history of the Cotton South, the nexus of human and environment, has been usefully examined in Mart A. Stewart's 'What Nature Suffers to Groe': Life, Labor, and Landscape on the Georgia Coast, 1680-1920 (1996), but Dattel keeps the focus squarely on the economic balance sheet. 

Despite these reservations, the strength of Dattel's storytelling and narrative skills make this book both enjoyable reading and highly useful. His arguments are clear, insightful, boldly proclaimed, and strongly defended. He weaves together revealing data about the business of cotton both before and after the Civil War. And he succeeds in showing readers the connections in the world economy that developed around cotton and why they were so important to America in the nineteenth century.

Notes

[1]. Bonnie Maria Martin, "'To Have and To Hold' Human Collateral: Mortgaging Slaves to Build Virginia and South Carolina" (PhD diss., Southern Methodist University, 2006).

[2]. See John Majewski,  Modernizing a Slave Economy: The Economic Vision of the Confederate Nation (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009); Gavin Wright, Slavery and American Economic Development (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2006); Jenny Bourne Wahl, "Stay East, Young Man? Market Repercussions of the Dred Scott Decision," Chicago-Kent Law Review 82 (2007): 361-391; Michael John Gagnon, "Transition to an Industrial South, Athens, Georgia, 1830-1870" (PhD diss., Emory University, 1999); and Viken Tchakerian, “Productivity, Extent of Markets, and Manufacturing in the Late Antebellum South and Midwest,” Journal of Economic History 54 (September 1994): 407-525.

If there is additional discussion of this review, you may access it through the list discussion logs at: http://h-net.msu.edu/cgi-bin/logbrowse.pl.

Citation: William G. Thomas. Review of Dattel, Gene, Cotton and Race in the Making of America: The Human Costs of Economic Power. H-Environment, H-Net Reviews. June, 2010.
URL: http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=29966

 

VIDEO: Audio Slideshow: Ducor Hotel > from Scarlett Lion

As part of PRI’s package about Liberia, Jason Margolis went to the Ducor Hotel and recorded some audio and I produced this slideshow with his piece and my images.

Those of you who read this blog regularly are probably sick of me posting about the Ducor Hotel, but I guarantee this will be my last post about it.  I’m sad about that though. I’ve been out of Liberia for a couple of weeks, and while I was gone they cleared the building of the last couple of squatters and have started renovating the building.

That makes this piece my swan song for the Ducor. Maybe one day when it’s a new fancy hotel I’ll have a swim in the pool. But I’ll missing playing with the kids racing down the rough tile on flattened out jerry cans.

 

GULF OIL DISASTER: At BP, a History of Boldness and Costly Blunders - NYTimes.com

In BP’s Record, a History of Boldness and Costly Blunders

This article was reported by Sarah Lyall, Clifford Krauss and Jad Mouawad and written by Ms. Lyall.

Thunder Horse, 2005 The 15-story oil platform in the Gulf of Mexico pitched in rough seas in the wake of Hurricane Dennis, tilting dangerously.

Brett Coomer/Houston Chronicle

Texas City, 2005 A 20-foot geyser of unstable chemicals ignited at the refinery, killing 15 workers. Built in 1934, the refinery was poorly maintained.

U.S. Coast Guard, via European Pressphoto Agency

Deepwater Horizon, 2010 An explosion in April killed 11 workers and caused a spill that has lacquered the gulf coast and wildlife with oil.

Carlos Osorio/Associated Press

John Browne led the company from 1995 to 2007.

Alex Wong/Getty Images

Tony Hayward took over in 2007.

Hurricane Dennis had already come and gone on July 11, 2005, when a passing ship spotted a shocking sight in the Gulf of Mexico: Thunder Horse, BP’s hulking $1 billion oil platform, was listing precariously to one side, looking for all the world as if it were about to sink.

Towering 15 stories above the water’s surface, Thunder Horse was meant to be the company’s crowning glory, the embodiment of its bold gamble to outpace its competitors in finding and exploiting the vast reserves of oil beneath the waters of the gulf.

Instead, the rig, which was supposed to produce about 20 percent of the gulf’s oil output, became a symbol of BP’s hubris. A valve installed backward had caused the vessel to flood during the hurricane, jeopardizing the project before any oil had even been pumped. Other problems, discovered later, included a welding job so shoddy that it left underwater pipelines brittle and full of cracks.

