VIDEO: Watch ‘Love Games’, a Weekly TV Series About Love & Relationships Among Five Zambian Women > AfriPOP! »

First Look:

Watch Episodes of

‘Love Games’,

a Weekly TV Series

About Love & Relationships

Among Five Zambian Women

When watching local TV in Zambia it is rife with Mexican and Filipino (seriously) telenovas. There is the odd spattering of locally produced TV that doesn’t really resonate and bores you to death, on top of its bad sound and dodgy picture quality.

My love for all things TV made me ask, is this really the best we can do? Must we always turn to DStv for programming we can enjoy? Absolutely not!

I run a company with my siblings that wants to provide quality products that not only entertain but aid in social development. Enter Love Games. In Zambia we have a national HIV prevalence rate of 14%, while we do have a generalised epidemic, trends show that it’s in the more urban environments where HIV is concentrated, and rising among richer older men, and younger educated women.

When approached to do a drama series about how women find themselves at risk for HIV, and with a fairly decent budget to boot, we jumped at the opportunity. It was an opportunity to show Zambia, or Lusaka specifically, as the vibrant, upwardly mobile and diverse city it is, and we could showcase up and coming talent, through music and acting. But it was also an opportunity to talk about some hard truths and hold a mirror up to ourselves, especially as women, as to how we as individuals enable the spread of HIV.

Five women lead the cast of Love Games, each one of them with a story of their own that highlights different relationship profiles in Zambia, including a wife, single, in a relationship, engaged, and the most well known profile of the ‘bandit’.

But it wasn’t just about the leading men, it’s about the men in their lives too. And some of them are real douche bags! Borrowing from real life stories means people could relate to these people’s situations, they’re not just fictional characters, they are people we know, situations we’ve been in ourselves – they are our stories. Tapping into urban culture was also important – how can you do a story on women, relationships, sex, and HIV, without referencing a bandit? (A bandit is a slang term for a woman who’ll do anything to get ahead, she’s manipulative and cunning, she’s the good-time chick – but not a ‘hoe – at least that was as close to a definition I could get – unless you know a bandit in Zambia, it’s hard to explain her!)

The day Love Games premiered on TV we pushed social media hard. The aim was to reach the people who watch DStv, to get them to tune back to local TV to watch Love Games. The response was amazing. I’m pretty sure Love Games was trending in Zambia!

Even now as the show airs – on TV with a simultaneous stream online, the chatter on twitter is amazing – people citing lines, and scenarios that resonate – including the most popular ‘bandit talk’.

What is still to be seen is whether it makes viewers reflect on their own relationships and take less risks to reduce the spread of HIV. The premier episode brought on the question why we use condoms if in a committed relationship.

 

LITERATURE: FESPACO 2013 - Read The Transcript Of Wole Soyinka's Epic Keynote Address Speech > Shadow and Act

FESPACO 2013

- Read The Transcript

Of Wole Soyinka's Epic

Keynote Address Speech


by Tambay A. Obenson

 
February 27, 2013 


It's titled 
A Name Is More Than The Tyranny Of Taste, and was delivered by Wole Soyinka - the Nigerian writer, notable especially as a playwright and poet who was awarded the 1986 Nobel Prize in Literature. 

 

The address was delivered at the CODESRIA Guild of African Filmmakers FESPACO workshop on titled Pan-Africanism: Adapting African Stories/Histories from Text to Screen.

In it, Soyinka touches on so much that we've discussed here on S&A (from Django Unchained, to Nollywood cinema, to the works of Ousmane Sembene, to even Big Brother Africa, Blaxploitation, film industries co-opting the name "Hollywood" to name their own industries - like Nollywood, Dollywood, Hillywood, et al, and much more), and of course it's saturated with his insightful commentary and words of wisdom, for a truly Pan-Africanist speech, covering cinema matters - past, present and future - of the African Diaspora.

