EVENT 2010 Non-Fiction Contest
$1,500
Three winners will each receive $500 plus payment for publication in EVENT 39/3. Other manuscripts may be published. Preliminary judging by the editors of EVENT.
Final Judge: Lynn Coady is the author of the novels Strange Heaven (1998), Saints of Big Harbour (2003), and, most recently, Mean Boy (2006). She has also published a short story collection, Play the Monster Blind (2000). Her non-fiction has appeared in magazines and newspapers across Canada. She has been nominated for the Governor General’s Award for Fiction, as well as the Rogers Writers’ Trust Award, and is a recipient of the Dartmouth Book Award, The Canadian Authors Association Jubilee Award and the CAA Award for Authors under Thirty. In 2005 she received the Canada Council’s Victor Martyn Lynch-Staunton Award for an artist in mid-career, and in 2007 she received the Writers Guild of Alberta George Bugnet fiction prize for Mean Boy. She lives in Edmonton.
Myrna Kostash, Andreas Schroeder, Sharon Butala, Tom Wayman, Di Brandt, Terry Glavin, Karen Connelly, Charles Montgomery and Timothy Taylor are some of our past judges.Writers are invited to submit manuscripts exploring the creative non-fiction form. Check your library for back issues of EVENT with previous winning entries and judges' comments. Contest back issues are available for $9 (CAN$13 for overseas residents). Postage and GST included. To purchase a print copy now, visit our Online Sales.
Note: Previously published material, or material accepted elsewhere for publication, cannot be considered. Maximum entry length is 5000 words, typed, double-spaced. The writer should not be identified on the entry. Include a separate cover sheet with the writer's name, address, phone number / email, and the title(s) of the story (stories) enclosed. Include a SASE (Canadian postage / IRCs / US$1). Douglas College employees are not eligible to enter.
Entry fee: Multiple entries are allowed, however, each entry must be accompanied by a $29.95 entry fee (includes GST and a one-year subscription; make cheque or international money order payable to EVENT). Those already subscribing will receive a one-year extension. American and overseas entrants please pay in US dollars.
Deadline for entries: Postmarked by April 15, 2010.
Send entries to:
EVENT
Non-Fiction Contest
PO Box 2503, New Westminster, BC
V3L 5B2 Canada
Phone: 604-527-5293 Fax: 604-527-5095
Email: event@douglas.bc.caEVENT 2009 Non-Fiction Contest Winners
The Editors of EVENT would like to congratulate the winners of our 2009 Non-Fiction Contest.
Nine manuscripts were chosen from 165 entries and sent without the writers= names to John Burns for final judging. The three winners are:
‘Alphabet Autobiografica’ by Eufemia Fantetti, Vancouver, BC
‘Asleep at the Wheel’ by Katherine Fawcett, Pemberton, BC
‘Victim’ by Ayelet Tsabari, Toronto, ON
The six other short-listed entries are:
‘Still Life: Mayne Island’ by Candice Allan, Calgary, AB
‘My Best Friend’ by Will Johnson, Victoria, BC
‘Seventeen Meditations on Chesterman Beach’ by Adrienne Mason, Tofino, BC
‘Postcard Dilemmas and Other Writing Exercises’ by David Mount, Vancouver, BC
‘One of Us’ by Mark Osteen, Baltimore, MD, USA
‘The Arms of My Inheritance’ by Barbara Irene Stewart, Victoria, BC
Thanks to those writers who sent manusripts to us. We look forward to reading submissions for our 2010 Non-Fiction Contest next spring. See above for details.
Commonwealth Short Story Competition
Enter the 2010 Commonwealth Short Story Competition
First prize of £2,000
Special and Regional prizes of £500Click here to enter online by 31 March 2010
The Commonwealth Short Story Competition is an annual scheme to promote new creative writing, funded and administered by the Commonwealth Foundation and the Commonwealth Broadcasting Association. Each year around 25 winning and highly commended stories from the different regions of the Commonwealth are recorded on to CDs and broadcast on radio stations across the Commonwealth.
