INTERVIEW: Peter Magubane - Legendary South African Photographer

PETER MAGUBANE

Interview with iconic South African photographer Peter Magubane detailing his career under Apartheid as well as the challenges faced by documentary photographers.

Motivated by the black consciousness of Drum Magazine, began his career under the apprenticeship of Jurgen Schaderberg and documented some of the most critical events under Apartheid as well as everyday life for black people under this heinously oppressive system.

Magubane often had to go about his work undercover as black people were not allowed to photograph in the open.

>via: http://dynamicafrica.tumblr.com/post/31330138541/interview-with-iconic-south-...

EDUCATION: Everything You Need To Know About The Chicago teacher's Strike, In One Post

Everything you need to know

about the

Chicago teachers’ strike,

in one post


Chicago teachers at a picket line / Sitthixay Ditthavong (AP)

 

This post has been updated to note Rahm Emanuel’s increase in the length of the school year.

The Chicago teachers’ strike is shaping up to be one of the most important labor disputes in years, with Mitt Romney issuing a statement condemning the strike, and Chicago mayor Rahm Emanuel heading up the city’s side. But what are the two sides actually fighting about? Let’s break it down, piece by piece.

What do the teachers get now?

Under the currently binding contract (pdf), 2010-11 annual teacher salaries ranged from $47,268 for teachers with bachelor’s degree with a year’s experience or less, to $88,680 for those with doctorates who have at least 16 years of experience. Those in schools with longer school years (42.6 weeks or 52 compared to 38.6) make commensurately more. All told, teachers in Chicago make an average of $74,839 a year. However, the school board rescinded the scheduled 4 percent pay increase set to take effect this past school year.

Teachers’ benefit package includes a choice of three health plans, with maximum out-of-pocket amounts, including deductible, ranging from $4,000 to $4,800 (or 5.3 to 6.4 percent of the average teacher’s salary). Teachers do not pay Social Security taxes or receive benefits, and instead receive a public employee pension averaging $41,584 a year for a teacher with 28 years of service.

What do the two sides agree on?

Emanuel has proposed that, instead of the rescinded 4 percent pay increase, teachers see a 16 percent pay increase over the next four years. The unions say they’re close to agreement on pay, though they still think higher raises are necessary to make up for rising health costs. The two sides have also already worked out a deal under which additional teachers are hired to implement Emanuel’s longer school day.

What do the two sides still disagree on?

The Chicago Public Schools in March unveiled an evaluation system (pdf) in which standardized testing makes up 40 percent of the rubric, which was designed by panels that included teachers, principals, and teachers’ union officials (including the president). The system goes above and beyond the state requirement that testing make up 20-40 percent of teacher evaluations. The teachers’ unions are resisting this system, calling it too punitive.

Teachers also want laid off teachers to be able to be automatically “recalled” to positions if they open up. Emanuel would allow these teachers to apply to new openings, but given his desire to focus layoffs on worst-performing teachers, does not want automatic recalls. Finally, the teachers’ union is demanding smaller class sizes (both to improve working conditions and to improve student learning and life outcomes) and air conditioning for classrooms that don’t currently have it.

How does Chicago perform compared to other school districts?

Chicago performs quite poorly on national assessments of educational quality. As Reutersnotes, fourth-graders in Chicago performed an average of nine points worse than the big city average and sixteen points worse than the national average on the math section of the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), the national gold standard for measuring learning. On reading, they were eight and seventeen points worse than big city and national averages, respectively. That’s a bit better than Los Angeles or Washington, D.C. but worse than New York.

Chicago also has shorter than average school years and school days. Many students are only in class for 170 days a year as of a few years ago, below the state minimum of 176 days and the national average of 180 days; under Emanuel, the year was lengthened to 180 days. The school day in Chicago averages five hours and forty five minutes in elementary schools (as opposed to the national average of six hours and forty-two minutes) and seven hours for secondary schools, above the national average of 6.6 hours. Emanuel and teachers recentlynegotiated a deal to hire 500 new teachers to allow for a 90 minute school day extension without increasing hours for current teachers.

What are the city’s finances like?

This fiscal year, Chicago public schools are facing a $665 million deficit, one which even raising property taxes to the maximum amount allowed by law and tapping reserves that had been built up by the district in better economic times could not close. For comparison, the district spent about $4.8 billion in fiscal year 2012, so that’s a nearly 14 percent deficit that, because unlike the federal government Chicago can’t print money, it has to make up. The deficit is set to top $1 billion next year, due to low revenue and the rising cost of pensions, and the schools won’t be able to rely on the reserve funds then. The options for making it up include lowering teacher salaries or benefits, closing schools and/or laying off teachers, or raising property taxes.

 How are teachers currently evaluated?

Under an Illinois law passed as part of the federal “Race to the Top” initiative, schools must incorporate standardized tests as a “significant factor” in their evaluations of teachers, which the state school board has defined (pdf) as meaning 20-40 percent of those evaluations’ content. While the bill is still in the process of being implemented, it will give standardized tests a larger role than they have relative to, say, seniority or education level when determining, for example which teachers get laid off during budget crunches.

What happens to students in the meantime?

