PUB: New Millennium Writings Awards Competition Entry

The deadline for the current competition has been extended to January 31, 2012. This deadline is final.

 

To apply online, follow these guidelines

  1. No restrictions as to style, content, number of submissions, or nationality. Enter as often as you like.

  2. Send between now and January 31, 2012, Midnight, all U.S. time zones.

  3. Simultaneous & multiple submissions welcome. Previously published material welcome if under 5,000-circulation or if previously published online only.

  4. Each fiction or nonfiction piece is counted as a separate entry, and should total no more than 6,000 words except Short-Short Fiction (no more than 1,000 words).

  5. Each poetry entry may include up to three poems, not to exceed five pages total per entry. All poetry Honorable Mentions will be published.

  6. Save cover sheet or letter with the submission you'll be uploading and send as one file. Should you forget to include such covers, however, it's OK, as contact information is automatically forwarded to us when you pay online.
Cover sheet or letter is not required if entering online, as contact information is automatically forwarded to us when you pay. If including such a cover or letter, however, save it to the submission you'll be uploading and send as one file. -->
  • Payment is $17 per submission in order to cover our many expenses and reserve your book. Payment will be by credit card or echeck through PayPal (See Rule 10).

  • Each entry must be in a separate file (up to 3 poems in one file (See #6)). Many file formats are accepted.

  • Enter file to upload:  Select category... Short-short fiction Fiction Nonfiction Poetry

  • After clicking Upload, allow five seconds, then follow payment instructions to conclude your submission.

  • How to apply offline

     

    PUB: AWP- Award Series

    AWP Award Series

    See the 2011 Winners & Finalists!

    The 2011 Award Series contest has closed.
    Results will be mailed in September.
    -->

    2011 results were mailed in September.
    2012 entries will be accepted starting January 1, 2012.

    Manuscript Format Guidelines | Eligibility Requirements | Entry Requirements
    Terms | Deadline | 2012 Final Judges & Participating Presses


     Award Series Guidelines, 2012 (PDF-496KB)


    Award Series Entry Form (doc) OR Award Series Entry Form (rtf)
     

    DEADLINE: Entries must be postmarked between Jan. 1 and Feb. 29, 2012

    The Association of Writers & Writing Programs (AWP) is a nonprofit organization of writers, teachers, colleges, and universities. AWP sponsors an annual competition for the publication of excellent new book-length works—the AWP Award Series. The competition is open to all authors writing in English regardless of nationality or residence. The Donald Hall Prize for Poetry is an award of $5,500 and publication for the best book-length manuscript of poetry. This competition is open to published and unpublished poets alike. The Grace Paley Prize for Short Fiction awards the winner $5,500 and publication. Winners in the novel and creative nonfiction categories receive a $2,500 cash honorarium from AWP and publication. The Award Series conducts an evaluation process of writers, for writers, by writers. AWP hires a staff of “screeners” who are themselves writers; the screeners review manuscripts for the judges. Typically, the screeners will select ten manuscripts in each genre for each judge’s final evaluations.

    Manuscript Format Guidelines

    Manuscripts must be typed and double-spaced on good quality paper, 8 1/2 x 11 inches. Poetry manuscripts may be single-spaced. Photocopies or copies from letter-quality printers are acceptable, but dot matrix is not acceptable. Manuscripts should not be bound or in a folder; they must be binder-clipped or rubber-banded together. Each manuscript must include:

    1. The official AWP Award Series entry form, which includes spaces for your name, manuscript title, contact information, and an agreement to the terms of the Award Series. Please download this form from our website, enter all the information, and attach it to the manuscript as the cover page.
    2. A title page with the manuscript title only. The entry form will be removed so that each submission can be read anonymously. If the author's name appears anywhere except the entry form, the manuscript will be disqualified. Do not send acknowledgement of previous publications or a biographical note.
    Eligibility Requirements

    Only book-length manuscripts are eligible. The Award Series defines "book-length" as: poetry-48 pages minimum text; short story collection and creative nonfiction-150-300 manuscript pages; novel-at least 60,000 words.

    Poems and stories previously published in periodicals are eligible for inclusion in submissions, but manuscripts previously published in their entirety, including self-published, are not eligible. As the series is judged anonymously, no list of acknowledgements should accompany your manuscript.

    The AWP Award Series is open to all authors writing original works in English for adult readers. No mixed-genre manuscripts can be accepted. Criticism and scholarly monographs are not acceptable for creative nonfiction, which the Award Series defines as factual and literary writing that has the narrative, dramatic, meditative, and lyrical elements of novels, plays, poetry, and memoirs.

    To avoid conflict of interest and to avoid the appearance of a conflict of interest, friends and former students of a judge (former students who studied with a judge in an academic degree-conferring program or its equivalent) are ineligible to enter the competition in the genre for which their former teacher is serving as judge.

    AWP makes every effort to vary the judges by region, aesthetic, and institution so that writers, if ineligible one year, will certainly be eligible other years.

    If a contestant wins in any genre, he/she may not enter the competition again in the same genre for the next five consecutive years.

    You may submit your manuscript to other publishers while it is under consideration by the Award Series, but you must notify AWP immediately in writing if your manuscript is accepted elsewhere. No e-mail or phone calls, please.

    AWP cannot consider manuscript revisions during the course of the contest, but the winning authors will have an opportunity to revise their works before publication. Please read carefully the entry requirements and guidelines before submitting your work.