“It could have been catastrophic,” said Gordon A. Aaker Jr., a senior engineering consultant on the project. “You would have lost a lot of oil a mile down before you would have even known. It could have been a helluva spill — much like the Deepwater Horizon.”

The problems at Thunder Horse were not an anomaly, but a warning that BP was taking too many risks and cutting corners in pursuit of growth and profits, according to analysts, competitors and former employees. Despite a catalog of crises and near misses in recent years, BP has been chronically unable or unwilling to learn from its mistakes, an examination of its record shows.

“They were very arrogant and proud and in denial,” said Steve Arendt, a safety specialist who assisted the panel appointed by BP to investigate the company’s refineries after a deadly 2005 explosion at its Texas City, Tex., facility. “It is possible they were fooled by their success.”

Indeed, there was a great deal of success to admire. In little more than a decade, BP grew from a middleweight into the industry’s second-largest company, behind only Exxon Mobil, with soaring profits, fat dividends and a share price to match.

From its base in London, the company struck bold deals in politically volatile areas like Angola and Azerbaijan and pushed technology to the limit in the remotest reaches of Alaska and the deepest waters of the Gulf of Mexico — “the tough stuff that others cannot or choose not to do,” as its chief executive, Tony Hayward, once put it.

The company also led an industry wave of cost-cutting and consolidation. It took over American competitors like Amoco and Atlantic Richfield and eliminated tens of thousands of jobs in several rounds, streamlining management but forcing the company to rely more heavily on outside contractors.

For a long time, BP’s strategy seemed to pay off. But on April 20, the nightmare situation occurred: the Deepwater Horizon drilling rig exploded, killing 11 workers and sending millions of gallons of oil gushing from BP’s Macondo well like so much black poison.

Although the accident is still under investigation, preliminary findings by Congressional investigators indicate that BP made a series of decisions that compounded the chances of disaster.

BP declined to make Mr. Hayward or other executives available for this article. But in an interview last month, Robert Dudley, the BP board member now in charge of the gulf spill response, denied that the accident reflected a corporate disregard for safety.

“I think we will find that this was an incredibly complicated set of events with individual decisions and equipment failures that led to a very complicated industrial accident,” he said.

BP is hardly the only oil company that has taken on difficult projects with a shaky safety net. But the company’s attitude toward risk stands in contrast to that of its competitors, most notably Exxon Mobil, whose searing experience with the Exxon Valdez spill in 1989 spurred a wholesale change in its approach to safety.

“You can have the best intentions in the world, you can have the best equipment in the world, but it’s a combination of intentions, equipment and judgment that keeps accidents out of the workplace,” said Joseph H. Bryant, who ran BP’s operations in Angola from 2000 to 2004 and who is now chief executive of Cobalt International Energy. “If you are going to ask people to innovate, you’d better make sure that they know that any risks they take are manageable.”

A Focus on the Basics

When Tony Hayward became BP’s chief executive in May 2007, he promised to get the company back to basics.

One of his first moves was to remove the modern art adorning the company’s swanky London headquarters, including an endless video of gently waving corn projected onto one wall. In its place went prosaic photographs of BP service stations, platforms and pipelines.

A plain-spoken geologist and longtime company man, Mr. Hayward dispensed with the limousine used by his socially prominent predecessor, John Browne, and closed the concierge desk in the lobby that had helped employees with dry cleaning and theater tickets.

“BP makes its money by someone, somewhere, every day putting on boots, coveralls, a hard hat and glasses, and going out and turning valves,” Mr. Hayward said in a speech at Stanford Business School last year. “And we’d sort of lost track of that.”

Mr. Hayward also pledged to fix the safety problems that contributed to the downfall of his predecessor. Though the company would continue doing the “tough stuff,” he declared, it would make safety its “No. 1 priority.”

In the realm of personal safety, Mr. Hayward expanded on Mr. Browne’s initiatives. Visitors today see signs at company offices exhorting workers not to walk and carry hot coffee at the same time, to stick to marked walkways in parking lots and to grasp banisters while climbing the stairs. Employees with company cars must take defensive driving courses.

Mr. Hayward also set up a new companywide management system to evaluate risks, standardize safety practices and improve decision-making.

In a memorandum to employees on Friday, he noted that before Deepwater Horizon, the company’s safety record had been improving. “This accident has been a terrible exception to that trend and we must learn the lessons from it,” he wrote. “But at the same time, it does not invalidate all the hard work you have put in to improve our safety standards around the world. Safety is our first priority. It will remain so.”