 The school district’s 350,000 students are currently in limbo. They are allowed to go to 144 schools that will remain open for mornings, between 8:30 a.m. and 12:30 p.m., to give kids a place to go for food and activities, but those won’t offer instruction. Nonunion charter schools, which serve 52,000 students, are still in operation.

And what about the teachers?

There are 30,000 teachers currently on strike (full disclosure: one of these is my college roommate, who teaches chemistry at Bowen High School). It is expected that the teachers will not be paid, as is the norm during strikes.

>via: http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/ezra-klein/wp/2012/09/10/everything-you-n...

HISTORY + AUDIO: The Real Life count of Monte Cristo

'The Black Count,'


A Hero On The Field,


And The Page

The Black Count

 

Glory, Revolution, Betrayal, and the Real Count of Monte Cristo

 

by Tom Reiss

Hardcover, 414 pages 

 

September 15, 2012

Gen. Thomas-Alexandre Dumas was one of the heroes of the French Revolution — but you won't find a statue of him in Paris today.

He led armies of thousands in triumph through treacherous territory, from the snows of the Alps to the sands of Egypt, and his true life stories inspired his son, Alexandre Dumas, to write The Count of Monte Cristo and The Three Musketeers.

How did the son of a Haitian slave and a French nobleman become Napoleon's leading swordsman of the Revolution, then a prisoner, and finally almost forgotten — except in the stories of a son who was not even 4 years old when his father died?

"I like to think of him as history's ultimate underdog," says author Tom Reiss. His new book, The Black Count: Glory, Revolution, Betrayal and the Real Count of Monte Cristo, uncovers the real life that inspired so many fictional heroes.

"He's a black man, born into slavery, and then he rises higher than any black man rose in a white society before our own time," Reiss tells NPR's Scott Simon. "He became a four-star general and challenges Napoleon, and he did it all 200 years ago, at the height of slavery."

Dumas' exploits in battle can seem almost superheroic — taking the field against Austria in a squabble over Italy, he "formed what all of the eyewitnesses there called a 'one-man army,' deciding to drive the Austrians single-handedly out of the country," Reiss says. "He's offered 5,000 soldiers, and he doesn't want them because he likes leading small bands, so he decides that he can do better in this terrain by taking out a group of 20 dragoons."

Overwhelmed by 1,000 Austrian troops at a small, crucial bridge, Dumas didn't falter as his troops turned tail and fled. "He's just cutting them down with his saber, and he gets shot and he gets stabbed, but nothing will make him lie down," Reiss says. Reinforcements arrived eventually, but instead of retiring to the medical tent, Dumas "jumps on a horse and continues to chase the Austrians ... and after that, even Napoleon, who hated him, had to give him a huge credit in Paris."

That outspokenness landed Dumas in hot water during Napoleon's 1798 campaign in Egypt. He condemned the expedition as wasteful, unjust and against the principles of the French Revolution. "That confrontation, which was a public confrontation, was something that Napoleon could never forgive," Reiss says. On his way home from Egypt, Dumas was forced by a storm to put ashore in southern Italy, where he was taken prisoner by a shadowy Italian group called the Holy Faith Army, which hoped to ransom him to France. "But in fact, Napoleon basically uses this as an excuse to get rid of Dumas, and Dumas just languishes in this horrible dungeon."

Why did Napoleon hate one of his greatest military men? "Partly because he didn't like the fact that this 6-foot-plus, incredibly dashing and physically brilliant general was such a contrast to him in every way," Reiss says. "Also, he didn't like being confronted ... and Dumas was really someone who couldn't stop from speaking his mind."

The great general survived, but his health was broken by the ordeal — and he returned to France after two years in captivity to discover that Napoleon, the newly minted dictator, had rolled back civil rights protections across France and reinstituted slavery.

The elder Dumas died a few years later, in 1806. His son was just a toddler, but Reiss says his son had vivid memories of his father's death and wrote extensively about his life. "The novelist in fact takes a really beautiful sort of revenge" on Napoleon, he says. "He uses his father's life to create some of the most wonderful characters in literature."

__________________________

Excerpt: The Black Count

PROLOGUE, PART I

FEBRUARY 26, 1806

IT was nearly midnight on the night of February 26, 1806, and Alexandre Dumas, the future author of The Count of Monte Cristo and The Three Musketeers, was asleep at his uncle's house. He was not yet four years old. He was staying there because his father was gravely ill and his mother thought it best for him not to be at home. As the clock struck, he was awakened by a loud knock. By the light of a lamp that burned by the bedside, he saw his cousin sit up, visibly frightened. Alexandre got out of bed. He recalled in his memoirs, forty-some years later:

My cousin called to me, "Where are you going?"

"You'll see," I replied quietly. "I'm going to open the door for Daddy, who's coming to say goodbye."

The poor girl jumped out of bed, greatly alarmed, grabbed me as I put my hand on the doorknob, and forced me back to bed.

I struggled in her arms, shouting with all my strength:

"Goodbye, Daddy! Goodbye, Daddy!"

The next morning the adults came to wake the children, and one of them told Alexandre the news that his father had died during the night.

"My daddy is dead," I said. "What does that mean?"

"It means that you won't see him again."

"What do you mean I won't see Daddy again? ... why won't I see him?"

"Because God has taken him back from you."