I say it's epic in part because it's beefy, and is also 13 pages long! So read at your leisure.

To download it in PDF format, click HERE to do so.

 

DANCE + VIDEO: Aesha Ash - The Swan Dreams Project

AESHA ASH
The Swan Dreams Project

Uploaded on Jan 16, 2012

Photography: Paul D. Van Hoy II www.fotoimpressions.com

As many of you know, art inspires, edifies and unites. A community without art is broken, unrealized. Children who participate in the arts are better socialized and have improved academic performance. However, none of these benefits redound to the African-American community due to cultural isolation, historical income disparaties and the resultant lack of access to the arts, particularly ballet.

 

LITERATURE + AUDIO: Edwidge Danticat Reads Jamaica Kincaid > The New Yorker

March 3, 2013

Fiction Podcast:

Edwidge Danticat

Reads Jamaica Kincaid

On this month’s fiction podcast, Edwidge Danticat reads two stories by Jamaica Kincaid, “Girl” and “Wingless,” which were first published in The New Yorker in 1978 and 1979 respectively. “Girl,” which Danticat describes as “one of the most anthologized stories in the English-speaking world,” is a rigid and rhythmic list of dicta passed from mother to daughter. “Wingless,” on the other hand, follows a young girl’s fluid reveries about her mother, whom she both fears and aspires to be like.

Danticat’s own fiction and essays have appeared in The New Yorker since 1999. She first encountered Kincaid’s works while in college, and was struck by their “extraordinary lyricism,” understanding immediately that they “are meant to be read out loud.” She says here, “They sound so beautiful. It’s like butterfly wings, it’s the only thing I can think of. Just listen.” A mother instructs her daughter in “Girl”:

this is how you sweep a corner; this is how you sweep a whole house; this is how you sweep a yard; this is how you smile to someone you don’t like too much; this is how you smile to someone you don’t like at all; this is how you smile to someone you like completely; this is how you set a table for tea;

And a daughter looks up to her mother in “Wingless”:

I shall try to see clearly. I shall try to tell differences. I shall try to distinguish the subtle gradations of color in fine cloth, of fingernail length, of manners. That woman over there. Is she cruel? Does she love me? And if not, can I make her?

By reading them in tandem, Danticat unites them into a single narrative: after the girl is warned by her mother about the dangers of her world, she goes on to discover them for herself. The two stories play with the themes Danticat identifies throughout Kincaid’s body of work: “migration, the mother-daughter relationship,” and “the relationship with the motherland.” According to Danticat, you can trace echoes of these stories in “See Now Then,” Kincaid’s latest book.

You can hear Danticat’s readings of “Girl” and “Wingless,” along with her discussion with the New Yorker fiction editor, Deborah Treisman, by listening above or by downloading the podcast for free from iTunes.

 

HISTORY: Black Slave Owners: Did They Exist? > The Root

Did Black People

Own Slaves?

100 Amazing Facts About the Negro: Yes -- but why they did and how many they owned will surprise you.

 

 


Nicolas Augustin Metoyer of Louisiana owned 13 slaves in 1830. He and his 12 family members collectively owned 215 slaves.

Editor's note: For those who are wondering about the retro title of this black history series, please take a moment to learn about historian Joel A. Rogers, author of the 1934 book 100 Amazing Facts About the Negro With Complete Proof, to whom these "amazing facts" are an homage.

(The Root) -- 100 Amazing Facts About the Negro No. 21: Did black people own slaves? If so, why?

One of the most vexing questions in African-American history is whether free African Americans themselves owned slaves. The short answer to this question, as you might suspect, is yes, of course; some free black people in this country bought and sold other black people, and did so at least since 1654, continuing to do so right through the Civil War. For me, the really fascinating questions about black slave-owning are how many black "masters" were involved, how many slaves did they own and why did they own slaves?