    Entry Requirements

    • An entry fee of $30 to nonmembers and $15 to AWP members (not Chronicle subscribers). Make your check or money order in U.S. dollars, drawn on a U.S. bank, payable to AWP. All entry fees are nonrefundable.
    • An official AWP entry form, completed with the required information. See the links at the top of this page for the entry form, or send a self-addressed, stamped envelope to AWP Award Series and request the entry form.
    • Include a self-addressed, stamped postcard for notification that the entry has reached AWP. Notification will include your log number for the competition. Please use this number in corresponding with AWP regarding your entry. Due to the high volume of manuscripts, we cannot acknowledge receipt by phone.
    • Also include a self-addressed, stamped envelope, business size (9 1/2 x 4 inches), if you would like direct notification of contest results. Results will be mailed in September. Do not include an envelope for the return of your manuscripts. No manuscripts can be returned.
    • Send one copy of each manuscript entered, prepared according to manuscript format guidelines.
    • You may enter in more than one genre, and you may also enter multiple manuscripts in one genre, provided that each manuscript is accompanied by its own entry form, postcard, and entry fee.

    Terms

    • Your submitted manuscript must be an original work of which you are the sole author.
    • Your manuscript must be submitted in accordance with the eligibility requirements, format guidelines, and entry requirements or it will be disqualified.
    • No entry fees or manuscripts will be returned.
    • This competition is void where prohibited or restricted by law.
    • The decision of the judge is final. The judge may choose no winner if he or she finds no manuscript that, in his or her estimation, merits publication and the award.

    Deadline

    Manuscripts must be postmarked between Jan. 1 and Feb. 29, 2012. All manuscripts and correspondence should be sent to:

    AWP Award Series in (genre entered)
    The Association of Writers & Writing Programs
    Carty House, Mail Stop 1E3
    George Mason University
    Fairfax , VA 22030-4444

     

    VIDEO: Watch 7 Minutes Of "Red Tails" Now! > Shadow and Act

    Watch 7 Minutes Of

    "Red Tails" Now!

    News   by Tambay | January 9, 2012 

    Less than 2 weeks to go until what I suspect will be one of 2012's most polarizing *black films* (Red Tails), which we've talked enough about on this site that I'm sure everyone's well acquainted with it by now, opens wide across the country, with apparently a lot riding on its success; and not only just producer George Lucas' $93 million investment.

    I've seen the film; saw it last week Friday. Sergio has seen it too. BUT, like Fight Club, we aren't allowed to talk about it :)

    I expect reviews will likely start turning up online later this week, or into next week.

    A 7-minute preview has been released which includes several scenes from throughout the film; it's embedded below:

     

    MEDIA: The 100 Best Web Sites for African Americans > AALBC.COM

    The 100 Best Web Sites

    for African Americans


     

    On April 4, 2003, EarthLink announced a partnership with MOBE (Marketing Opportunities in Business and Entertainment) to present The 100 Best Web Sites for African Americans.

    That partnership was apparently initiated to support an effort started by EarthLink who, in 2002, announced the first 100 Best Websites for African Americans.

    I learned of the list via an little tri-fold flyer I received in the mail (image on right) from EarthLink.  There was nothing special about the mailing.  There was no raised lettering, no embossed envelope or fanfare — just your average piece of junk mail that I would have normally thrown away were it not for the neat little list of websites.

    The EarthLink/MOBE effort did not last very long.  The last record of the list I found was on EarthLink’s website from January 2006 (courtesy of  the Wayback Machine).  The Mobe website (mobe.com) has been out of commission since 2008 and was not updated after 2006.

    By today’s standards, in a world with a bazillion websites and ultra fast search engines, a list like this seems almost quaint.  Or so one would think…

    Last night I decided to visit each of the original (from the 2002 list) 100 Best Web Sites for African Americans.  Here is some of what I discovered:

    • 42 of the websites are no longer active
    • Of the inactive sites Africana.com and BlackVoices.com have been absorbed by the Huffington Post.  (Honestly, I think this is really jacked up, but that is a topic of another blog post)
    • Another inactive site’s domain (black movie dot com) was reclaimed. by a pornographer — slowing my research considerably.
    • Of the 58 sites still alive, 5 have not been updated a very long time.
    • One site not updated in a long time is Melanet.com “The Uncut Black Experience!” the site is over 17 years old and is one first Black oriented websites I recall seeing.
    • NiaOnline.com (a really smart well designed Blog) has announced: “…as of Nov. 1, 2011 we will not longer be publishing the blog or newsletter in its current format.”  Keep your eye out for something good from Nia Enterprises

     

    Many of the remaining websites don’t look very different from when they were launched, while others have kept up with the times and seem to be doing quite well.

    The sites do however have one thing in common, something to be proud of, they (we) have all withstood the test of time.

    Of course, since this list was first published in 2002, many things have changed on the World Wide Web.  One change I’ve observed is that mission driven sites, like most of the ones on the list, are being supplanted by websites driven purely by profit.

    One consequence of the predominance of profit driven sites is the most popular “Black” websites are no longer Black owned an controlled by huge corporate interested who do not serve Black people well.  This results in the voices of independent Black owned sites being crowded out.

    Mission driven, Black owned sites exist — they are just harder to find.  This is one reason I launched a new search engine called Huria Search.  To read more about why I created Huria Search, click here.

    Below is the last version of the The 100 Best Web Sites for African Americans.  I believe it is from 2006.  I wonder what websites would be included on a 2012 list and who would own them?