"Forever?"

"Forever."

"And you say that I'll never see him again? ... never at all?"

"Never at all."

"And where does God live?"

"He lives in heaven."

I thought hard about this for a minute. Even as a young child, even deprived of reason, I understood that something irreversible had happened in my life. Then, taking advantage of the first moment when they stopped paying attention to me, I got away from my uncle's and ran straight to my mother's house.

All the doors were open, all the faces were frightened; one felt that Death was there.

I went in without anyone's noticing or seeing me. I found a little room where the weapons were kept; I shouldered a gun that belonged to my father, and which he had often promised to give to me when I got older.

Then, armed with this gun, I climbed the stairs.

On the second floor, I met my mother on the landing.

She had just left the death chamber. ... her face was wet with tears.

"Where are you going?" she asked me, surprised to see me there, when she thought I was at my uncle's.

"I'm going to heaven!" I replied.

"What do you mean, you're going to heaven?"

"Let me pass."

"And what will you do in heaven, my poor child?"

"I'm going there to kill God, who killed Daddy."

My mother seized me in her arms, squeezing me so tight I thought I would suffocate.

Alexandre Dumas wrote those lines when he had just turned forty-five and had decided it was time to reflect on his life. He never got past chronicling his thirty-first year — which was well before he had published a word as a novelist — yet he spent more than the first two hundred pages on a story that is as fantastic as any of his novels: the life of his father, General Alexandre — Alex — Dumas, a black man from the colonies who narrowly survived the French Revolution and rose to command fifty thousand men. The chapters about General Dumas are drawn from reminiscences of his mother and his father's friends, and from official documents and letters he obtained from his mother and the French Ministry of War. It is a raw and poignant attempt at biography, full of gaps, omissions, and re-creations of scenes and dialogue. But it is sincere. The story of his father ends with this scene of his death, the point at which the novelist begins his own life story.

For anyone skeptical that a boy so young could recall such details, Dumas responded through the lips of the character Haydee, a white slave, in The Count of Monte Cristo. Haydee's father died when she was four, betrayed and murdered by one of the main villains in the novel. After speaking movingly of her father, she tells the Count: "I was four years old, but as the events held a supreme importance for me, not one detail has left my mind, not one feature has escaped from my memory."

To remember a person is the most important thing in the novels of Alexandre Dumas. The worst sin anyone can commit is to forget. The villains of The Count of Monte Cristo do not murder the hero, Edmond Dantes — they have him thrown into a dungeon where he is forgotten by the world. The heroes of Dumas never forget anything or anyone: Dantes has a perfect memory for the details of every field of human knowledge, for the history of the world and for everyone he has encountered in his life. When he confronts them one by one, he finds that the assassins of his identity have forgotten the very fact that he existed, and thus the fact of their crime.

I undertook the project of reconstructing the life of the forgotten hero General Alexandre Dumas because of that passage in his son's memoirs, which I read when I was a boy and have always remembered.

 

PROLOGUE, PART II

JANUARY 25, 2007

"I AM afraid the situation is most delicate," the deputy mayor was saying to me. "And most unfortunate."

Fabrice Dufour, the deputy mayor of the cobblestoned town of Villers-Cotterêts, wore a pained expression. He was in charge of the town's cultural heritage, which, notwithstanding its modest appearance, was considerable. It included a brief moment at the center of power in Ancien Régime France, when, upon the death of Louis XIV in 1715, his nephew Philippe, the Duke d'Orléans and regent to the five-year-old Louis XV, decided the court should spend as much time here as possible. This gray little town fifty miles north of Paris acquired an outsized reputation for royal scandal, misbehavior, and debauchery, which in eighteenth-century France was saying something. The early Renaissance château looming over the office where I sat had been the scene of nude dinner parties and large-scale orgies involving bondage, the comingling of royals and townsfolk, and the help of professionals both male and female. These festivities were referred to as "Adam and Eve nights," and one courtier recalled that, "after the champagne, the lights were turned out and the unclothed company proceeded to indulge in mutual flagellation, seeking their partners as the fortune of the dark dictated and with a thoroughness which diverted His Highness immensely."

Years later, Louis XVI, the shy and awkward husband of Marie-Antoinette, was said to blush if he so much as heard the town's name—which he wouldn't have often after 1723, when the regent died and the focus of court life moved back to Versailles. The town would really only be heard from again because of the man I had come here to learn about, who had lived and died here around the time of the French Revolution. The very backwater chill of the place, distinct on this raw January day, gave me hope that certain documents I believed existed might still be found here. Behind his desk the deputy mayor was an imposing man. He had a lazy eye that squinted involuntarily and an equally involuntary tendency to smile, slightly, as he spoke.

"Most delicate," he repeated firmly.

He then said nothing for perhaps thirty seconds, during which he cast meaningful looks at me, the window, and the objects on his desk. I noticed a motorcycle magazine on a side table, next to a pile of brochures about the château. I couldn't be sure, but it seemed to me the deputy mayor was wearing mascara. His large brown eyes seemed a little too well defined.

He shook his head, smiled, and made a tsk-tsking sound. "Sir, I know you have come all the way from America to see her, but I'm afraid it will be impossible to arrange."