Anyone aged 19 or over who is a citizen of a Commonwealth country can enter, whether a professional or amateur writer. Commonwealth citizens who are 18 or under can enter the Commonwealth Essay Competition.Stories should be original, unpublished, written in English and no more than 600 words long. Entries will be submitted in plain text via the online application form.
In addition to the first prize and four regional prizes, this year there will be special prizes for the best story for children and the best story concerning Science, Technology and Society, the Commonwealth Day theme for 2010.
There is no entry fee. Only one entry may be submitted per person. This can either be a general entry, or a story on the Commonwealth Day theme, or a story for children.
Click here for tips on how to write a short story for broadcast.
Read or listen to last year's winning stories.
The winning entries will be judged in June by an international panel of writers, broadcasters and academics across the regions of the Commonwealth. Winners will be announced in September.
Wasafiri New Writing Prize 2010
Renowned worldwide for featuring some of the best and brightest new talent, Wasafiri launched an annual new writing prize as part of its 25th anniversary celebrations in 2009. The prize is now in its second year and the competition is open for entries.
The competition is open to anyone worldwide who has not published a complete book. We are looking for creative submissions in one of three categories: Poetry, Fiction or Life Writing. Three winners (one from each category) will receive £300 and their winning entries will be published in an issue of Wasafiri.
This year's judges are Romesh Gunesekera (Fiction), Moniza Alvi (Poetry) and Marina Warner (Life Writing) and the Chair is Susheila Nasta.
To enter simply fill in the entry form and return it with your entry and a fee of UK Sterling £5 by the closing date of 30 July 2010 (preferably by cheque or via PayPal). Entrants who are visually impaired or prevented from typing through disability can submit their entry on audio CD.
Entries can emailed to n.a.jonesATopen.ac.uk or posted to the following address:New Writing Prize
Wasafiri
The Open University in London
1-11 Hawley Crescent
London NW1 8NP
UK
Please ensure that you have read the terms and conditions before submitting your entry.
Rape on the rise in aftermath of Haiti quake
5:32 PM on 03/16/2010
In this photo taken March 14, 2010, women wait to receive medical attention for them and their children outside the women's clinic run by the Jenkins-Penn Haiti Relief Operation, at the makeshift camp for earthquake survivors in the Petionville Golf Club in Port-au-Prince. (AP Photo/Andres Leighton)PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti (AP) -- When the young woman needed to use the toilet, she went out into the darkened tent camp and was attacked by three men.
"They grabbed me, put their hands over my mouth and then the three of them took turns," the slender 21-year-old said, wriggling with discomfort as she nursed her baby girl, born three days before Haiti's devastating quake.
"I am so ashamed. We're scared people will find out and shun us," said the woman, who suffers from abdominal pain and itching, likely from an infection contracted during the attack.
Women and children as young as 2, already traumatized by the loss of homes and loved ones in the Jan. 12 catastrophe, are now falling victim to rapists in the sprawling tent cities that have become home to hundreds of thousands of people.
With no lighting and no security, they are menacing places after sunset. Sexual assaults are daily occurrences in the biggest camps, aid workers say -- and most attacks go unreported because of the shame, social stigma and fear of reprisals from attackers.
Rape was a big problem in Haiti even before the earthquake and frequently was used as a political weapon in times of upheaval. Both times the first democratically elected president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, was ousted, his enemies assassinated his male supporters and raped their wives and daughters.
But the quake that killed an estimated 200,000 people has made women and girls ever more vulnerable. They have lost their homes and are forced to sleep in flimsy tents or tarp-covered lean-tos. They've lost male protection with the deaths of husbands, brothers and sons. And they are living in close quarters with strangers.
At the camp on Monday where the young mother was gang-raped, a woman in shorts tried to bathe discreetly. Stripped to her waist, she faced her blue tarp tent, her back to the rows of other shelters.
