PUB: Very Short Fiction Award

Guidelines for the Very Short Fiction Award category:

We are interested in reading your original, unpublished very short stories!

  • We don't publish stories for children, I'm sorry.

  • It's fine to submit more than one story or to submit the same story to different categories.

  • When we accept a story for publication, we are purchasing first-publication rights. (After we've published it, you can include it in your own collection.)

 

To make a submission: Please send your work via our new online submission procedure. It's easy, will save you postage and paper, and is much easier on the environment. Just click Submissions to get started!

Dates:
The category will be open to submissions for one full month, from the first day through midnight (Pacific time) of the last day of the month. Results will be posted at www.glimmertrain.org.

 

  • January. Results will be posted on March 31.
  • July. Results will be posted on September 30.

 

Reading fee:

  • $15 per story.

 

Prizes:

  • 1st place wins $1,500, publication in Glimmer Train Stories, and 20 copies of that issue.
  • 2nd-place: $500
  • 3rd-place:$300

 

Other considerations:

  • Open to all writers.
  • Stories not to exceed 3,000 words.(Any shorter lengths are welcome.)

 

We look forward to reading your work!

 

PUB: The Hurston/Wright Foundation: Hurston/Wright Award for College Writers

Hurston/Wright Award for College Writers

The Hurston/Wright Award for College Writers™ has been established by novelist Marita Golden to honor excellence in fiction writing by students of African descent enrolled full time as an undergraduate or graduate student in any college or university in the United States.

The winners will be announced in April for the writers of the best previously unpublished short story or novel excerpt.

Eligibility: At the time of submission, applicants must be enrolled in a college or university full time as an undergraduate or graduate student. Writers who have published a book in any genre are ineligible. Winners will be selected from the best previously unpublished short story or novel excerpt.

How to Apply:

• Email your double-spaced manuscript, of no more than 15 pages (of a novel) or 20 – 25 pages (of a short story) typed in a 12pt. font, along with a cover page to info@hurstonwright.org. Cover page should include:
                 ◦ Your first and last name
                 ◦ Address
                 ◦ Phone Number (day and evening)
                 ◦ Email Address
                 ◦ Indicate whether you are submitting a Novel Excerpt or Short Story

Do not include your name on any of the manuscript pages.
• Only one story may be submitted per applicant.
• Submissions must be received by January 13, 2012.
• Include with your submission a $10 nonrefundable submission fee.

 

 

Deadline:

Submissions must be received between November 7, 2011 and January 13, 2012. The nominated winner and finalists will be required to provide a verification of college enrollment and a photo. Previous winners are not eligible.

 

Published Winners and Finalists of the Hurston/Wright Award for College Writers:

David Anthony Durham: Pride of Carthage, Gabriel's Story, and Walk Through Darkness, (Doubleday) also a 2002 Hurston/Wright Legacy Award Winner

Tayari Jones: The Untelling and Leaving Atlanta, (Warner Books) also a 2003 Hurston/Wright Legacy Award Winner

William Henry Lewis: I Got Somebody in Staunton, (Amistad); In the Arms of Elders, (Carolina Wren Press) also a 2006 PEN/Faulkner Fiction Award Finalists

Monifa Love: Dreaming Underground, (Lotus Press); Freedom in the Dismal, (Academy Chicago Publishers); My Magic Pours Secret Libations, (Florida State University, Museum of Fine Arts)

Nelly Rosario: Song of the Water Saints, (Pantheon Books)

Tracy Price-ThompsonKnockin' BootsA Woman's Worth, (One World/Ballantine);Chocolate Sangria, (One World/Strivers Row) and Black Coffee, (Villard) also a 2005 Hurston/Wright Legacy Award Winner

David Wright: Fire on the Beach, (Scribner)

 

2011 Award for College Writers Recipients


Winner 

Thai Mathews

Thai Matthews, a native of Georgia is pursuing a degree from Wellesley College. She was selected as the winner of the Hurston/Wright Award for College Writers for her short story You Are Here.

Finalists

Raven Jackson

Raven Jackson, a native of Tennessee is pursuing a Bachelors in Corporate Communications from Austin Peay State University. She was selected as a finalist of the Hurston/Wright Award for College Writers for her short story She Grew for the Sun.

Leslie Ann Murray Leslie Ann Murray, a native of Trinidad and Tobago is pursuing a Masters in Creative Writing from Rutgers Newark University. She was selected as a finalist of the Hurston/Wright Award for College Writers for her short story The Scholar.