    Earthlink partnered with MOBE to present The 100 Best Web Sites for African Americans

     

     

    EDUCATION: The Poverty of School Reform > In These Times

    John Marshall Metropolitan High School is one of Chicago's highly touted "turnaround" schools. (Photo from the Public Building Commission of Chicago)

    The Poverty of School Reform

    In Chicago’s African-American neighborhoods, schools change quickly—regardless of what families want.

    BY Joel Handley

    Poor black students are still not benefiting from CPS's sweeping reforms. Only half graduate, and a fifth drop out each year. The achievement gap between black and white students has also grown, counter to national trends.

    This story continues "The Other Chicago," an In These Times investigation into the lives of those African-American youth who have borne the brunt of the Great Recession. The five-part series focuses on the struggle of young African-American men, whose rate of unemployment dwarfs that of their white counterparts. In de-industrializing Chicago, a highly segregated city that is one-third black, their plight is particularly acute. Other stories in the series include:

    "Black Chicago Divided: Class and Generational Conflicts Intensify, as 
African Americans Cope with the Great Recession"

    "Black and Blue Chicago: A Spate of Police Shootings of African Americans Underscores Longstanding Mutual Distrust"

     

    —The Editors

    John Marshall Metropolitan High School, located in Chicago’s mostly black East Garfield Park neighborhood, underwent a highly touted transformation last year when it became one of Chicago’s “turnaround” schools. Started under former Chicago Public Schools (CPS) CEO and current Secretary of Education Arne Duncan, the turnaround program picks low-performing schools to receive millions of federal, city and private dollars. CPS gives the school buildings a makeover and fires the entire staff, from principals to janitors. Axed employees can re-apply for positions in the school system, but according to CPS, only 70 percent are rehired.

    Reactions from the students are expectedly mixed. Marshall junior Darrell Jackson said he lost a lot of good teachers, but got more out of the new 90-minute periods. Johnnie Fort, a senior, isn’t a fan of the security cameras in the hallways and classrooms. Shaking his head, he says, “It’s like we was dogs.”

    Students at Orr Academy High School, another turnaround school, are also upset by the focus on security–which includes a police processing center on school grounds to immediately book arrested students. “They waste so much money on the metal detectors,” says Orr junior Kathleen Jenkins, “and you can still get a knife in, if you put it in your shoe. But they’ll take away your drinks, thinking it’s liquor.”

    Jenkins and senior Eric Haden are part of Blocks Together, a student-led group that builds relationships between students and staff. They push for restorative justice projects, such as peer juries, to bring empathy into the harsh penal atmosphere of the school. What’s lacking, according to them, are the resources needed to hire counselors and fund peer mediation.

    For 20 years, CPS officials have instituted sweeping reforms. A September report by the University of Chicago Consortium on School Research shows some significant victories, like the citywide graduation rate rising from 46 percent in 1996 to 66 percent in 2009. But largely, poor black students are still not benefiting. Only half graduate, and a fifth drop out each year; reading comprehension has remained consistently low; and the achievement gap between black and white students has grown, counter to national trends.

    As Duncan now pushes his turnaround model on the nation, Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel and CPS CEO Jean-Claude Brizard, who took office in May, are doubling down on the approach of their predecessors. On November 29, they announced that 10 schools would become turnaround schools next year, bringing the total number to 27.

     

    ‘The children have lost hope’

     

    To longtime education organizers like Jitu Brown of the Kenwood-Oakland Community Organization (KOCO), the program is just another in a long line of failures. “Reconstitution, reorganization, charter schools–all these initiatives have failed miserably,” Brown says. “They’re window dressings. You have to address poverty before the problems of education.”

    Surrounded by shuttered businesses, rampant violence and the faraway world of the global city’s skyline, many of Chicago’s black youth have been living “in a permanent state of recession,” Brown says. “There’s always been a consistent disinvestment in youth, period. There’s no structure for real development. Now, with new [city and state] budget priorities, it’s made a bad situation worse.”

    Since the housing foreclosure crisis began, Brown has seen more transient young people and displaced families living with relatives or in shelters. Whereas a family used to scrape by on minimum wage jobs at gas stations and grocery stores, they’re now losing even those low-paying positions. Students, who in the 1980s could rely on summer employment, can’t find seasonal work. According to Brown, 39,000 students applied for 11,000 summer jobs in Chicago this year.

    What greets students after graduating–or dropping out–is equally dire. According to a 2009 study by University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, 50.3 percent of Chicago’s black males are jobless. And according to a February Chicago Reporter article, 32 percent of black Chicagoans live in poverty, the highest poverty rate for African Americans in any American city. With white Chicagoans facing a 10 percent poverty rate, the city boasts the largest racial disparity among its poorest citizens. Endemic poverty among black students can be inferred from school lunch program data. An analysis of Illinois State Board of Education numbers shows that in 188 CPS schools in predominately black neighborhoods, 95 percent or more of the students qualify for the free and reduced lunch program, including 14 schools that have 100 percent eligibility. It adds up to create an overwhelming sense of instability.

    “The children have lost hope,” says Phillip Jackson, director of the Black Star Project, a community education hub in Bronzeville. “I see them now as two groups–those who have actively given up and those that have subconsciously given up.” When President Obama was elected, he says he could see the pride “even in crackheads’ eyes” amid the spontaneous celebrations along Martin Luther King Drive. Now those eyes are empty and despondent.

    The former CEO of the Chicago Housing Authority and a former CPS official, Jackson now devotes his time and energy to fight this hopelessness. His far-reaching projects–from after-school mentoring to the Deborah Movement, which organizes women to mentor, protest and patrol neighborhood streets–bring parents, teachers, volunteers and students together.