Nearby, a teenage girl squatted behind a pile of garbage, trying to avoid the stench and clouds of flies around tarp-covered latrines that provide the only privacy, but also are places where women are attacked.
In this camp, some 47,000 people live crowded into what used to be a sports ground in a neighborhood that always has been dangerous. Residents include a dozen escaped prisoners, among them a man accused of a notorious murder, according to Fritznel Pierre, a human rights advocate who lives at the camp.
"But nobody says anything because they're scared, scared of the criminals and scared of the police," he said.
Pierre has documented three other gang rapes in the camp, including of a 17-year-old who says she was a virgin before six men attacked her and raped her repeatedly.
"I really worry about the teenager because she has no one to look out for her. She says she sees her attackers but is afraid to report them because she would then have to leave the camp and she has nowhere to go," Pierre said.
Investigators for Human Rights Watch reported the first three gang rapes to U.N. officials. Then, two weeks later, on Feb. 27, the 21-year-old mother was gang-raped.
Only a week later did U.N. police officers begin patrolling.
"For me it seems completely bizarre that for this one camp that everyone knows is unsafe, it's taken them three weeks to get a patrol going," said Liesl Gerntholtz, executive director of the agency's women's rights division. "It's unrealistic to expect patrols in camps all the time, but I think they can identify hotspots and provide security to those spots."
Pierre complained that the U.N. patrols are ineffective. "They only drive their cars down the one road that covers only a small portion of the camp. They never get out of their cars," he said.
In the hilltop suburb of Petionville, where plush mansions look out over slums on hillsides and in ravines, a 7-year-old rape victim was being treated Monday in the hospital of a tent camp set up on a golf course. Another child, a 2-year-old, had been raped in the same camp two weeks earlier.
The toddler is taking antibiotics for a gonorrhea infection of the mouth, according to Alison Thompson, who is the volunteer medical coordinator for a Haitian relief group created by Sean Penn. She helped treat both children.
"Women aren't being protected," Thompson said. "So when the lights go down is when the rapes increase, and it's happening daily in all the camps in Port-au-Prince."
Besides sexually transmitted diseases and pregnancy, victims face possible HIV infection. Haiti has the highest infection rate for the virus that causes AIDS in the Western hemisphere, with one in 50 people infected.
Among the many rape victims is an 18-year-old girl who lost her parents, grandmother, a sister and three cousins to the quake. She was roaming the streets distraught when a man approached her, promising her his wife would look after her, she said.
The middle-aged man took her to a house, then left and came back with two men. The three raped her repeatedly until she managed to escape.
The teen is among dozens of rape victims who have sought help from KOFAVIV, a group of Haitian women who survived political rapes in 2004. Their offices were destroyed in the quake and they now operate from a tent.
They brought the victims to American volunteer lawyers who came to Port-au-Prince a week ago to identify Haitians who may qualify for humanitarian parole to live in the United States.
"I've been here five days and have spoken to 30 (rape) survivors including a dozen under 18. Their stories are horrific. I would be catatonic," said San Francisco lawyer Jayne Fleming.
Few rapes are reported because women often face humiliating scrutiny from police officers who suggest they invited the attacks and even nurses who contend young girls were "too hot" in their dress style, according to Delva Marie Eramithe, a KOFAVIV leader.
Her own 18-year-old daughter was saved from an attacker who dragged the girl into a dark alley between tents at the downtown camp sprawling across Champs de Mars plaza. The assailant did not see the teen's three sisters, who had been walking behind her, and all four of them managed to beat him and run him off.
Soon after, he returned to their tent with three other men and a gun, Eramithe said.
While a male neighbor argued with the men, Eramithe and her daughters went to a nearby police station to report the attempted rape.