But American regulators and some members of Congress say that despite such talk, the company continues its risky behavior.

“The way safety is measured is generally around worker injuries and days away from work, and that measure of safety is irrelevant when you are looking at the likelihood that a facility like an oil refinery could explode,” said David Michaels, assistant secretary of labor for occupational safety and health. “This is comparable to saying that an airline is safe because the pilots and mechanics haven’t been injured.”

A Story Begun in Persia

BP was born in 1908 when a rich Englishman named William Knox D’Arcy struck oil in Iran and formed the Anglo-Persian Oil Company. Treating the locals as little more than imperial subjects, the company, partly owned by the British government, expanded across the region, its fortunes intertwined with those of the British Empire.

But as oil-rich countries around the world began nationalizing their oil fields, British Petroleum, as it later became known, was forced to retreat and find new strategies along with the rest of the industry.

In 1995, the British government sold the last of its stake in the company and the charismatic Mr. Browne took over.

A highly visible supporter of the Royal Opera House, the National Gallery and Prime Minister Tony Blair, Mr. Browne transformed the company into a global behemoth, boldly acquiring properties around the world and rechristening it BP.

Unlike some of his more cautious competitors, Mr. Browne ignored small projects and went after the riskiest, most expensive and potentially most lucrative ventures — “elephants,” in industry jargon. Under him, BP’s share price more than doubled and its cash dividend tripled, making it a darling of investors.

But even as he became the toast of Britain’s business world and was made a knight and member of the House of Lords, Mr. Browne was ruthlessly slashing costs. He outsourced many operations and fired tens of thousands of employees, including many engineers.

Tom Kirchmaier, a lecturer in strategy at the Manchester Business School, said that Mr. Browne tried to run BP like a financial company, rotating managers into new jobs with tough profit targets and then moving them before they had to deal with the consequences. The troubled Texas City refinery, for example, had five managers in six years.

Mr. Browne, now advising Britain’s coalition government on its cost-cutting campaign, declined to comment for this article. In his new autobiography, “Beyond Business,” he said, “I transformed a company, challenged a sector, and prompted political and business leaders to change.”

Mr. Browne resigned under pressure in 2007, his reputation tarnished by a lie he told in court papers about his relationship with a male companion.

However, Mr. Browne’s fall from grace really began on March 23, 2005, when 15 people died and more than 170 were injured in America’s worst industrial accident in a generation: a huge fire and explosion at Texas City.

A Troubled Workplace

Acquired by BP in the Amoco purchase, the Texas City plant was America’s second-largest refinery, turning 460,000 barrels of crude oil a day into gasoline. But the facility, built in 1934, was poorly maintained and long starved of capital investment.

“We have never seen a site where the notion ‘I could die today’ was so real,” the Telos Group, a consulting firm hired to examine conditions at the plant, said in a report two months before the accident.

The explosion occurred when a 170-foot tower was being filled with liquid hydrocarbons. Because of poor communication among several workers who had been on 12-hour shifts for more than a month straight, no one noticed that the tower was filled too high.

A 20-foot geyser of unstable chemicals shot into the sky, and the vapor ignited when a contractor, trying to get away, repeatedly tried to start the engine on his stalling pickup truck.

The subsequent investigations were scathing. The explosion was “caused by organizational and safety deficiencies at all levels of BP,” the United States Chemical Safety Board concluded in one report.

The government ultimately found more than 300 safety violations, and BP agreed to pay a then record $21 million in fines.

A year later, there was a new calamity: 267,000 gallons of oil leaked from BP’s network of pipelines in Prudhoe Bay, Alaska.

It was the worst spill ever on the North Slope, and once again, the cause was preventable. Investigators found widespread corrosion in several miles of under-maintained and poorly inspected pipes. BP eventually paid more than $20 million in fines and restitution.

While these two accidents drew most public attention, serious problems were also brewing offshore, at BP’s Thunder Horse platform.

Mr. Aaker, the engineering consultant who worked on it, said BP’s bosses rushed construction of the intricately designed vessel, moving it to the gulf before it was ready to “demonstrate to their shareholders that the project was on time and on schedule.”

Once the rig was at sea, several hundred people at a time frantically worked to complete it, sleeping in cramped, chaotic conditions on board a temporary encampment of ships.

“It was like having the plumbers, the electricians and the bricklayers come to a construction site at the same time as they are laying the concrete,” said Mr. Aaker, who is now assisting the House Energy and Commerce Committee in its investigation of Deepwater Horizon. “This was not methodical.”