I began mentally preparing the appropriate speech of protest in French. More than any other culture on earth, the French respect protest, which is why they regularly tie up their crucial industries and institutions in nationwide strikes — but one must protest properly. The deputy mayor spoke again, though, before I could say a word.

"It will be impossible to arrange, sir, because the lady you have come to see is dead."

I thought perhaps I had misheard. The lady who had agreed to see me, from a local museum — her name was Elaine — had not sounded old. I hadn't felt I needed to learn her last name, as she was the only person who worked there except a security guard.

"It was very sudden," said the deputy mayor. I thought he added something about an illness, perhaps cancer, but I wasn't sure. The shock of the information seemed to bring my French down two levels."

She didn't mention anything to me about being sick," I said, apologetically.

"We are all very shocked and saddened," the deputy mayor said.

I tried to gather my wits and, after mumbling condolences, to explain about the importance of seeing the papers she'd been keeping: most of them had not seen the light of day for two hundred years, except for the odd moments when they had been sold by one collector of obscure French historical memorabilia to another, eventually ending up here, in the tiny museum that had a modest endowment for their purchase. I asked if anyone had assumed Elaine's duties; the deputy mayor shook his head. Had anyone inventoried her office? looked through the papers? could I be allowed to look?

"That's just it, none of the documents are in her office," the deputy mayor said. "Elaine was worried about security, and she put everything in a safe. A very big safe, very secure, but when she died she took the combination with her. She told no one. She liked to handle everything herself. We have searched everywhere but have had no luck finding the combination ... Sir, I am afraid there is nothing to be done. A few weeks ago, it would have been no problem, but now I am afraid, well, it is most delicate." He squinted at me. "It is tragic."

Though uttered with complete bureaucratic equanimity, the word was well chosen. This bland government office, tucked inside a courtyard next to the notorious old château, was just up the street from the little municipal museum where Elaine had liked to handle everything herself. It was called the Musée Alexandre Dumas. But it was doubtful if more than a handful of visitors to the town realized that the famous author of so many beloved novels, who was born here, had himself been the son of a great man — the original Alexandre Dumas.

***

THE original Alexandre Dumas was born in 1762, the son of "Antoine Alexandre de l'Isle," in the French sugar colony of Saint-Domingue. Antoine was a nobleman in hiding from his family and from the law, and he fathered the boy with a black slave. Later Antoine would discard his alias and reclaim his real name and title — Alexandre Antoine Davy, the Marquis de la Pailleterie — and bring his black son across the ocean to live in pomp and luxury near Paris. But the boy would reject his father's name, along with his noble title. He would enlist in the French army at the lowest rank, taking the surname "Dumas" from his mother for his enlistment papers. Once he'd risen by his merits to higher rank he would not even sign his name "Alexandre," preferring the blunt and simple form "Alex Dumas."

Alex Dumas was a consummate warrior and a man of great conviction and moral courage. He was renowned for his strength, his swordsmanship, his bravery, and his knack for pulling victory out of the toughest situations. But he was known, too, for his profane back talk and his problems with authority. He was a soldier's general, feared by the enemy and loved by his men, a hero in a world that did not use the term lightly.

But then, by the wiles of conspiracy, he found himself imprisoned in a fortress and poisoned by unknown enemies, without hope of appeal and forgotten by the world. It was no accident that his fate sounds like that of a young sailor named Edmond Dantès, about to embark on a promising career and marry the woman he loves, who finds himself a pawn in a plot he never imagined, locked away without witnesses or trial in the dungeon of an island fortress called the Château d'If. But unlike the hero of his son's novel The Count of Monte Cristo, Alex Dumas met no benefactor in the dungeon to lead him to escape or to a hidden treasure. He never learned the reason for his trials, for his abrupt descent from glory to suffering. I had come to Villers-Cotterêts to find the truth of what befell this most passionate defender of "liberty, equality, and fraternity."

In his own lifetime General Dumas was a legendary figure. Official histories of the period often pause to relate some colorful anecdote about him. David Johnson, in his book The French Cavalry, 1792–1815, writes of the general's early career, "In addition to being a first-class soldier, Dumas was possibly the strongest man in the French army ... In the riding school he liked to stand up in the stirrups, take hold of an overhead beam, and lift himself and his horse bodily off the ground." A more plausible story that appears in multiple histories relates that he once fought three duels in one day, winning all three despite being gashed in the head — almost certainly the basis for one of the best-known and most comic scenes in The Three Musketeers, in which d'Artagnan challenges Porthos, Athos, and Aramis to duels on the same afternoon (the scene ends happily — "All for one and one for all!" — as a real enemy appears).

Alex Dumas first came to the army's attention when, still a lowly corporal, he single-handedly captured twelve enemy soldiers and marched them back to his camp. Not long afterward, he led four horsemen in an attack on an enemy post manned by over fi fty men — Dumas alone killed six and took sixteen prisoner. As a Parisian society journalist in the early nineteenth century summed up, "Such brilliant conduct, on top of a manly physiognomy and extraordinary strength and stature, secured his quick promotion; it wasn't long before his talents proved he deserved it."