"We told them the man who attacked her was right there at our tent, just two blocks away," Eramithe said. "But one policeman said they had received reports of nothing but raping, thefts and domestic beatings all day and there's nothing they can do. The other police officer said the only person who can do anything is President (Rene) Preval."
When she insisted, they gave her the license plate of a police van patrolling the camp perimeter. Eventually she found the patrol car but that officer "told us to go and get the attacker and bring him to them."
Police spokesman Gary Desrosiers said only 24 rapes have been reported to Haitian authorities this year. Several suspects were detained, but many escaped when prisons collapsed in the quake, he said.
Police Chief Mario Andresol blamed the attacks on the more than 7,000 prisoners who escaped. "Bandits are taking advantage to harass and rape women and young girls under the tents," he told reporters two weeks after the quake.
"We are aware of problem ... but it's not a priority," Information Minister Marie-Laurence Jocelyn Lassegue said last month.
Haitian police officers with stations minutes from some of the largest camps do not patrol -- a fact that spokesman Desrosiers blames on the loss of dozens of officers killed in the quake, as well as scores who remain missing and more than 250 who were injured.
Still, that leaves some 9,600 Haitian police officers and 2,000 U.N. police officers.
The first signs of action came when U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon arrived Sunday, and a contingent of female U.N. and Haitian police officers set up a tent at the camp.
Ban promised the camps will be "safe and secure."
He praised the security offered by Haitian and U.N. police and told the women officers: "We must protect these women and girls. ... If they are sexually abused and attacked and raped, that is totally unacceptable and intolerable, and we must stop it."
On Monday, a man with a bullhorn was at the camp during a food distribution, saying "We don't want men raping women, do we?"
No, the women waiting in line yelled back.
Still, the fear was palpable among the most vulnerable. The 18-year-old orphaned rape victim was nervous about the time, even though it was only mid-afternoon.
"I have to find somewhere to sleep, near some people who might help me if there's trouble," she said.
"It scares me, the way the men look at me, and they know I'm all alone."
___
Associated Press Television News reporter Pierre Richard Luxama contributed to this report from Port-au-Prince.
Copyright 2010 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
Thelonious Monk: An Interview with Robin D.G. Kelley
October 29, 2009 by freemixradio
In what he called “the best interview I’ve done so far” Dr. Robin D.G. Kelley joined Jazz and Justice this week to help us successfully reach our final week’s pledge goals. Kelley’s latest book, Thelonious Monk: The Life and Times of an American Original, was our point of departure for a discussion covering Monk’s life, music and the history which shaped him and which he indelibly shaped in return.
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froomkin@huffingtonpost.com | HuffPost Reporting
How Do You Disenfranchise 1 In 8 Black Men?
Over the last two centuries, other voting prohibitions have fallen one by one as what was originally a privilege enjoyed only by white men of property was grudgingly recognized as a basic American right.
But in many states, convicted felons can't vote even after they've re-entered society. And because of the disproportionate number of black men convicted of felonies, the effect on that population has been tremendously magnified.
An estimated 5.3 million Americans are denied the right to vote based on their felony convictions, 4 million of whom are out of prison. About a third of them are black, including 13 percent of all African-American men.
Democrats on the House Judiciary Committee are proposing to change that. H.R. 3335, the Democracy Restoration Act, would bar states from disenfranchising felons from federal elections after they've been released from prison. Right now, state laws are literally all over the map.
At a subcommittee hearing Tuesday, Hilary O. Shelton, director of the NAACP's Washington bureau, called the matter "a question of rehabilitation, democracy and fairness." He argued, in his prepared remarks:
Felony voting restrictions are the last vestige of voting prohibitions; when the U.S. was founded only wealthy white men were allowed to vote. Women, minorities, illiterates and the poor were excluded. Most of these restrictions have all been eliminated over time, often with much debate, rancor and challenges. People who have served their time and been released from prison are the last Americans to be denied their highly cherished, basic right to vote.