The answers to these questions are complex, and historians have been arguing for some time over whether free blacks purchased family members as slaves in order to protect them -- motivated, on the one hand, by benevolence and philanthropy, as historian Carter G. Woodson put it, or whether, on the other hand, they purchased other black people "as an act of exploitation," primarily to exploit their free labor for profit, just as white slave owners did. The evidence shows that, unfortunately, both things are true. The great African-American historian, John Hope Franklin, states this clearly: "The majority of Negro owners of slaves had some personal interest in their property." But, he admits, "There were instances, however, in which free Negroes had a real economic interest in the institution of slavery and held slaves in order to improve their economic status."  

In a fascinating essay reviewing this controversy, R. Halliburton shows that free black people have owned slaves "in each of the thirteen original states and later in every state that countenanced slavery," at least since Anthony Johnson and his wife Mary went to court in Virginia in 1654 to obtain the services of their indentured servant, a black man, John Castor, for life.

And for a time, free black people could even "own" the services of white indentured servants in Virginia as well. Free blacks owned slaves in Boston by 1724 and in Connecticut by 1783; by 1790, 48 black people in Maryland owned 143 slaves. One particularly notorious black Maryland farmer named Nat Butler "regularly purchased and sold Negroes for the Southern trade," Halliburton wrote.

Perhaps the most insidious or desperate attempt to defend the right of black people to own slaves was the statement made on the eve of the Civil War by a group of free people of color in New Orleans, offering their services to the Confederacy, in part because they were fearful for their own enslavement: "The free colored population [native] of Louisiana … own slaves, and they are dearly attached to their native land … and they are ready to shed their blood for her defense. They have no sympathy for abolitionism; no love for the North, but they have plenty for Louisiana … They will fight for her in 1861 as they fought [to defend New Orleans from the British] in 1814-1815."  

These guys were, to put it bluntly, opportunists par excellence: As Noah Andre Trudeau and James G. Hollandsworth Jr. explain, once the war broke out, some of these same black men formed 14 companies of a militia composed of 440 men and were organized by the governor in May 1861 into "the Native Guards, Louisiana," swearing to fight to defend the Confederacy. Although given no combat role, the Guards -- reaching a peak of 1,000 volunteers -- became the first Civil War unit to appoint black officers. 

 

When New Orleans fell in late April 1862 to the Union, about 10 percent of these men, not missing a beat, now formed the Native Guard/Corps d'Afrique to defend the Union. Joel A. Rogers noted this phenomenon in his 100 Amazing Facts: "The Negro slave-holders, like the white ones, fought to keep their chattels in the Civil War." Rogers also notes that some black men, including those in New Orleans at the outbreak of the War, "fought to perpetuate slavery."

How Many Slaves Did Blacks Own?

So what do the actual numbers of black slave owners and their slaves tell us? In 1830, the year most carefully studied by Carter G. Woodson, about 13.7 percent (319,599) of the black population was free. Of these, 3,776 free Negroes owned 12,907 slaves, out of a total of 2,009,043 slaves owned in the entire United States, so the numbers of slaves owned by black people over all was quite small by comparison with the number owned by white people. In his essay, " 'The Known World' of Free Black Slaveholders," Thomas J. Pressly, using Woodson's statistics, calculated that 54 (or about 1 percent) of these black slave owners in 1830 owned between 20 and 84 slaves; 172 (about 4 percent) owned between 10 to 19 slaves; and 3,550 (about 94 percent) each owned between 1 and 9 slaves. Crucially, 42 percent owned just one slave.

Pressly also shows that the percentage of free black slave owners as the total number of free black heads of families was quite high in several states, namely 43 percent in South Carolina, 40 percent in Louisiana, 26 percent in Mississippi, 25 percent in Alabama and 20 percent in Georgia. So why did these free black people own these slaves?