As his star rose, Alex Dumas was not one to give orders and then hang back in safety while his subordinates did the dangerous work: he led his troops by going out ahead of them. One of his commanding officers once remarked to him, "My dear Dumas, you make me tremble every time I see you mount a horse and gallop off at the head of your dragoons. I always say to myself, 'It's impossible for him to return in one piece if he keeps going at this pace.' What would become of me if you let yourself get killed?"

Even when Dumas became a general, commanding thousands of troops, he always preferred to lead small units on special operations where he could use his wits and outsized physical skills to prevail. As general-in-chief of the Army of the Alps, roughly the equivalent of a four-star general today, Dumas put on spiked boots and led his men up seemingly impregnable ice cliffs at night to surprise an Austrian battery that seemed as unassailable as the guns of Navarone. He captured the enemy's matériel and turned their own guns against them, forcing immediate surrender. He took not only 1,700 prisoners and over forty artillery pieces but Mont Cenis, the key to the Alps.

When they were still both generals in the French Revolution, Napoleon celebrated Alex Dumas's deeds in the classical terms favored at the time, proclaiming him the incarnation of Horatius Cocles, the ancient hero who saved the Roman Republic by keeping invading barbarians from crossing the Tiber. (French revolutionaries, like American ones, lived in a world of classical allusions — everyone referred to George Washington as Cincinnatus.)

When Napoleon launched the French invasion of Egypt, Dumas went as his cavalry commander, but it was there that the two very different soldiers came to loathe each other. The clash was ideological — Dumas saw himself as a fighter for world liberation, not world domination — but it was also personal.

"Among the Muslims, men from every class who were able to catch sight of General Bonaparte were struck by how short and skinny he was," wrote the chief medical officer of the expedition. "The one, among our generals, whose appearance struck them more was . . . the General-in-Chief of the cavalry, Dumas. Man of color, and by his figure looking like a centaur, when they saw him ride his horse over the trenches, going to ransom prisoners, all of them believed that he was the leader of the expedition."

***

AT over six feet, with an athletic physique, Alex Dumas cut a dashing figure among the French elite. But how was it that he could enter the elite — and indeed be celebrated as a national hero — at a time when the basis of French wealth was black slavery in the colonies?

The life of General Alex Dumas is so extraordinary on so many levels that it's easy to forget the most extraordinary fact about it: that it was led by a black man, in a world of whites, at the end of the eighteenth century. His mother, Marie Cessette Dumas, was a slave, and he himself was sold into bondage briefly by his own father, an aristocratic fugitive who needed to pay his passage back to France. But by the time he was twenty, Alex had also made it to France and been educated in the classics, philosophy, fi ne manners, riding, dancing, and dueling. A life of Parisian parties, theaters, and boudoirs ended after a falling-out with his father, and he enlisted as a horseman in the service of the queen. This was in 1786, on the eve of the French Revolution, and when that storm came Dumas seized his chance and began a meteoric ascent through the ranks of the new revolutionary army. He rose to command entire divisions and armies. It would be 150 years before another black officer in the West would rise so high.

The explanations for how such a life had even been possible lie in another forgotten story — that of the world's first civil rights movement. In the 1750s, during the reign of Louis XV, a generation of crusading lawyers went up against one of the most powerful interests in France — the colonial sugar lobby — and won shockingly broad rights for people of color. Slaves taken to France from the colonies brought lawsuits against their masters and won their freedom. (Compare this with the infamous Dred Scott ruling of the

U.S. Supreme Court, which — in the 1850s — would find that blacks were "so far inferior that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect." The ruling actually contains language mocking the French freedom trials of the previous century.) The French lawsuits were decades earlier than the Somerset case, which launched abolitionism in England.

With the Revolution in 1789, the dream of equality in France suddenly seemed almost limitless. Dumas was not the only black or mixed-race Frenchman to rise up; he rode into battle with the Chevalier de Saint-Georges, the acknowledged master swordsman of Europe (and an acclaimed composer and musician). Like Dumas, the chevalier was of mixed race: his mother had been a freed slave. When the Revolution broke out, the chevalier formed a corps of mounted cavalry known as the Légion Noire, the Black Legion, and recruited Dumas to be his second in command.

By the time he was thirty-one, Dumas had been promoted to general, having earned almost universal admiration from every officer and soldier who fought beside him. A Prussian-raised French officer who openly proclaimed a "horror of negroes"(not to mention an "invincible antipathy for Jews") nevertheless wrote that General Dumas "might be called the best soldier in the world."

The story of General Dumas brilliantly illuminates the first true age of emancipation: a single decade during which the French Revolution not only sought to end slavery and discrimination based on skin color but also broke down the ghetto walls and offered Jews full civil and political rights, ending a near-universal discrimination that had persisted since ancient times. General Alexandre Dumas, wrote a French historian at the end of the nineteenth century, "was a living emblem of the new equality."

Much has been made of the beginnings of abolitionism in the British world and the question of equality during the American Revolution, but the life of Alex Dumas shows that it was the French Revolution that was the first unbridled age of emancipation, and its complex web of dreams and disappointments would underlie the history of freedom and prejudice for the next two centuries. This revolutionary age of racial emancipation introduced much of the world to modern ideas of human freedom — the idea that all men, regardless of religion or race, deserve equal rights, opportunities, respect — but it also spurred the backlash of modern racism and modern anti-Semitism, which fused older prejudices with the new political and scientific idealogies.