Nor was it safe.

The near sinking of Thunder Horse in 2005 was caused by a shockingly simple mistake: a check valve had been installed backward, and that caused water to flood into, rather than out of, the rig when it heated up during the hurricane.

After costly repairs to fix that damage, BP discovered a more significant problem: rudimentary mistakes in the welding of pipes in the underwater manifold, which connects dozens of wells and helps carry the oil back to the platform, had caused dangerous cracks and breaks.

Had the well been active, the damaged pipes would have caused a major oil spill. As it was, the company had to remotely rip out, retrieve and fix dozens of complex and heavy pieces of equipment lying on the sea floor, some weighing more than 400 tons.

Altogether, the blunders cost BP and its minority partner, Exxon Mobil, hundreds of millions of dollars in repairs and set back production, today at 300,000 barrels of oil and oil equivalents a day, by three years.

Although the Deepwater Horizon accident involved an exploration rig, not a production platform, a similar carelessness and disregard for safety was evident in BP’s decisions there, according to preliminary findings by the House Energy and Commerce Committee. “In effect, it appears that BP repeatedly chose risky procedures in order to reduce costs and save time and made minimal efforts to contain the added risk,” wrote Henry A. Waxman, the committee chairman, and Bart Stupak, chairman of its subcommittee on oversight and investigations.

BP took a different sort of risk in Russia, forming a 50-50 joint venture in 2003 with that nation’s unpredictable oligarchs to gain access to the vast resources beneath the Siberian taiga.

The deal, which accounted for about one-quarter of BP’s global oil reserves, nearly collapsed in 2008, when the Russian government sought tighter control over its energy sector. After a nasty public fight, BP was forced to hand over operational control of the venture to its Russian partners, although it continues to reap vast profits from it.

BP stepped into another tricky political situation last year, when Iraq offered foreign companies $2 a barrel to help it increase production from its oil fields, which had suffered from years of war and neglect. BP’s competitors blanched at the low price, but Mr. Hayward teamed up with a Chinese state-owned company and accepted the deal.

The chairman of a rival company was so enraged that he called Mr. Hayward and demanded: “Tony, have you gone mad?” BP’s move forced other companies to agree to similar terms. As one analyst noted, it was “disastrous to profitability” for the industry.

Old Habits Die Hard

Time and again, BP has insisted that it has learned how to balance risk and safety, efficiency and profit. Yet the evidence suggests that fundamental change has been elusive.

Revisiting Texas City in 2009, inspectors from the Occupational Safety and Health Administration found more than 700 safety violations and proposed a record fine of $87.4 million — topping the earlier record set by BP in the 2005 accident. Most of the penalties, the agency said, were because BP had failed to live up to the previous settlement fully.

In March of this year, OSHA found 62 violations at BP’s Ohio refinery, proposing $3 million more in penalties.

“Senior management told us they are very serious about safety, but we observed that they haven’t translated their words into safe working procedures and practices, and they have difficulty applying the lessons learned from refinery to refinery or even from within refineries,” said Mr. Michaels, the OSHA administrator.

BP is contesting OSHA’s allegations, saying it has made substantial improvements at both facilities.

Accidents have also continued to plague BP’s pipelines in Alaska. Most recently, on May 25, a power failure led to a leak that overwhelmed a storage tank and spilled about 200,000 gallons of oil — the third-largest spill on the Trans-Alaska Pipeline System.

Mr. Dudley, the BP executive overseeing the gulf response, said it was unfair to blame cultural failings at BP for the string of accidents.

“Everyone realized we had to operate safely and reliably, particularly in the U.S., to restore a reputation that was damaged by the accident at Texas City,” he said. “So I don’t accept, and have not witnessed, this cutting of corners and the sacrifice of safety to drive results.”

Mr. Waxman, whose committee is investigating the Deepwater Horizon accident, has a very different view. When Mr. Hayward testified a month ago, the representative upbraided him: “There is a complete contradiction between BP’s words and deeds. You were brought in to make safety the top priority of BP. But under your leadership, BP has taken the most extreme risks.”

“BP cut corner after corner to save a million dollars here and a few hours there,” Mr. Waxman said. “And now the whole Gulf Coast is paying the price.”

 

Julia Werdigier contributed reporting.