It is reasonable to assume that the 42 percent of the free black slave owners who owned just one slave probably owned a family member to protect that person, as did many of the other black slave owners who owned only slightly larger numbers of slaves. As Woodson put it in 1924's Free Negro Owners of Slaves in the United States in 1830, "The census records show that the majority of the Negro owners of slaves were such from the point of view of philanthropy. In many instances the husband purchased the wife or vice versa … Slaves of Negroes were in some cases the children of a free father who had purchased his wife. If he did not thereafter emancipate the mother, as so many such husbands failed to do, his own children were born his slaves and were thus reported to the numerators."

Moreover, Woodson explains, "Benevolent Negroes often purchased slaves to make their lot easier by granting them their freedom for a nominal sum, or by permitting them to work it out on liberal terms." In other words, these black slave-owners, the clear majority, cleverly used the system of slavery to protect their loved ones. That's the good news. 

 

But not all did, and that is the bad news. Halliburton concludes, after examining the evidence, that "it would be a serious mistake to automatically assume that free blacks owned their spouse or children only for benevolent purposes." Woodson himself notes that a "small number of slaves, however, does not always signify benevolence on the part of the owner." And John Hope Franklin notes that in North Carolina, "Without doubt, there were those who possessed slaves for the purpose of advancing their [own] well-being … these Negro slaveholders were more interested in making their farms or carpenter-shops 'pay' than they were in treating their slaves humanely." For these black slaveholders, he concludes, "there was some effort to conform to the pattern established by the dominant slaveholding group within the State in the effort to elevate themselves to a position of respect and privilege." In other words, most black slave owners probably owned family members to protect them, but far too many turned to slavery to exploit the labor of other black people for profit.

Who Were These Black Slave Owners?

If we were compiling a "Rogues Gallery of Black History," the following free black slaveholders would be in it:

John Carruthers Stanly -- born a slave in Craven County, N.C., the son of an Igbo mother and her master, John Wright Stanly -- became an extraordinarily successful barber and speculator in real estate in New Bern. As Loren Schweninger points out in Black Property Owners in the South, 1790-1915, by the early 1820s, Stanly owned three plantations and 163 slaves, and even hired threewhite overseers to manage his property! He fathered six children with a slave woman named Kitty, and he eventually freed them. Stanly lost his estate when a loan for $14,962 he had co-signed with his white half brother, John, came due. After his brother's stroke, the loan was Stanly's sole responsibility, and he was unable to pay it.

William Ellison's fascinating story is told by Michael Johnson and James L. Roark in their book, Black Masters: A Free Family of Color in the Old South. At his death on the eve of the Civil War, Ellison was wealthier than nine out of 10 white people in South Carolina. He was born in 1790 as a slave on a plantation in the Fairfield District of the state, far up country from Charleston. In 1816, at the age of 26, he bought his own freedom, and soon bought his wife and their child. In 1822, he opened his own cotton gin, and soon became quite wealthy. By his death in 1860, he owned 900 acres of land and 63 slaves. Not one of his slaves was allowed to purchase his or her own freedom.

Louisiana, as we have seen, was its own bizarre world of color, class, caste and slavery. By 1830, in Louisiana, several black people there owned a large number of slaves, including the following: In Pointe Coupee Parish alone, Sophie Delhonde owned 38 slaves; Lefroix Decuire owned 59 slaves; Antoine Decuire owned 70 slaves; Leandre Severin owned 60 slaves; and Victor Duperon owned 10. In St. John the Baptist Parish, Victoire Deslondes owned 52 slaves; in Plaquemine Brule, Martin Donatto owned 75 slaves; in Bayou Teche, Jean B. Muillion owned 52 slaves; Martin Lenormand in St. Martin Parish owned 44 slaves; Verret Polen in West Baton Rouge Parish owned 69 slaves; Francis Jerod in Washita Parish owned 33 slaves; and Cecee McCarty in the Upper Suburbs of New Orleans owned 32 slaves. Incredibly, the 13 members of the Metoyer family in Natchitoches Parish -- including Nicolas Augustin Metoyer, pictured -- collectively owned 215 slaves.