During the days of the Terror, Dumas showed a restraint and humanity that could have cost him his command, or even his life. At a time when the most radical defenders of liberty, equality, and fraternity committed atrocities in the name of these ideals, he never shrank from protecting any victim, no matter what his or her background or ideological complexion. Sent to suppress the royalist uprising in the west of France, the Vendée — the darkest hour of the French Revolution — General Dumas risked his career to oppose the bloodshed he saw all around him. Later, a pro-royalist writer would write, of this "generous republican," that Dumas was one of those rare generals who were "always ready bravely to sell their lives on the battleground, but resolved to break their swords rather than consent to the role of executioners."

Dumas — the son of a marquis and of a slave — had the unique perspective of being from the highest and lowest ranks of society at once. A true idealist, he did not cease to espouse his views once they'd fallen from favor. His capture and imprisonment in an enemy fortress where he languished for two years — until he was released into an even more agonizing labyrinth of betrayal in his own country, by his own side — foretold what would become of the ideals of equality and fraternity, especially for France's men and women of color. And Dumas's birthplace, Saint-Domingue, would have a violent revolution and reemerge as Haiti, to be ostracized by the white nations and moved from the center of the world economy to its desperate margins.

***

 Reprinted from the book The Black Count by Tom Reiss. Copyright 2012 by Tom Reiss. Published by Crown, a division of Random House, Inc.

>via: http://www.npr.org/2012/09/15/160969342/the-black-count-a-hero-on-the-field-a...

VIDEO: Phyllis Hyman - "Be Careful" > Soul Tracks

SoulTracks Lost Gem:

Phyllis Hyman warns us to

"Be Careful"      

  

The history of modern soul music is unfortunately littered with stories of truly magnificent artists who spent much of their adult lives fighting personal demons while creating seminal music.  Phyllis Hyman is, sadly, one of those stories.  The Philadelphia native was a popular jazz club singer in New York when hot producer Norman Connors witnessed her show and pegged her to perform a cover of the Stylistics' "Betcha By Golly Wow" on his You Are My Starshipalbum.  Her emotive, jazzy stylings melded perfectly with Connors' production, and her stunning performance resulted in her being signed by Buddah Records for a 1977 self-titled solo debut.  Click Here for the full Phyllis Hyman biography


While it is tough to pick a single Phyllis Hyman song over the others, this week we want to pay attention to one of her most notable ballads, the beautiful "Be Careful (How You Treat My Love)."  This sounds as fresh as it did three decades ago. Take another listen to this artist at work.

 

 

 

VIDEO: Billy Preston > Unsung Episode

Unsung Episode: Billy Preston

Billy Preston had an amazing career as a sought after musician for many of the greatest bands in the world. But he may be most known for his notable career, with hits like "Will It Go Round In Circles" and the duet "With You I'm Born Again."

Billy has received the long-overdue tribute in TV One's excellent Unsung biography show. Watch the episode below and remember this legendary artist.

We're having some trouble with the video feed from TVOne; if not viewable below, you can watch it at TV One's website by CLICKING HERE.

 

PUB: Glimmer Train Press Short Fiction Contest

Glimmer Train Press

Family Matters

 

 Deadline: 

 October 31, 2012

 

 Entry Fee: 

  $15

 

 Website: 

 http://www.glimmertrain.org

 

A prize of $1,500 and publication in Glimmer Train Stories is given biannually for a short story about family. Submit a story of 1,500 to 12,000 words with a $15 entry fee during the month of October. Visit the website for complete guidelines.

 

Glimmer Train Press, 4763 SW Maplewood Road, P.O. Box 80430, Portland, OR 97280. (503) 221-0836.

Susan Burmeister-Brown and Linda Swanson-Davies, Coeditors.

>via: http://www.glimmertrain.com/writguid1.html

 

 

 

PUB: Call for manuscripts - Harper Voyager Imprint

Have a SF or Fantasy Manuscript?

Now’s Your Chance to Be Published


HarperCollins’ science fiction and fantasy imprint, Harper Voyager, has announced that it will accept complete and unagented manuscripts for a two-week period in October.

For the first time in over a decade, from October 1 until October 14, Harper Voyager is opening the door to unsolicited manuscripts in order to “seek new authors with fresh voices, strong storytelling ideas, and compelling storylines.”

The submissions most suited to the Harper Voyager list will be selected jointly by editors in the US, UK, and Australia. According to the publisher, “Accepted submissions will benefit from the full publishing process: accepted manuscripts will be edited; and the finished titles will receive online marketing and sales support in World English markets. Voyager will be seeking an array of adult and young adult speculative fiction for digital publication, but particularly novels written in the epic fantasy, science fiction, urban fantasy, horror, dystopia, and supernatural genres.”

Titles will likely be published as e-books initially, but there is a possibility that submissions will be published in print as well. The publisher added that, “We’ve already been publishing digital originals from our existing Harper Voyager authors, and are thrilled to expand this wider to welcome new authors and voices to Harper Voyager. The growth of eReaders and e-books have created an exciting new opportunity that allows us to begin increasing the number and diversity of our speculative fiction list. And speculative fiction readers are the most savvy early adopters so we’re keen to provide our readers with the best ebooks possible.”