He said the state laws "have significantly affected the political voice of the African American community." For instance:In Virginia, almost 7% of the entire voting-age population is disenfranchised due to a past felony conviction; and almost 20% of the state's African American population is locked out of the voting booth.NYU Law School Professor Burt Neuborne argued that "most felony disenfranchisement statutes have their genesis in an effort to disenfranchise racial minorities" and that the "felony disenfranchisement laws of one kind or another" that "remain on the books of 48 of the 50 states" are "a morally repugnant link with a racist past."
Andres Idarraga, a Yale Law School student, told his story:
I became involved in drug dealing, and, at 20, I was sent to prison as a result. I would spend the next six years and four months incarcerated. While incarcerated, I realized what I had thrown away and became determined to turn things around for myself, for my family, and for my community. After I was released, I attended the University of Rhode Island, graduated from Brown University, and am now attending Yale Law School....
In November 2006, my fellow Rhode Islanders were the first in the nation to go to the
polls and approve a ballot referendum to restore voting rights to people as soon as they are released from prison. Now, when a person leaves prison, the Department of Corrections hands him or her a voter registration form. This change in the law allowed me and 15,000 other citizens with felony convictions to vote. We are now finally fully vested members of our communities, and our civic engagement will leave lasting imprints.Two witnesses spoke in defense of the current system, including Hans von Spakovsky, whose claim to fame is his stint in the Bush Justice Department's Civil Rights Division, where he turned the voting rights section's mission on its head -- working to make it harder, not easier, for poor and minority voters to cast ballots. He argued in his prepared remarks:
The loss of civil rights is part of the sanction that our society has determined should be applied to criminals. Many black communities unfortunately suffer from high rates of crime, yet this bill would have a pernicious effect on the ability of law-abiding citizens to reduce crime in their own communities.Von Spakovsky said it was a matter of states' rights. And he both mocked and questioned the motivations of the bill's sponsors:
Why does this bill not also amend federal law to allow them to once again own a handgun? Are we to believe that they can be trusted to vote but not to own a handgun? Are we to believe that the sponsors of this legislation think that a convicted child molester can be trusted to vote but cannot be trusted to be a teacher in a public school? Are we to believe a convicted drug dealer can be trusted to vote but cannot be trusted to be a police officer? Or is the true motivation here based more on the fact that their vote is important to winning close elections?
Second Class Citizenship: The Impact of Prison on Black America
March 4, 2010 by freemixradio
In light of some recently published studies which further our understanding of the relationship between slavery and prison we offer a re-post of this important study of that system. “The more politicians threaten to stop crime and imprison criminals, the more crime we have. The newspapers never fail to describe a black defendant as such. Seldom if ever is a white defendant so described. Given the prevailing climate of thought, or reaction on the subject, most people will assume one charged with crime is black.
None of this should be read as a defense of black criminals or their crimes. What to do about crime and criminals is the imponderable that confronts both me and the system. It is clear that prisons have not provided a satisfactory answer, nor have learned criminologists. Why have prisons become so disproportionately black and Hispanic in the last few years? Why is their population composed of the poor?” —–Judge Bruce Wright, Black Robes, White Justice: Why our Legal System Doesn’t Work For Blacks
Originally published September 22, 2008
The Implications of the Prison Industrial Complex on Black America – Part I: The ways in which the criminal justice system maintains second class citizenship
By Malik Russell
This 3-part series seeks to examine the ways in which the United States system of criminal justice, policing, prisons and sentencing policy plays a role in reinforcing a permanent underclass existing within the African American community. The Black community is only one of numerous communities negatively impacted by the Prison Industrial Complex (PIC), yet it remains the most disparately impacted and destabilized community in relation to the way America addresses its social problems through crime, control and incarceration.
The Prison Industrial Complex, herein referred to as the PIC represents a myriad of intersecting institutions including jails, prisons, the courts, and sentencing that all connect in support of maintaining the socio-economic and political status quo. Simply said, the way in which “crime” is defined, addressed, and discussed is done so in a way that legitimizes current inequalities and conditions that regulate the access and manner in which the African American communities can access the socio-economic and political mainstream of American Society.