    But as to how Chicago got to this point, where only three out of 100 black males earn a college degree, where, in the last three years, 263 young Chicagoans have been killed and 4,000 have survived a shooting, Jackson casts blame widely. “Schools, communities, churches and the government have all failed young black children.”

    In the year following 16-year-old Derrion Albert’s fatal beating in a melee near Fenger High School in September 2009, 78 Chicago children were killed. Jackson keeps a list of their names, ages, dates of assault and causes of death. He runs his fingers across the names and says, “These didn’t happen in a vacuum.” The children saw them or heard about them, but “didn’t process these deaths. They weren’t given treatment for PTSD, though they are living with post-traumatic stress. Now they’re operating under a siege mentality–they don’t know if they’re going to be alive tomorrow.”

    “If you go to a fourth-grade classroom,” says Brown, “and ask who’s seen someone get shot, ninety percent of the class will raise their hands. If you ask who lives near a liquor store, who’s seen a drug deal, who’s seen the police beat someone up, you’ll get the same response.” To Brown and Jackson, the crushing poverty and the violence that it breeds is the root cause of low-performing students and schools. “Oppression is a culture that has taught kids this is what they deserve,” Brown says.

     

    Making change, from the top and bottom

     

    When any school on probation is liable to be overhauled–and 289, half of all city schools, are on probation–what good can turning around 20, 30 or even 100 schools accomplish? The problems run deeper than individual schools.

    The way out, according to both Brown and Jackson, is through organizing and horizontal leadership. No top-down program hatched by school system administrators, however well-intentioned, is going to fix these problems.

    The Black Star Project’s Saturday University teaches a curriculum drafted by parents and community members that expands upon CPS curricula, to include such topics as African-American history, personal development and financial literacy. What started as four classrooms has grown into a network of 16 active sites on the city’s South and West Sides. Jami Garton, Black Star’s director of program development, says, “Parents don’t feel qualified to teach their own kids. We’re reversing that myth, saying, in fact, you’re the best ones to do it.”

    Brown and KOCO created a model for sustainable success with their Bronzeville Global Achievement Village. They asked parents to forget about budget constraints and imagine the type of education they want for their children. Months of cooperative labor birthed a program that would partner with Dyett High School and its neighborhood feeder schools to streamline curricula between grades and bring much-needed focus to laboratory sciences and leadership.

    But CPS has other plans. On November 30, it announced that Dyett, along with three other schools, would be closing next year.

    This story continues “The Other Chicago,” a five-part series supported by the Local Reporting Initiative of Community News Matters, underwritten by The Chicago Community Trust with help from the McCormick, MacArthur, Knight and Driehaus Foundations, and administered by The Community Media Workshop and The Chicago Reporter.

    Joel Handley, a former In These Times editorial intern, is the assistant editor of the magazine. He graduated from Northwestern University’s Medill School of Journalism in 2009.

    More information about Joel Handley

     

    NIGERIA: The Fuel Subsidy Removal

    A Short Film “SUBSIDY”

    by Capital Dreams Pictures

    & Team Capital


    Posted on Thursday, January 5th, 2012 at 12:52 PM

    By BellaNaija.com

    With the present fuel subsidy removal implementation causing chaos all over our “great” Nation, Nigeria. The individuals at Capital Dreams Pictures & Team Capital, Nigeria’s most formidable visual & media content provider took in upon themselves to show the ugly side effects it can cause on the citizens.

    Musician Tha Suspect plays the lead role and the short is directed/edited by X.Y.Z.

    __________________________

    __________________________

     

    Monday, January 09, 2012

    The Fuel Subsidy

    Removal Protests

    for Dummies

     

    On the first day of the indefinite general strike organised by a coalition between two of the largest unions in Nigeria – the TUC and the NLC – and a cluster of smaller unions and social media-based activists and organisations, some external observers have expressed surprise at the intensity of resistance the “Occupy Nigeria” campaign has mounted against the removal of the fuel subsidy on January 1st and the size of the mass demonstrations taking place. From an outside perspective, it might seem like a dust-devil has been whipped up without why in the desert.  In case there’s still any confusion, allow me to explain why there is so much anger and resistance.

     

    The answer begins with a question: would it be acceptable to citizens of affluent countries that the price of petrol doubles overnight without any warning? Perhaps Jeffrey Sachs would be alone in his view, or perhaps he only prescribes a certain type of medicine for African countries. Perhaps the view from Sachs' brain is that Africans can get by on generic drugs long past their sell-by date.

     

    Aside from Sachs' development fantasies, the lived reality of citizens of the Nigerian state is that it provides little or no security, no infrastructure, no education and no employment opportunities (apart from mostly McJobs in the civil service).  Everywhere in Nigeria, the basic elements of civilised existence have to be taken care of house-by-house, compound-by-compound.  You must sink your own borehole for water, buy, install and fuel a generator for power, hire security guards to keep the wolves from the door, pay school fees to ensure your kids get a half-decent education because the public school system is in perpetual meltdown. And to earn enough money to get through the day, you must hustle.

     

    The breakdown of a standard tax and political representation based social contract between citizens and the state in Nigeria is almost entirely a result of the past few decades of the so-called ‘resource curse’.  Earning billions of dollars each year from crude exports, the Nigerian government has no need to rely on tax from individuals or local companies; tax and royalty payments from the international oil companies (as well as historically, loans from international financial institutions) have been sufficient to fund the annual budget at all levels of government.  For the past few decades, cheap fuel has therefore been the only form of social contract between ordinary Nigerians and the state and the principle lever to control inflation during times of rising oil prices.  With most Nigerians subsisting on US$2 or less, subsidised fuel has also been a survival mechanism, making life only just bearable.