Guidelines for submissions are here.

The portal for submissions is here.

>via: http://publishingperspectives.com/2012/09/have-a-sf-or-fantasy-manuscript-now...

VIDEO: It's A Man's Man's Man's World > Shadow and Act

Watch

'It's A Man's

Man's Man's World'

(Animated FIlm

On The Life, Career &

Times Of James Brown)

 

 

BY SERGIO
SEPTEMBER 14, 2012

As someone once said, the great James Brown was "a force of nature." I can't think of a better definition of who Brown was, and his impact on music. 

 

And animation filmmaker Xavier Fauthoux obviously thinks so too, as he created this remarkable animated short, for Vimeo's 2012 Awesome Music Video Challenge, about Brown's life, career and the spirit of the times. It's titled It's a Man's Man's Man's Man's World.

This year's challenge was in celebration of Brown's entire catalogue being released on iTunes this past spring, and the re-issuing of his legendary album, James Brown Live at the Apollo, set for later this year.

Only one problem with this short - that it's short. I would LOVE to see a feature length version of this film. And I'll bet you would too.

>via: http://blogs.indiewire.com/shadowandact/watch-james-brown-animated-short-its-...

POV + VIDEO: 'Taking Back BoysTown' or How Some Queer Folk Can Be Hella Oppressive

‘Taking Back BoysTown’

or How Some Queer Folk

Can Be Hella Oppressive


I am incredibly lucky to be in community with some of the most brilliant people anywhere. One of those is my colleague and friend Owen Daniel-McCarter who is one of the founders of the Transformative Justice Law Project of Illinois. Owen recently published an excellent article and I want to share it with the readers of this blog. The article titled “Us vs. Them! Gays and the Criminalization of Queer Youth of Color in Chicago” is timely and will be particularly relevant to those who are interested in racism, classism, heterosexism, homophobia, and the criminalization of youth. I am only sharing a few excerpts from the article but you should really read it in its entirety HERE (PDF).

Owen offers some background for understanding the emergence of the “Take Back Boystown” phenomenon in Chicago:

After several publicly violent incidents in “Boystown” directly preceding and following the 2011 Chicago Pride Parade, residents of “Boystown” responded with calls for more policing, tougher enforcement of criminal laws, and resurrection of gang injunction ordinances. They even demanded that Chicago’s LGBT community center, the Center on Halsted, and a shelter for LGBT Youth known as the “Crib” be shut down for “attracting” violent outsiders into the “Boystown” community.” While “Boystown” residents’ fear of outside “invaders” seems to happen annually following the Pride Parade, this year was particularly hyper vigilant. Residents of “Boystown” created a facebook page called “Take Back Boystown” which touts to be “a venue for suggestions, ideas and thoughts on how we can preserve what we have and go back to the safe fun neighborhood Boystown is known for.” The site has provided a venue most notably for free-flowing rants from residents of “Boystown” about young people who are not residents of the neighborhood, referring to them in racialized code words such as “gangs,” “thugs,” and “hoodlums.” Local gay media immediately made the connection between public violence, youth, and race by reporting that “criminal activity” in “Boystown” could be due to the “presence of South and West Side youth.” As any resident of Chicago knows, “South and West Side youth” is code for Black and Latin@ youth.

 

Moved to action by the influx of young queer people from “other neighborhoods,” the Lake View Citizens’ Council introduced an online Petition to the Superintendent of the Chicago Police and the President of the Chicago Transit Authority that stated:

WHEREAS crime in the Lake View has been on the rise this year;
WHEREAS violent assaults have affected the livelihood of the residents of Lake View;
WHEREAS the crime committed comes from individuals NOT living in the Lake View area;
WHEREAS businesses in the area have felt the affects of the increase in crime and;
WHEREAS police in these areas have been deployed outside of the area;
THEREFORE we. the undersigned. who reside, work or have businesses in the Lake View Community AND PAY TAXES FOR CITY SERVICES demand from the Chicago Police Department an additional 20-30 police in the 19th and 23rd Districts of Lake View during the midnight-4am shift.
We also demand additional security canine patrol at the Belmont L stop during the same period of time.

IV.”This Work is Personal to Us-It is About Our Lives:” Liberatory Approaches

A liberatory approach to violence is one that “seeks safety and accountability without relying on alienation, punishment, or state or systemic violence, including incarceration and policing.” Thus, gay (and straight) residents of “Boystown” investing in increased policing, private policing, and harsh prosecution of queer youth of color “not from this neighborhood,” lacks a liberatory analysis. Many residents of “Boystown” argue that their property rights, the enjoyment of their neighborhood entertainment, and the privileges they have worked toward and donated to as gays are at stake with the “threat” of young people of color in their neighborhood. And, in some instances, physical violence and a threat of real physical violence has presented itself. All too often though, when the “victim” of interpersonal violence is a person of color, the violence is underreported or even accepted. As Kimberle Crenshaw argues, this downplaying of violence against people of color is a contemporary manifestation of racist narratives involving crime and violence with predetermined racial assumptions about who is “victim” and who is “perpetrator.” Regardless, it is without question that the people who are suffering the most due to “Take Back Boystown” movements are young people of color.