Today, over 2.3 million individuals are imprisoned within the United States and over half of them are African Americans who only make up 12% of the general population. In many cases, if this type of disparity were to occur, major human rights groups would issue a declarative statement read before the United Nations regarding the violation of human rights within that nation.
A few activists have traveled that route only to find their pleas continually falling on deaf ears. The impact of the prison system on Black America remains the invisible crisis that wasn’t. It’s only Black people and they commit more crime-right? Then again how do we define “crime,” and which crimes are punishable by prison or by simply paying a fine?
One of the things that the organization Critical Resistance argues is that the prison system/PIC cannot be rehabilitated. That in this sense we should throw out the baby with the bathwater and I agree that the whole way in which we address crime has not worked and that other solutions that actually make our communities safer do exist.
In relation to the Black community the criminal justice system aka the Prison Industrial Complex has not maintained a blind eye, but conveniently kept one eye open as African Americans are penalized more for the same crimes, prosecuted more, given harsher sentences than whites charged with the same crimes, and targeted by police more despite no real evidence that African Americans are more criminal than any other group regardless of the destructive socio-economic environments that low-income communities are forced to live in. Socio-economic conditions may factor in the type of crimes committed not necessarily in the commission of crimes.
African Americans constitute almost 12% of the general population and only 13% of drug users yet 57% of those incarcerated in state prisons from a drug crime. Whites in turn make up nearly 70% of the general population and 68 percent of drug users but only 23% of those locked up in state prisons from drug crimes. In racial profiling studies done in both Texas and New York, highlighting police stops and searches for illegal contraband-whites were more likely to have illegal contraband than African Americans.
We all know the long sick history of mandatory minimum sentences for possessing 5 grams of crack compared to 500 grams of cocaine. What is relatively un-discussed is the fact that 97 percent of all federal crack offenders prosecuted between 1992-4 were racial minorities or the fact that not one-not one white person was prosecuted by federal� authorities in Los Angeles from 1988-1994.
From targeting to apprehension to processing to sentencing Blacks suffer more at the hands of the criminal justice system in a way that is so disparate it can be looked at in no other way than as policy. According to a study by Building Blocks for Youth, a Black Youth with no record of incarceration charged with a drug offence is still 48 times more likely than a White youth of the same background to be sent to juvenile prison. If the White youth is sentenced, he is normally given a shorter sentence.
It would be enough to address the current disparities within the criminal justice system which only mirror other aspects of American society. Still that would be a job within itself. Unfortunately, these series of articles are not simply to challenge current inequities within the system and its ongoing racial bias. The purpose of these articles is to change the whole perspective of the reader regarding how we view crime and punishment and to look at the creation of an alternative way of addressing “crime” that has at its roots justice, rehabilitation, and reciprocity.
The current prison industrial complex as it stands represents an extension of the status quo whereas the top 5% of the wealthy control the majority of wealth in the nation. It’s the trickle down theory of politics, where we determine who gets what, how much and who gets none. An extension of the belief or policy that says its okay for thousands of young Black or Latinos to murder each other annually, okay for unemployment rates in the Hood to be closer to the age of young men unable to find employment than the unemployment rate in white communities. This is a policy that says its okay for the violence, unemployment, faulty education, lack of opportunities, and no healthcare to exist in these Black and poor communities-were okay with that. We won’t invest in front end opportunities but we will spend billions annually to incarcerate these young men and women-no to books and education but yes to bars and incarceration is the likely motto.
From the time Africans were first brought to these shores, the police state and criminal justice systems was a means to control them and served as an extension of the ruling class to maintain the status quo. This is the history of the prison industrial complex and not much has changed.