 

HAITI: In Haiti's tent cities, a return to normalcy is unimaginable - MiamiHerald.com

HAITI | SIX MONTHS AFTER THE EARTHQUAKE

In Haiti's tent cities, a return to normalcy is unimaginable

 

fgrimm@MiamiHerald.com

The concept of temporary, amid Haiti's teeming refugee camps, has morphed into a dismal variation of forever.

A deluge of earthquake victims, shocked and terrified, spilled out of the city's ruins after the disaster and found refuge in parks, school yards, soccer pitches, garden patches, almost any private or public space they could find in their tumbled down city.

Their flimsy tents, fabricated from bed sheets, tattered plastic, sticks and strings, reinforced the assumption that these impromptu settlements, 1,300 of them, would surely vanish before the summer rains could wash them away.

Six months later, the dispossessed remain, in transition to nowhere, with nowhere to go. With a million or so (no one really knows) still occupying what had been the city's open spaces, a return to normalcy has become unimaginable.

In the Champs de Mars, a once-compelling 42-acre network of parks and plazas with shaded lawns, a bandshell and amphitheater by the National Palace, the sprawl of bed sheet tents erected just after the Jan. 12 earthquake has evolved into a dense shanty settlement of crude but markedly more substantial dwellings. Thousands of quake survivors have fabricated little one-room shacks fashioned from lumber and corrugated metal salvaged from wrecked buildings with roofs of gray plastic tarps imprinted with ``From the American people.'' Lately, shanty dwellers have begun adding cement and rock footings around the base of their no-longer-so-temporary homes. And doors with locks.

Nelson Pierre, a one-time physics teacher, built his cottage-tent hybrid near the stylized statute of Haitian revolutionary hero Toussaint L'ouverture, with a glass window and a gable of wooden slats for ventilation. A poster featuring the periodic tables of chemical elements, recalling his life before the earthquake, share the wall with pictures of Jesus and fashion models. His home defies the notion of temporary.

Narrow passageways wind through the Champs de Mars' spontaneous ghetto, a place that has developed its own commerce, politics and vice along with shanties. At the wider places along these haphazard paths, cooks toil over charcoal fires, laundry dries on clothes lines, vendors hawk their wares. In one little opening, on a piece of plywood barely six feet long, Guilaine Pierre sold zucchini, carrots, corn meal, beans, eggplants, peppers, plantains, cooking oil, dried fish, flour, salami and Madam Gougousse brown rice.

Other vendors claimed the better locations along the street curbs, selling sundries and rice, flour and corn meal that had first come into camp as relief supplies from international humanitarian organizations. Fredes Batus, 46, sought me out to complain that the self-appointed boss of his plaza, controlled distribution of relief supplies, a means to build himself a political power base. ``He's stealing 70 percent of it,'' Batus said, bitterly. On a park wall, graffiti summed up the seething mood of Haiti's dispossessed in absurdist terms: ``Welcome back JC Duvalier'' for the long-exiled, famously brutal dictator, Jean-Claude Baby Doc Duvalier.

Carlos Jean Charles, 29, in a T-shirt emblazoned with an American flag and the face of country singer George Strait, spoke darkly of other commerce that has taken hold. Charles, who sleeps with his wife and three children in a seven-foot-long corrugated metal and scrap wood hovel barely wide enough to hold a single twin-bed mattress, said some families were so desperate that they offered up their children, some as young as 10, as prostitutes. Charles talked about criminal gangs vying for control of their shanty town. He grabbed a 16-year-old kid, Michel Mirat, who had run afoul of a gang known as the Reds, and pulled back his shirt and pants to reveal three not-quite-healed bullet wounds.

In another opening amid the maze of shacks, a cluster of small boys, no more than 12, sat in a circle smoking marijuana. Five young orphans were building their own little shanty out of boards and sticks.

Around a turn, neighbors lined up to fill plastic buckets with water from a large undulating orange bladder, imprinted with Action Contre la Faim. Fresh water, latrines, medical needs -- the stuff needed to fend off an epidemic -- come from non-government organizations. And they also illustrate the great dilemma facing post-earthquake Port-au-Prince. The NGOs, acting in the stead of a weak government, fend off disease and starvation in these squalid camps. But even the most rudimentary services, in a stricken place like Port-au-Prince, have the perverse effect of sustaining the new, spontaneous slums that are stifling the city's recovery.

The Haitian government has been talking for months about relocating the people of Champs de Mars in planned relocation camps outside of town. No one I talked to inside the camp professed any faith that an overwhelmed and irresolute bureaucracy could accomplish such a logistical feat.