 

Antoine Dubuclet and his wife Claire Pollard owned more than 70 slaves in Iberville Parish when they married. According to Thomas Clarkin, by 1864, in the midst of the Civil War, they owned 100 slaves, worth $94,700. During Reconstruction, he became the state's first black treasurer, serving between 1868 and 1878.

Andrew Durnford was a sugar planter and a physician who owned the St. Rosalie plantation, 33 miles south of New Orleans. In the late 1820s, David O. Whitten tells us, he paid $7,000 for seven male slaves, five females and two children. He traveled all the way to Virginia in the 1830s and purchased 24 more. Eventually, he would own 77 slaves. When a fellow Creole slave owner liberated 85 of his slaves and shipped them off to Liberia, Durnford commented that he couldn't do that, because "self interest is too strongly rooted in the bosom of all that breathes the American atmosphere."

It would be a mistake to think that large black slaveholders were only men. In 1830, in Louisiana, the aforementioned Madame Antoine Dublucet owned 44 slaves, and Madame Ciprien Ricard owned 35 slaves, Louise Divivier owned 17 slaves, Genevieve Rigobert owned 16 slaves and Rose Lanoix and Caroline Miller both owned 13 slaves, while over in Georgia, Betsey Perry owned 25 slaves. According to Johnson and Roark, the wealthiest black person in Charleston, S.C., in 1860 was Maria Weston, who owned 14 slaves and property valued at more than $40,000, at a time when the average white man earned about $100 a year. (The city's largest black slaveholders, though, were Justus Angel and Mistress L. Horry, both of whom owned 84 slaves.) 

In Savannah, Ga., between 1823 and 1828, according to Betty Wood's Gender, Race, and Rank in a Revolutionary Age, Hannah Leion owned nine slaves, while the largest slaveholder in 1860 was Ciprien Ricard, who had a sugarcane plantation in Louisiana and owned 152 slaves with her son, Pierre -- many more that the 35 she owned in 1830. According to economic historian Stanley Engerman, "In Charleston, South Carolina about 42 percent of free blacks owned slaves in 1850, and about 64 percent of these slaveholders were women." Greed, in other words, was gender-blind.

Why They Owned Slaves

These men and women, from William Stanly to Madame Ciprien Ricard, were among the largest free Negro slaveholders, and their motivations were neither benevolent nor philanthropic. One would be hard-pressed to account for their ownership of such large numbers of slaves except as avaricious, rapacious, acquisitive and predatory.

But lest we romanticize all of those small black slave owners who ostensibly purchased family members only for humanitarian reasons, even in these cases the evidence can be problematic. Halliburton, citing examples from an essay in the North American Review by Calvin Wilson in 1905, presents some hair-raising challenges to the idea that black people who owned their own family members always treated them well:

A free black in Trimble County, Kentucky, " … sold his own son and daughter South, one for $1,000, the other for $1,200." … A Maryland father sold his slave children in order to purchase his wife. A Columbus, Georgia, black woman -- Dilsey Pope -- owned her husband. "He offended her in some way and she sold him … " Fanny Canady of Louisville, Kentucky, owned her husband Jim -- a drunken cobbler -- whom she threatened to "sell down the river." At New Bern, North Carolina, a free black wife and son purchased their slave husband-father. When the newly bought father criticized his son, the son sold him to a slave trader. The son boasted afterward that "the old man had gone to the corn fields about New Orleans where they might learn him some manners." 

Carter Woodson, too, tells us that some of the husbands who purchased their spouses "were not anxious to liberate their wives immediately. They considered it advisable to put them on probation for a few years, and if they did not find them satisfactory they would sell their wives as other slave holders disposed of Negroes." He then relates the example of a black man, a shoemaker in Charleston, S.C., who purchased his wife for $700. But "on finding her hard to please, he sold her a few months thereafter for $750, gaining $50 by the transaction."