Honorable Mention

Dennis E. Norris, II, received honorable mention for his short story Shadows, Passing.

 

 

 

PUB: Trembling Pillow Press || Bob Kaufman Book Prize

bob kaufman book prize

Trembling Pillow Press is pleased to announce its first annual BOB KAUFMAN BOOK PRIZE in poetry.

 
The selected manuscript will be published in 2012.

 
Our guest judge this year is poet Bernadette Mayer.


Submission are accepted from September 15 – January 15, 2011 (post marked by January 15, 2011). EXTENDED DEADLINE!

 
Winner announced March 31, 2012.

 
Fee for entry: $25.00

 

Rules for entry:

Online entries:

submit

Please submit a book length manuscript of a minimum of 70 pages including title pages and pagination without author information using submishmash.

Author Information for each manuscript will be entered into submishmash. Please include a second title sheet without any author information.

Accepted file formats: pdf, doc, docx, rtf, txt.

Manuscript submission should be a minimum of 70 pages.

 

Mail Entries:
If you are unable to submit electronically, hard manuscripts must be bound.

Mailing Address:
Megan Burns, editor c/o Trembling Pillow Press
907 Saint Peter St.
New Orleans, LA 70116

Enclose a check made out to Trembling Pillow press for the entry fee of $25. Any manuscripts received without the entry fee will be recycled.

 

Our guest judge will read and review all entries. She will make a final selection of entries which we will post on the website. From this final selection, our guest judge will choose one manuscript for publication in 2012. The editors for Trembling Pillow Press may also choose to publish any runner-up manuscripts also chosen by our guest judge.

For queries about the book prize, please email: editor@tremblingpillowpress.com

 

INTERVIEW: Sharifa Rhodes-Pitts - Dust Tracks On a Road > Life + Times

Dust Tracks On a Road

12.21.2011

 

by dream hampton

Sharifa Rhodes-Pitts‘ Harlem Is Nowhere: A Journey to the Mecca of Black America is gorgeously written. The gifted Harvard graduate’s debut is the first offering in a trilogy meant to imagine and explore Black Utopia through three landscapes: Harlem, Haiti and the Black Belt South. The Texas native began in Harlem armed with the requisite research–she’d read and absorbed her Renaissance authors, studied Van Der Zee‘s elegant snap shots of Black life on upper Manhattan’s wide boulevards–but she was also prepared to let her research recede, to allow the place and the people and her own experience and interaction with them and the space unfold. Rhodes-Pitts is obsessively observant and the scribbled notes she’d puzzle together when it was time to sit and write pin down the otherwise vaporous moments that make a day, a place, a life and a living. She’s part diarist, part anthropologist. Her Zora Neale Hurston-sized love for “the people” is natural and nuanced, but where Zora may have been weaving tall tales over a makeshift bar in a cramped uptown kitchen, Rhodes-Pitts finds herself cross-legged in a tenant-organized anti-gentrification meeting, copiously taking notes on how to push back against zoning. Here, we talk about her amazing debut, her next two books, land shark realtors, earthquakes and floods.

Life + Times: I believe I’ve read you talking about your mother’s book collection, and in particular, her Black women’s fiction from the early ’70s through the early ’90s. Do you remember spending time with any particular author or piece of work more than the others?
Sharifa Rhodes-Pitts: My mom is a visual artist and an avid reader, she came of age during that moment when Black women were really claiming the artistic stage in America. So her shelves were full of those books; I took them for granted. The summer I was 18, I had a job to save for college and during my lunch hours I disappeared with three books taken from my mother’s collection: Alice Walker‘s In Search of Our Mothers’ Gardens, June Jordan‘s Civil Wars and Lorraine Hansberry‘s To Be Young, Gifted, and Black.  They fortified and grounded me as I was about to leave home to attend college in New England. Creatively, the mix of history, personal experience, and politics in those books inspired me and solidified my interest in essays as a form. Later, I abandoned those beginnings–I read widely, across gender, race, nationality, and genre. The writers I found on my mother’s shelves were a foundation and then I had to broaden my tribe. In that camp, some crucial writers are: W.G. Sebald, Virginia Woolf, and Elizabeth Hardwick. But lately I’ve had a desire to go back to some of the Black women’s literature I began with… I have a lot of reading and re-reading to do.