``We could be here next year, the year after that, the year after that,'' said Jourdain Ernso, 18. ``We wouldn't like this camp to be permanent. This should be a public place but we have no place else to go.''

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Twelve miles north of Port-au-Prince, on a treeless, sun-bleached gravel plain called Corail Cesselesse, some 1,300 families were moved off a Port-au-Prince golf course in April and into an official, sanctioned relocation camp. Each family has been assigned a white semi-cylindrical tunnel tent, arranged in long orderly rows, reminiscent of Quonset huts on a 1940s military base. NGOs have built showers and latrines, provided potable water, medical services. Save The Children has erected a large tent to house a school this fall. But Camp Manager Richard Poole of the American Refugee Committee said food supplies have been limited by a government worried about nurturing a dependency culture.

The camp is isolated, with very few vendors. One of the few, Meloude Charles, 30, had led a mule out of the mountains with a load of charcoal to sell in the camp. And there's little prospect in this area for employment other than earn $4.50 a day the NGOs pay men who dig drainage ditches around the camp. Nothing grows in this gravel field, much less a garden. ``People are hungry,'' said the frustrated Poole.

With hunger comes conspiracy theories. Rumors fly through the camp that the NGOs, in league with the government, have stolen food money. Such talk, so far, has spawned four food riots. ``The people were very, very angry,'' Poole said. ``It was very scary.''

Over the next few months, supposedly, these 5,000 refugees will be moved out of tents and into plywood huts. Not permanent housing, mind you. Just a higher grade of temporary. But temporary has become as meaningless a concept in Corail Cesselesse as in the Champs de Mars.

Over the last three months, unauthorized squatter camps have sprouted on land around Corail Cesselesse and on the slopes of Goat Mountain, looming in the background. Estimates indicate that as many as 40,000 people have pitched tents or built shanties to be near the services provided by the NGOs in the official camp.

Squatters, Poole said ruefully, are even selling plots of land out there for $250 each. No matter that they're selling someone else's private property. ``More and more are showing up out there every week,'' he said. ``We're going to be dwarfed by squatter camp.''

Corail Cesselesse looks to be the small orderly center (residents of the official camp wanted Booth to build a razor wire fence to keep out the unruly masses) surrounded by a unplanned anarchic slum.

``I've seen this happen after the earthquakes in Lima and Mexico City,'' Poole said.

In Corail Cesselesse, the notion of temporary has evolved into a permanent squatter city.

Back in Port Au Prince, a kind of perpetual weariness afflicts Brother Milo Frederique, priest and lower school principal of what, before the earthquake, had been considered the finest boys school in Haiti. Lately, Frederique contends with finding the money to rebuild ruined school buildings, scheduling classes for 1,500 kids in 16 tents, dealing with a financial crisis caused by so many parents who can no longer pay tuition.

And all those squatters -- his other problem. Some 6,000 refugees now live in the mahogany grove on the 15-acre Institution Saint Louis de Gonzague campus.

``Because the government knows that education is important . . .'' Frederique hopes that the refugees will be moved away, into more appropriate housing. He said that they'll probably be gone by August, before the next school term. Or September. His voice trailed off. ``Maybe by October,'' he said, wistfully, with more hope than conviction.

The homeless colony at Saint Louis de Gonzague again illustrates the peculiar conundrum of the effort to bring Haiti back. Back to what? Haiti's poor were in such utterly desperate shape before the earthquake that ``temporary'' makeshift housing and refugee camps, however unpalatable to outsiders, can actually represent an upgrade in their standard of living.

Lifranc Herold, the secretary general of a self-governing committee elected by the Saint Louis evacuees, said that the NGOs provide the colony clean water, medicine, food rations -- something out of reach for most of them before the disaster. Then Doctors Without Borders provided them with expensive family-sized tents, pitched in the shade of tall mahoganies. Herold said that many of the people had been renting shoddy little rooms before the earthquake. Besides, rents have since gone up. ``Some of these people are living better now than before,'' he said.

Even if they had some place to go back to, why would they? he asked.

Of course, most of the St. Louis interlopers could be persuaded with money or food or real jobs to move out of the city into relocation camps. Except most of these camps are only proposals, vague plans, foundering somewhere within Haiti's inscrutable bureaucracy.

Haiti's dispossessed, meanwhile, know that escape from their temporary ghettos will be a long time coming.