     

    It was therefore highly surprising to Nigerians to find out that the fuel subsidy had been removed on January 1st and that the price regulating body under the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) – the PPPRA – had more than doubled the price of petrol overnight.  No one had been given warning.  The expectation was that the subsidy would be removed at the earliest in April.  The strong suspicion is that following on from Christine Lagarde’s visit to Nigeria in late December, the government had accelerated its plans.  From the views of key government figures, it’s easy to see how Nigeria acceded to IMF pressure with little or no resistance.  The Finance Minister, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, has repeatedly stated that removing the fuel subsidy would only hurt the affluent car-owning population, forgetting how central the price of fuel is to almost every basic aspect of life here.   Meanwhile, the Governor of the Central Bank, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, has stated that removal of the subsidy would only have a short-term inflationary effect.  With opinions like this, the IMF was walking into an open door.

     

    Given the state of the global economy, it is little surprise that the IMF is in favour of insisting on reducing debt wherever it can.  However, the IMF also appears to be suffering from institutional amnesia; what is happening in Nigeria is in some respects a re-run of the Structural Adjustment Programme in the 1980s, and President Ibrahim Babangida’s short-term attempts to resist austerity measures.  As we will recall, “IBB” ended up creating his own austerity package, which was more severe than that proposed by the IMF.  The Nigerian economy quickly tanked, resulting in mass suffering among Nigerians.  Fundamentalist strains of evangelical Christianity mushroomed forth from the barren earth.  Unlike the World Bank, which is increasingly taking political-economy factors seriously in its analysis and its programmes, even today the IMF and its high-priesthood consultants views the world from the numerical altar of macro-economics.  The technocratic nature of the IMF means that the organisation is in fact programmed to forget the past.
    During the recent fuel subsidy debate on local Nigerian TV station Channels, Mrs Okonjo-Iweala was keen to state what she referred to as ‘facts’.  At no point has anyone in the executive effectively challenged former Petroleum Minister Tam David-West’s querying of whether there is a subsidy in the first place, or whether the landing cost of imported fuel has been artificially padded.  Given the findings of the recent KPMG report into the NNPC, it seems that facts about the oil sector in Nigeria are thin on the ground.
    The defence offered by the Finance Minister during that same debate is that the savings from removal of the subsidy would be spent on a palliative capital-spending programme – the Subsidy Re-investment and Empowerment Programme (SURE).  Nigerians have raised a number of critical objections to this proposal and the timing of subsidy removal. 

     

    Firstly, given the glut of money in state coffers in the past few years and the lack of any successful infrastructural development (for instance in power and transport), there is little guarantee that the SURE programme would be implemented or successful, rather than go the way of all initiatives in the past.  The government of Nigeria has not been able to significantly raise the amount of power generated, nor has it been able to achieve the low-tech objective of revamping the dilapidated railway network, still less has it been able to improve standards in public education and healthcare.  What then would be different about the SURE programme?

     

    Secondly, while most Nigerians are probably not ideologically opposed to subsidy removal (and targeting the corrupt ‘cabal’ of fuel importers who benefit from the subsidy), they are utterly opposed to the timing, given the insecurity in the land raised by Islamic militancy in the North and the potential for renewed militancy in response in the Niger Delta.  A phased subsidy withdrawal, as has happened elsewhere, would have been the preferred approach.

     

    Thirdly, the idea that removing the subsidy equates to ‘deregulation’ and the equivalent private sector boom as witnessed in the past decade in the telecoms sector is highly suspect to most.  For the downstream oil sector to be deregulated, there has to be new legislation in place.  The Petroleum Industry Bill, which separates the functions of a national oil company, regulation and policy-making, would need to become law.  We have been waiting since the previous minister of petroleum for the PIB to be passed.  At present, the NNPC is the epicentre of corruption in the oil sector in Nigeria, and has to broken up into its constituent parts for the private sector to be given space to grow its role.  In addition, Nigerians would want to see a much higher percentage of crude oil refined locally, rather than the current reliance on imported fuel, to ensure a favourable local pricing policy that does not depend on state subsidy.  Without any of these key deregulatory building blocks in place, removal of the ‘subsidy’ now is simply terrible timing and does not inspire confidence among a people who long ago lost their faith in government.

     

    Finally, if savings are urgently required from the annual government budget, most Nigerians would argue that the first place to cut costs is that of the price of running government itself.  As the Governor of the Central Bank pointed out last year, the National Assembly consumes 25% of the Federal overheads budget; the cost of running the President’s office has been widely publicised in recent weeks (including a billion naira food bill).  It is rare to see a member of the executive - down to director-generals of government agencies most Nigerians have never heard of - travelling without a sizeable convoy of expensive cars.  Nigerian government delegations to international conferences and gatherings are often by far the largest, with a supersized retinue of special advisors, assistants and staff for the first-wife in attendance, there to collect their allowance and have access to shopping opportunities overseas.

     

    As it is, most Nigerians are poor, and will simply not be able to survive with any comfort on US$2 a day and a doubling of living costs.  That the government of Nigeria didn’t foresee the massive level of resistance happening today is quite bewildering. It shows a complete disconnect and disregard for Nigerians.  However, where there is the greatest danger, there is greatest hope.  Nigerians have never been so united in years – last week, in the unofficially renamed Liberation Square in Kano, Christians guarded the space as their Muslim co-protestors prayed.  In return, last Sunday, Muslims guarded Churches as others prayed inside. 