The Black community continues to be in a war with the prison industrial complex and the way it remains structured as an extension of social policy. This war began shortly after the ending another war which unintentionally gave a momentary lapse of first class citizenship to blacks-the Civil War. Shortly after Blacks gained measures of equality, foes to our progress began to utilize the criminal justice system as a means deny as oppose providing justice.
Part II: From Plantations to Projects to the Penitentiary
Shocking New Report: U.S. Maternal Health Is in “Crisis”
This post was originally published on Daily Kos.
Those brave members of Congress who believe the biggest problems in health care are government-funded abortions, death panels, and lawsuits might want to take a look at this problem:
The report, titled “Deadly Delivery,” notes that the likelihood of a woman’s dying in childbirth in the U.S. is five times as great as in Greece, four times as great as in Germany and three times as great as in Spain. Every day in the U.S., more than two women die of pregnancy-related causes, with the maternal mortality ratio doubling from 6.6 deaths per 100,000 births in 1987 to 13.3 deaths per 100,000 births in 2006.
…
“In the U.S., we spend more than any country on health care, yet American women are at greater risk of dying from pregnancy-related causes than in 40 other countries,” says Nan Strauss, the report’s co-author, who spent two years investigating the issue of maternal mortality worldwide. “We thought that was scandalous.”
The report from Amnesty International found a number of systemic problems with health care for pregnant women, including:
- Obstacles to care are widespread, even though the US A spends more on health care than any other country and more on pregnancy and childbirth-related hospital costs, $86 billion, than any other type of hospital care.
Nearly 13 million women of reproductive age (15 to 44), or one in five, have no health insurance. Minorities account for just under one-third of all women in the US A (32 percent) but over half (51 percent) of uninsured women.
One in four women do not receive adequate prenatal care, starting in the first trimester. The number rises to about one in three for African American and Native American women.
Burdensome bureaucratic procedures in Medicaid enrollment substantially delay access to vital prenatal care for pregnant women seeking government-funded care.
A shortage of health care professionals is a serious obstacle to timely and adequate care, especially in rural areas and inner cities. In 2008, 64 million people were living in “shortage areas” for primary care (which includes maternal care).
Many women are not given a say in decisions about their care and the risks of interventions such as inducing labor or cesarean sections. Cesarean sections make up nearly one-third of all deliveries in the USA – twice as high as recommended by the World Health Organization.
The number of maternal deaths is significantly understated because of a lack of effective data collection in the USA. The report concludes that these problems — most of which are preventable — aren’t just a health care issue; they’re a human rights issue.
The report recommends seven ways to address this crisis:
- Ensure access to quality health care for all
Ensure equitable access to health care without discrimination
Remove barriers to timely, appropriate, affordable maternal health care
Ensure access to family planning services and information for all women
Ensure access to adequate, appropriate, quality maternal health care provision
Ensure that all women receive adequate post-natal care
Enhance and improve accountability
Fully recognize the human right to health and integrate a human rights perspective Guess they just forgot to mention tort reform and tax cuts.
You can read the full study here.
Bobby McFerrin: the Power of the Pentatonic Scale
Don't watch this video if you are at work or somewhere you can't sing along. Also, don't watch this if you're too much of a stick in the mud to sing along - I have to say it made my evening. I'll definitely be going to see Bobby McFerrin's new show VOCabuLarieS (sounds incredible), at the Barbican on the 29th May - tickets HERE.
The Connecticut Poetry Award, honoring founders Winchell, Brodine and Brodinsky Formerly the BRODINE/BRODINSKY POETRY COMPETITION & WALLACE WINCHELL CONTESTS.The Conneticut Poetry Award
Open to all poets.