Most of us will find the news that some black people bought and sold other black people for profit quite distressing, as well we should. But given the long history of class divisions in the black community, whichMartin R. Delany as early as the 1850s described as "a nation within a nation," and given the role of African elites in the long history of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade, perhaps we should not be surprised that we can find examples throughout black history of just about every sort of human behavior, from the most noble to the most heinous, that we find in any other people's history.

The good news, scholars agree, is that by 1860 the number of free blacks owning slaves had markedly decreased from 1830. In fact, Loren Schweninger concludes that by the eve of the Civil War, "the phenomenon of free blacks owning slaves had nearly disappeared" in the Upper South, even if it had not in places such as Louisiana in the Lower South. Nevertheless, it is a very sad aspect of African-American history that slavery sometimes could be a colorblind affair, and that the evil business of owning another human being could manifest itself in both males and females, and in black as well as white.

As always, you can find more "Amazing Facts About the Negro" on The Root, and check back each week as we count to 100.

Henry Louis Gates Jr. is the Alphonse Fletcher University Professor and the director of the W.E.B. Du Bois Institute for African and African-American Research at Harvard University. He is also the editor-in-chief of The Root. Follow him on Twitter.

 

 

 

 

 

VIDEO: Happy Birthday Miriam Makeba aka Mama Africa > Dynamic Africa

MIRIAM MAKEBA

afro-art-chick:

Age is getting to know all the ways the world turns, so that if you cannot turn the world the way you want, you can at least get out of the way so you won’t get run over.”

It’s a really unfair world because life is, where I am; all day long we listen to American music. So I don’t see why the radios in the U.S. cannot even put aside one hour a day just to play music that is not American.”

You are damned and praised, or encouraged or discouraged by those who listen to you, and those who come to applaud you. And to me, those people are very important.

Everybody now admits that apartheid was wrong, and all I did was tell the people who wanted to know where I come from how we lived in South Africa. I just told the world the truth. And if my truth then becomes political, I can’t do anything about that.

I look at an ant and I see myself: a native South African, endowed by nature with a strength much greater than my size so I might cope with the weight of a racism that crushes my spirit.”

 

Happy 81st Birthday to South African-born singer & civil rights activist, Miriam Makeba also known as ‘Mama Africa’ and the ‘Empress of African Song’. (b. March 4, 1932 – d. November 9, 2008)

 

PUB: Call for Submissions: Scritture Migranti (Migrant Writings Journal) > Writers Afrika

Call for Submissions:
Scritture Migranti
(Migrant Writings Journal)

31Jan2013

Deadline: 20 March 2013

The Department of Italian Studies at the University of Bologna (Italy) is now accepting submissions for the following sections of the issue 6/2012 of Scritture migranti, an international journal dedicated to writing on migration:

  • Letture/Readings: Research articles and essays of substantial length, focused on literature and themes related to migration, and from a wide array of perspectives (max. 70.000 characters, spaces included).

  • Visioni/Visions: Research articles and essays on themes of migration in theatre, film, dance, music, and other art forms. (max. 70.000 characters, spaces included)

  • Percorsi/Routes: Overviews or annotated lists of new material in the field, including both primary and secondary texts, and/or information regarding new seminars, conferences, and book presentations in Italy and abroad. (max. 10.000 characters, spaces included)
Interested scholars should send a complete article by MARCH 20, 2013 to the editorial committee.

A brief bio and an abstract are also required. The article should be in one of the major languages of international exchange. Our editorial guidelines can be found here. Articles for the journal are selected according to an anonymous peer review process.

CONTACT INFORMATION:

For queries/ submissions: redazione.scritturemigranti@unibo.it

Website: http://www.scritturemigranti.it/

 

 

PUB: Call for Papers: Africa Media and Democracy Conference > Writers Afrika

Call for Papers:
Africa Media and Democracy Conference

28Feb2013

Deadline: 29 March 2013

The AMDMC JOURNAL in association with the Africa Media & Democracy Institute invites papers for its bi-annual Africa Media and Democracy Conference, to be held from 6th - 9th AUGUST 2014, Accra, Ghana. Theme: “Media, Democracy & Development”.