     

    What we are witnessing with Occupy Nigeria is a generational transfer, as young, social-media enabled activists gradually take over the baton from unionist stalwarts.  Nigeria's young population is increasingly letting go of the deferential attitude of their parents generation.  In the south at least, young Nigerians are beginning to ask questions of the religious leadership that has been complicit with the status-quo.  At long last, there is accountability pressure building up in the system.

     

    In the short term, following on from the next few days of protest and shut-down, it’s hard to imagine anything other than a policy reversal, and a planned withdrawal being announced, in step with a clear programme of projects that must be delivered before any further withdrawal of subsidy is implemented (citizens monitoring a re-drafted SURE programme for instance).  Even at this very late stage, President Goodluck could become a hero of the process.  Come what may, underlying events this week a deeper shift is at work: a new generation of Nigerians well versed in events to the north in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya is demanding that the terms of the social contract in Nigeria are re-written, in favour of increased accountability in political leadership.

     

    __________________________

     

    NIGERIA...

    UNREST IN LAGOS...09/01/2012

     

     

    A protester waves a flag on an empty road during a protest against a fuel subsidy removal in Lagos January 9, 2012. Thousands of Nigerians took to the streets across Africa's top oil producing nation on Monday, launching an indefinite nationwide strike to protest against the axing of fuel subsidies. 


    A protester holds a banner during a protest against a fuel subsidy removal in Lagos January 9, 2012. Thousands of Nigerians took to the streets acrossAfrica's top oil producing nation on Monday, launching an indefinite nationwide strike to protest against the axing of fuel subsidies. 


    Policemen stand watching labour protest against the removal of fuel subsidy by the government at Ojota district in Lagos on January 9, 2012 during a demonstration against the more than doubling of petrol prices after government abolished fuel subsidies. Thousands of people heeded the unions' call to stage protest rallies across Africa's most populous country. Police shot dead a protester in Nigeria's commercial capital Lagos on January 9 during a national strike over fuel prices. 
     


    People protest following the removal of a fuel subsidy by the Government in Lagos, Nigeria, Monday, Jan. 9, 2012. A national strike paralyzed much of Nigeria on Monday, with more than 10,000 demonstrators swarming its commercial capital to protest soaring fuel prices and decades of government corruption in the oil-rich country. 


    A protester lies on a hospital bed after he was shot by the police during a protest against a fuel subsidy removal in Lagos January 9, 2012. Police shot dead one protester and wounded nearly two dozen as thousands of Nigerians demonstrated against the axing of fuel subsidies in Africa's top oil producing nation on Monday and unions launched an indefinite nationwide strike. 



    Police watch protestors on January 9, 2012 in Lagosduring a demonstration against the more than doubling of petrol prices after government abolished fuel subsidies. Thousands of people heeded the unions' call to stage protest rallies across Africa's most populous country. Police shot dead a protester in Nigeria's commercial capital Lagos on January 9 during a national strike over fuel prices. 


    Protesters chant slogans as they march through Ikorodu road during a protest against a fuel subsidy removal in Lagos January 9, 2012. Thousands of Nigerians took to the streets across Africa's top oil producing nation on Monday, launching an indefinite nationwide strike to protest against the axing of fuel subsidies. 


    A protester stands on a road during a protest against a fuel subsidy removal in Lagos January 9, 2012. Police shot dead one protester and wounded nearly two dozen as thousands of Nigerians demonstrated against the axing of fuel subsidies in Africa's top oil producing nation on Monday and unions launched an indefinite nationwide strike. 

    Protesters march through Ikorodu road during a protest against a fuel subsidy removal in LagosJanuary 9, 2012. Thousands of Nigerians took to the streets across Africa's top oil producing nation on Monday, launching an indefinite nationwide strike to protest against the axing of fuel subsidies. 

    Police watch protestors on January 9, 2012 in Lagosduring a demonstration against the more than doubling of petrol prices after government abolished fuel subsidies. Thousands of people heeded the unions' call to stage protest rallies across Africa's most populous country. Police shot dead a protester in Nigeria's commercial capital Lagos on January 9 during a national strike over fuel prices. 



    Protestors march on January 9, 2012 in Lagos during a demonstration against the more than doubling of petrol prices after government abolished fuel subsidies. Thousands of people heeded the unions' call to stage protest rallies across Africa's most populous country. Police shot dead a protester in Nigeria's commercial capital Lagos on January 9 during a national strike over fuel prices. 
    Protesters gather at Gani Fawehinmi square during a protest against a fuel subsidy removal in Lagos January 9, 2012. Thousands of Nigerians took to the streets across Africa's top oil producing nation on Monday, launching an indefinite nationwide strike to protest against the axing of fuel subsidies. 
    A man carries a placard reading 'Stop Killing Us With Executive Lies' on January 9, 2012 in Lagos during a demonstration against the more than doubling of petrol prices after government abolished fuel subsidies. Thousands of people heeded the unions' call to stage protest rallies across Africa's most populous country. Police shot dead a protester in Nigeria's commercial capital Lagos on January 9 during a national strike over fuel prices. 

    Abubakare Alimi, a protester who claims he was shot by a policeman, during protest against the ending of a government fuel subsidy on Jan. 1 receives treatment at county hospital in Ogba Lagos, Nigeria, Monday, Jan. 9, 2012. A national strike paralyzed much of Nigeria on Monday, with more than 10,000 demonstrators swarming its commercial capital to protest soaring fuel prices and decades of government corruption in the oil-rich country. 