Submit poems: April 1- May 31 2010 (postmark)
Send up to 3 unpublished poems, any form, 80 line limit. Include two copies of each poem: one with complete contact information in the upper right hand corner and one with NO contact information.Include SASE for results only (no poems will be returned). Winning poems must be submitted by disc or email following notification.Fee $15 for up to 3 poems. Please make out check to Connecticut Poetry Society.Send submissions to: [name of contest], CPS, PO Box 270554, West Hartford, CT 06127Prizes of $400 $200, $100 will be awarded.Winning poems will be published in Connecticut River Review. Send submissions to The Connecticut Poetry Award, CPS, PO Box 270554, West Hartford, CT 06127Prizes of $400, $200, and $100.
Simultaneous submissions are okay. If a poem is taken by another venue, we would expect to be notified of that immediately so that it could be withdrawn from the CPS contest.
The Mississippi Valley Poetry Chapbook Competition annually invites submissions for the
election of one poet’s collection to be published by MWC Press. Submissions must be
postmarked between May 1 and July 31 each year. The annual winner is announced online
in November.
Past winners include Stephen Frech, The Dark Villages of Childhood (2008), and Meghan Brinson,
Broken Plums on the Sidewalk (2009).
Mississippi Valley Poetry Chapbook Competition
2010 Judge
Jennifer Perrine
Jennifer Perrine’s first book of poetry, The Body Is No Machine, was published by New Issues in 2007 and won the 2008 Devil’s Kitchen Reading Award in Poetry. Other recent awards include the U.S. Poets in Mexico Mérida Fellowship and first prize in the Black Warrior Review Fourth-Ever Poetry Contest and the Virginia Arts of the Books Center Taste 'Test. Her poetry has appeared in a variety of journals, including Connecticut Review, Crab Orchard Review, RATTLE, and Third Coast. Perrine lives in Des Moines, Iowa, and works at Drake University, where she organizes the Writers & Critics Series and teaches courses in creative writing, queer literature and theories, and gender studies.
Review Guidelines
Submit between 16 to 24 pages of poetry; manuscripts should be paginated and secured with a binder clip
(no staples). No names or identifying information should appear on the poems.
Enclose one cover page that includes:
o - chapbook title
o - author name
o - address
o - phone
o - email
Enclose a second cover page that includes only the chapbook title to allow for blind review.
No cover letter is required; however, if poems have been previously published, an acknowledgments
page should be included. Poems may be more than one page in length, but only one poem per page.
Midwest Writing Center will publish the winning chapbook through MWC Press and make it available
for sale. No manuscripts will be returned. Submissions that arrive ‘postage due’ will be returned unopened.
Submission Information
Submissions should be sent directly to Midwest Writing Center (see address below).
Contest results will be announced via email. If you wish to receive the results in the mail, please include a
SASE. All entries that include a check for $3 postage will receive a complimentary copy of the winning
chapbook. Contact the contest administrator with any questions by emailing contest@midwestwritingcenter.org"> contest@midwestwritingcenter.org
with the word “chapbook:” in the subject line.
Deadline Dates
Submissions must be postmarked between May 1 and July 31 each year.
Prizes
The winner of the Mississippi Valley Poetry Chapbook Contest will receive $100 prize money, have his/her
manuscript published by Midwest Writing Center, and receive 15 free copies of the finished chapbook.
Reading Fee
There is a $15 reading fee per chapbook entry (multiple submissions accepted). If paying reading fee by
check, make check payable to MWC and include payment with the manuscript submission to:
Midwest Writing Center
Mississippi Valley Poetry Chapbook Contest
225 E. 2nd St., Suite 303
Davenport, IA 52801
MasterCard and Visa are also accepted (please send your name as it appears on the card, the card number,
expiration date, and v-code along with your manuscript) or reading fee may be paid online via PayPal.
Restrictions
As a member of the Council of Literary Magazines and Presses and CLMP's community of independent literary
publishers, Midwest Writing Center believes that intent to act ethically, clarity of guidelines, and transparency of
process form the foundation of an ethical contest. To that end, friends, relatives, and/or past or current students
of judges have been deemed ineligible to enter this contest, as have past and current board members and
employees of the Midwest Writing Center.