BACKGROUND: Africa’s emerging democracies in the last two decades have had to co-exist with a vibrant media contestation. The media has relatively emerged as a formidable constituent as it vie for legitimacy in representing the broad masses. This contestation provides the framework for critical examination on how the media impacts on the democratic process and its relevance for development in Africa. The Conference aims to address and examine various perspectives, interventions and issues of media in the practice of democratic governance in Africa. The event is open to academics, media industry professionals, government agencies, policymakers, regulators, UN agencies, donors, civil society organisations, independent consultants and research groups and students.

Papers are also invited on the following sub-themes listed below; submissions could be made from a range of issues and perspectives in relation to media, democracy and development in Africa. It must address specific media practices in the context of democracy in Africa, such as the role of radio commercials as political communication tool in electioneering, the corrosive effects of partisan media practices in popular democracy or the role of the media in the concept of popular democracy and development etc.

Sub-Theme

  • Media, language and democracy

  • Media, language and symbolic power

  • Media, political rhetoric’s and political violence

  • Media and political communication

  • Media, democracy and traditional governance

  • Media, national institutions and democracy

  • Media and the conception of national agenda

  • Media, democracy and governance

  • Media, ethnic identity and democracy

  • Media, religious conflict and political stability

  • Media, conflict and crises management

  • Media ownership, democracy and governance

  • Media, concept citizenry and democracy

  • Media and the concept ‘good of governance’

  • Media and coupe d’états

  • Media reportage and democracy

  • Media, democracy and political education

  • Media, political activism and governance

  • Media, democracy and aid

  • Media law and regulation

  • Media, gender and democratization

  • Media, democracy and human rights

In addition to those listed above the organisers will consider other relevant sub-themes from contributors.

GUIDELINES FOR SUBMISSION:

Please email abstracts (maximum one page) along with contact information and a 500-word bio. All Abstracts must be in English, full papers may be submitted in either English or French.

  • Deadline for receipt of abstracts: 29th March 2013 

  • Notice of acceptance of abstracts: 30th May 2013 

  • Deadline for receipt of full papers: 30th July 2013 

  • Notification of Acceptance of Paper/Panel/Workshop: 30th August 2013

CONTACT INFORMATION:

For queries/ submissions: info@amdmc.net

Website: http://www.amdmc.net/

 

 

PUB: CFP: Francophone African Writers and Anthropology (March 15) « Africa in Words

CFP: Francophone African Writers and Anthropology (March 15)

 

“Francophone African Writers and Anthropology” a panel at the 2014 MLA Convention in Chicago, co-sponsored by the African Literature division and the 20th century French Literature division.
 

The engagement of French-speaking African writers with anthropology in the 20th-century is a noticeably widespread and diverse phenomenon. One need only think of authors such as Paul Hazoumé, Léopold Sédar Senghor, Amadou Hampaté Bâ, Fily Dabo Sissoko, or Yambo Ouolouguem: all of these figures either wrote about anthropology or created literary works that were anthropological in nature.

This trend goes against a generally accepted historical narrative which too often conceives the relationship of African authors with anthropology as a rebellion of the “Native” against a violent and reifying discourse created by the West. In Francophone Africa, however, the relationship seems more complex; it is based on parody, subversion, and re-appropriation rather than on mere rejection.

Taking Francophone Africa as our geographic point of departure, this panel is devoted to the study of literary appropriations of anthropological discourses and literary perspectives on anthropological forms of knowledge production.

300-word abstract by March 15, 2013, short CV to:

Vincent Debaene
vd2169@columbia.edu 

Justin Izzo
justin_izzo@brown.edu