    Protesters emerge from behind burning tyres during a protest against a fuel subsidy removal in Lagos January 9, 2012. Thousands of Nigerians took to the streets across Africa's top oil producing nation on Monday, launching an indefinite nationwide strike to protest against the axing of fuel subsidies. 

    Protestors carry a placard featuring a portrait of President Goodluck Jonathan, nicknamed Badluck Oil, on January 9, 2012 in Lagos during a demonstration against the more than doubling of petrol prices after government abolished fuel subsidies. Thousands of people heeded the unions' call to stage protest rallies across Africa's most populous country. Police shot dead a protester in Nigeria's commercial capital Lagos on January 9 during a national strike over fuel prices.

    Protestors carry a placard on January 9, 2012 inLagos during a demonstration against the more than doubling of petrol prices after government abolished fuel subsidies. Thousands of people heeded the unions' call to stage protest rallies across Africa's most populous country. Police shot dead a protester in Nigeria's commercial capital Lagos on January 9 during a national strike over fuel prices. 

    >via: http://kickmugabeout.blogspot.com/2012/01/nigeriaunrest-in-lagos09012012.html

    __________________________

     

    Response to Ethan Zuckerman

    on “Occupy Nigeria”

    On January 1st, the Federal Government of Nigeria removed its subsidy on petroleum products. The price of fuel rose almost immediately from 65 Naira to at least 140 Naira, though I have heard the price hit over 250 Naira in some places. The removal of the fuel subsidy has unleashed mass popular anger, resulting in protests in different cities and plans for an indefinite national strike, which begins tomorrow.

    The protests and the fuel subsidy controversy have generated a number of analyses.CNN, the BBC, and Think Africa Press have nice overviews of the situation.

    The analysis that caught my eye though, was by Ethan Zuckerman, who directs the Center for Civic Media at MIT and is a renowned blogger. Although I have great respect for Zuckerman’s writing, in his piece on Nigeria he makes two arguments that I disagree with.

    The first is that removing the fuel subsidy was a good decision. Zuckerman argues that the expense of the subsidy is a crippling burden on the government’s budget, and that the money would be better spent on building infrastructure. Zuckerman is, however, aware of some arguments against removal. He notes,

    Given the history of corruption in the Nigerian government, it’s not hard to understand why many Nigerians are skeptical that the monies released from the subsidy will go anywhere other than in politicians’ pockets,

    but he also says,

    It’s possible to imagine a Nigeria where imported petroleum products were less necessary, if the country had functioning rail systems, a reliable power grid minimizing the need for generators, and refineries that could produce diesel and gasoline locally.

    Zuckerman’s second argument is that the demands of the Nigerian protesters are out of sync with the broader global “Occupy” movement. Zuckerman writes:

    I’m interested to see Nigerian take on some of the rhetoric and tactics of the Occupy movement, including the occupation of a public square in Kano. I’ll be intrigued to see whether any of the global energy over Occupy goes to support the Nigerian protesters. The irony, I fear, is that while the global occupy movement seeks to equalize income disparities and fight government corruption, the Nigerian movement [by this I think Zuckerman means the Jonathan administration - Alex] is currently pursuing radical and important reforms, and the Occupy Nigeria protesters are fighting against that change. Read one way, Occupy Nigeria is a conservative movement fighting to keep a dysfunctional status quo in place, which seems at odds with other branches of the movement.

    I disagree with both arguments and I find their pairing strange. I also reject the premise of the second argument. I do not believe that just because some Nigerian activists “take on the rhetoric and tactics of the Occupy movement,” that makes the current protests a “branch” of the movement. The protest organizers and the controversy itself predate Occupy. Nor do I believe the politics of the fuel subsidy protests should be judged according to how they measure against goals of protesters in the United States and Europe. Nor, finally, do I believe that the fuel subsidy protests are “reactionary” or “conservative.”

    In any case, is protesting the removal of a fuel subsidy really out of line with Occupy’s goals? I am not a member of the Occupy movement, but I thought one of its underlying values was to support the welfare of the “99%” over interests and policies that favor the “1%.” Yet the voices Zuckerman cites in support of fuel subsidy removal are those of the International Monetary Fund and some of the most powerful ministers in the Federal Government of Nigeria – these are voices more likely to speak for the 1% than the 99%, no? Contrast this with the voices speaking out against subsidy removal: labor unions, civil society organizations like the Nigerian Bar Association, students’ organizations, etc. These are more likely to represent the 99%, yes?

    One could of course make the argument that the 99% don’t recognize their own true interests, and that the short-term pain they feel now is necessary for their long-term prosperity. But that sounds suspiciously like the arguments for austerity that have been invoked by the 1% around the world to justify slashing pensions, firing government employees, and other measures that always seem to add up to a lot of pain, but never seem to bring that promised shared prosperity for the 99%.

    So will the removal of the fuel subsidy help or hurt the 99% in Nigeria? So far, the answer is that it is hurting them. The price of fuel has more than doubled, and has already begun to push the prices of other goods, especially food, upwards. People are struggling to get to work, to buy food, to put fuel in their generators at home and in their shops. The political uncertainty generated by removal, moreover, adds to an existing climate of tension and insecurity given ongoing religious violence in various parts of the country. If next week’s strike turns violent, it will most likely be members of the 99% who are injured or killed. Fuel subsidy removal has so far made life more costly, and less secure, for ordinary Nigerians.

    Now, what about the future? What about the promised benefits of removing the subsidy? I agree with Zuckerman that the money could be invested into infrastructure and a broader transformation of Nigeria. But Zuckerman has no answer for Nigerians’ pessimism that the money will go to public goods instead of private enrichment. Zuckerman notes that there is corruption involved with the subsidy – but removing the subsidy is not guaranteed to end corruption, and could simply shift it elsewhere.