For true liberation the gay community in “Boystown” needs to reject the divisive “Us v. Them!” strategy and instead seek a transformative framework to help address the deep-seeded histories and current practices of anti-queer, anti-youth, and racist laws and policies in Chicago. This liberatory framework, then, must also include healing from violence and the internalized violence that systemic oppression manifests.

In her book, Democracy Remixed: Black Youth and the Future of American Politics, Cathy J. Cohen reveals the findings of the Black Youth Project, a groundbreaking survey asking young Black respondents living in America what they think about the government, their own lives and opportunities, their sexualities, etc. Considering the web of barriers to young Black people accessing so-called “opportunity,” it is not surprising that many have little to no faith in the ideology that the U.S. government aims to protect them. 61% of the Black youth surveyed believe that it is hard for young Black people to get ahead because they face so much discrimination. Further, nearly 80% of Black youth surveyed felt that the police discriminate more against Black youth than white youth. Cohen also reports that youth are aware that this is largely due to stigma about Black youth in general. She reiterates the response of one seventeen-year old Black young person who said “If [the police] see four or five black young dudes standing on the corner, we gotta be selling dope and stuff like that. So, they just already got us labeled.” She reveals that Black youth who experience overt discrimination, which is the majority of Black youth, have a profound disbelief in notions of “equal opportunity,” a disbelief that becomes more entrenched as they age. The connection between social alienation and so-called “deviance” is undeniable. Despite glaring social inequality for youth of color, “Boystown” residents, politicians, and business owners demand “[f]riendly, respectful social behavior,” not “anti-social, confrontational, and intimidating behavior.” Just as Richard Wright painted in his fictional Bigger Thomas, stigmatized and oppressed young Black people are both treated as though they are outside of society, and yet at the same time expected to behave with respect for the society that ostracizes them.

Youth who frequent “Boystown” have modeled many liberatory approaches in response to being labeled a threat to public spaces. As part of its “Street Youth Rise Up!” campaign, a campaign designed to change the way Chicago sees and treats its homeless, homefree, and street-based young people, youth from theYoung Women's Empowerment Project wrote a bill of rights by and for young people living on the streets of Chicago. This includes “rights when accessing health care, interactions with the police, when working with social services agencies, and in education – places where queer youth of color experience pervasive institutionalized violence.” In addition to addressing rights for youth, this document also addresses action steps for others. For example, it states that “The police should receive trainings by youth or youth competent services providers on how to work with homeless, home free or street based young people in a respectful way and help them connect to voluntary and nonjudgmental services instead of arresting us.”‘ In conjunction with the release of this “Street Youth Bill of Rights,” youth marched through “Boystown” on September 30, 2011 to demand their basic needs be met and that there be accountability for the criminalization of their survival. The Street Youth Rise Up campaign is, at its very core, a liberatory movement led by youth of color that resists participation in state violence.

 


Similarly, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and allied youth of color from Gender JUST, an intergenerational multiracial organization based on Chicago’s South Side, orchestrated a number of protests to the push for increased policing in “Boystown” as a solution to violence in the community. Young people boldly stood up at the Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy meeting held on July 6, 2011 with nearly 800 people – mostly residents of “Boystown” – in attendance, stating “we see policing and profiling as tools of violence – and you can’t fight violence with violence.” In 2010, they also protested the Northalsted Business Alliance for supporting the policing of young people of color in “Boystown” neighborhood stores and at the Center on Halsted. In addition to protesting the policing of young people of color in “Boystown” public accommodations, they also launched the Committee on Urban Resource Sustainability & Equity (“COURSE”) campaign which aims to help solve another problem rooted in the “Take Back Boystown” movement: the lack of resources for queer people living on the South and West Sides of Chicago.

 

[...]

Reflecting on the acute sense of abandonment she felt by the Gay Rights movement as a young criminalized transgender woman of color, Sylvia Rivera warned: “The oppressed becomes the oppressor.” A gay community politic that demands and even self-funds harsh policing of queer youth of color within a city, state, and country that oppresses youth, queers, and people of color at shocking rates is an oppressive politic. While many youth and adult allies are fighting for liberation, for now, gay residents, gay politicians, and gay business owners of “Boystown” are developing instruments of abuse, criminalization, and stigmatization against young queer people of color consistent with U.S. traditions of ageism, white supremacy, and institutionalized heterosexism. Queer youth in Chicago demand frameworks for liberatory political action that challenge the oppressive thinking of mainstream “gays” in “Boystown.” In their participatory action research report, youth from the Young Women’s Empowerment Project suggest concrete steps to end the systemic violence they experience that residents of “Boystown” must consider: “Think Critically about the law before advocating for a policy … [W]ill it just lead to an increase in police presence? Will removing a law decrease girls’ risk for violence or abuse?” Without asking these questions and grappling with their answers, liberatory dreams are lost.

Please read the whole article as these excerpts do not do Owen’s argument full justice.

Note: The following video provides some good context about “Take Back Boystown:”

My friend Sam Worley wrote an excellent article about the Battle in Boystownlast year. I recommend it for those who want to learn more.

>via: http://www.usprisonculture.com/blog/2012/08/27/taking-back-boystown-or-some-q...