    Nigerians’ pessimism seems justified to me. If we trace the latest round of the fuel subsidy debate back to last year, it really got going around the time that the Federal Government began insisting that state governments begin paying a newly passed minimum wage. Governors protested to the Federal Government that they could not afford to pay the new wage, and the idea of removing the fuel subsidy (re) surfaced, as a proposal to free up money (a related proposal was to increase the share of oil revenues that states received, in order to help them pay the minimum wage). Now it’s a new year, and the subsidy is gone, but some states are still being accused of dragging their feet on paying the minimum wage. If the promises of the past have not come true, how can ordinary Nigerians be expected to have faith that the money saved by removing the subsidy will benefit them? Moreover, if removing the fuel subsidy is a good and/or necessary step, why could it not be done gradually, so as to minimize the shock to people’s wallets and to the overall economy?

    The fuel subsidy debate in Nigeria touches on core issues of government’s relationship with the people and of ordinary people’s struggles to survive in one of the world’s most politically turbulent countries. Political struggles over the subsidy predate the Occupy movement by decades, and even if the current protests are partly influenced by Occupy, or by the Arab revolutions, that does not mean that Nigeria’s protests have become merely one “branch” of a global phenomenon. Rather they are deeply rooted in histories and politics that are particular to Nigeria. The merits of removing the subsidy deserve to be judged according to how the decision affects the Nigerian people, not according to a supposedly universal political spectrum designed by activists elsewhere. And if there is a universal set of values to be invoked concerning the interests of the world’s 99%, the 99% in Nigeria seem to be speaking solidly in favor of keeping the subsidy.

     


     


     

     

     

     

     

    HISTORY: The Truth about Queen Nefertiti of Egypt « MyWeku MyWeku

    Documentary:

    The Truth about

    Queen Nefertiti of Egypt

    Duration 44 mins: A few months ago we reported that the German government, despite decades of lobbying and pleading from Egypt, had decided not to return the 3,400-year-old bust of the fabled Queen Nefertiti, back to Egypt where it was taken. Their reason was that  the bust was too fragile even to be loaned to Egypt”.

    So who was Queen Nefertiti?  She is reputed to have lived between ca. 1370 BC- ca. 1330 BC and was the wife of Akhenaten, a powerful ruler of the 18th dynasty of Ancient Egypt. As consort–and, according to some historians, co-regent–Nefertiti and her husband led a religious revolution, abandoning traditional Egyptian polytheism and replacing it with a cult of worship for a single god, Aten. Nefertiti is mostly remembered as a beauty, due in part to a bust of the queen discovered in the early 20th century. The bust in question still remains with the German government.

     

    VIDEO: Poems as Short Films: Langston Hughes, Pablo Neruda and More > Open Culture

    Poems as Short Films:

    Langston Hughes,

    Pablo Neruda and More

    A few years ago, the geniuses over at Four Seasons Productions began shooting evocative short films set to classic poetry. 21 finished pieces, a long list of festival prizes and a full DVD later, many of their best “poem videos” are now available to watch for free on their YouTube channel.

    These short pieces capture the mood, rhythms and meaning of a wide range of poetic voices and styles in imaginative ways. Our favorite is the above interpretation of Langston Hughes’ “The Weary Blues,” but there are several other exceptional shorts, including “Only Breath” by the great 13th century sufi poet Jalal ad-Din Rumi and “100 Love Sonnets IX” by Pablo Neruda. Note: The Neruda poems are read in the original Spanish.

    Sheerly Avni is a San Francisco-based arts and culture writer. Her work has appeared in Salon, LA Weekly, Mother Jones, and many other publications. You can follow her on twitter at @sheerly.

     

    PUB: The Normal School

    THE THIRD ANNUAL NORMAL PRIZE

    IN FICTION, NONFICTION, & POETRY

    It's the most wonderful time of the year: The Normal School is now accepting entries for the 2012 Normal Prize. From 12/1/11 until 2/12/12, we will be nestling away submissions to stave off hibernation. Think you're Normal enough to enter? We agree. Read on for our full contest guidelines, and send us your best.

     

    Fiction Prize: $1000 & Publication
    Nonfiction Prize: $1000 & Publication
    Poetry Prize: $1000 & Publication

     

    Final Judges


    Fiction: AMY HEMPEL

    Nonfiction: TOM BISSELL

    Poetry: DORIANNE LAUX

     

    GUIDELINES

    1. All fiction and nonfiction submissions must be 10,087 words or less, double-spaced, 12 pt. font. Poetry submissions should not exceed five pages or five poems total. Please submit all poems in a single document.

    2. All submissions will be read blind. Author's name must not appear on the manuscript.

    3. There is a $20 fee per submission. When you click "Pay and Submit" you will be automatically redirected to our billing page, after which you will immediately be able to submit your document.

    4. Please, no previously published works or works accepted for publication elsewhere. Simultaneous submissions are okay as long as you notify editors should your piece be accepted elsewhere. Multiple submissions are also permitted, but each submission should be accompanied by the $20 fee.

    5. Submissions for the third annual contest are only accepted online. Please submit on or before February 12, 2012 . Please visit our submission manager to enter.

    6. Sorry, but the Normal Prize is not open to current or recent students, staff, or faculty of Fresno State.

    7. All entrants will be considered for publication and will receive a complimentary issue of The Normal School. Contest winners and finalists will be announced in the summer via email. For questions, please email us at .