L+T: New York is a walking city and some of your book is about being in the streets on foot and overhearing conversations. In a city as noisy as New York, what about a conversation makes you tune in, to listen? Do you have a favorite pair of listening shoes?
SRP: Hmmm. So much of that is about kismet, you know? Being on a certain corner at a certain moment when some improbable tale flies out of someone’s mouth. Or stopping to talk to someone when I could have kept walking. I had a meditation teacher talk once about every human encounter having the potential for resonance. When I first arrived in Harlem, I walked really slow and made eye contact with everyone and was so obviously not a New Yorker, and this provoked all kinds of experiences. I would usually follow those moments where they led, so there’s some kind of faith in that. No favorite listening shoes, but I spend summers in Dr. Scholl’s; in other seasons I do a lot of time in clogs. I’m happiest of all in the country feeling invincible in sturdy boots.

L+T: It appears you spent time while researching this book studying maps. Part of what you discover and argue is Harlem is constantly shifting, both in the imagination and then again in reality, with certain physical and/or corporate encroachments, as with, say Columbia University. Harlem is of course named for Amsterdam’s Haarlem, and even though it was once Dutch farmland, do you think that efforts to protect it as a literal Black space are important?
SRP: Yeah, the question of whether the physical space is worth protecting is really crucial. Once I was visiting the studio of my friend, visual artist Leslie Hewitt. It’s near the old Renaissance Ballroom on Adam Clayton Powell Jr. Boulevard. The Renaissance was built by Garveyites who put their money together to start an establishment where Blacks could be entertained, since the most famous nightclubs, like the Cotton Club, were segregated. We provided the entertainment and labor but couldn’t go there. So the Renaissance is this incredibly symbolic space, where self-determination in Harlem was expressed physically, through this enterprise. But in the early 1980s, it closed and fell into ruin and was neglected for decades by its subsequent owner, the Abyssinian Development Corporation. A few years ago, they argued against having this historic building named a city landmark because they wanted to build a high-rise condo there. And they won that battle. Sitting with Leslie, just a few steps away from this half-demolished building, I started ranting about how it was a perfect example of the need to preserve the physical traces of our history. But she had a whole different take on it, challenging me to consider how as a people, our relationship to space has always been fugitive, always threatened. And that we’ve always had to claim space in other creative ways. But I still have an attachment to land. When I moved to NYC, I actually could not comprehend that someone would buy a piece of real estate, an apartment, that was nothing but a floating piece of sky without land attached to it. That’s a Texas perspective. I’m obsessed with that Malcolm X quote: “Revolution is based on land. Land is the basis of all independence. Land is the basis of freedom, justice and equality.”

L+T: As a woman raised in the South, are boundaries important to you? Does it affect your interviewing style? Are you careful not to pry? Or do you ask difficult questions straight out?
SRP: In certain ways, I have no boundaries. I’m constantly talking to strangers. But I’m fairly passive about it. I didn’t do interviews for the book. Any conversation that is mentioned happened in the course of my life. It was my life. It wasn’t research. I’ll have to approach that differently for other books, perhaps. I think I’m actually bad at interviews, but I’m told I’m good at listening. I listen a lot more than I ask questions. I observe and stare a lot, too. Whether or not it comes from being Southern, I do have a sense of propriety and privacy that means I don’t push or pry in the way a journalist would. I’m more interested in the person than in “getting the story.” So things unfold. Or they don’t. Maybe that’s a limitation. But it seems to me people reveal what they want to and need to in their own time. And what people don’t say, their silence, often interests me, too…

L+T: Did you go to Harlem with the intention of writing Harlem is Nowhere? If so, were you surprised at yourself when you ended up in advocacy meetings about fair housing with your neighbors?
SRP: My move to Harlem in 2002 was improvised. I’d graduated from college two years before, saved money to travel (in India and Europe), then went home broke to my mother in Texas. I started working an office job while I figured out how to become a writer. When I couldn’t live at home anymore, I went back to the East Coast. I arrived in Harlem with ideas and notes for a historical novel set in Texas; writing about the neighborhood was not on my agenda. The writing came about because of my experiences: I was always meeting Harlemites who seemed as obsessed with history as me. Based on those early encounters I wrote a long essay. When it was published, it got a strong response and I started thinking about a book. I was absolutely surprised when I joined the organized resistance against gentrification in Harlem. My parents were both activists in the ’70s–that’s how they met–so I grew up around a lot of politics and was prematurely jaded. I never had a romanticized idea about The Revolution; I wasn’t throwing fists up in the air. Though I saw myself as politically committed and informed, I had never joined a movement. In 2007, I began attending community meetings expecting to do my regular thing: listening, observing, taking notes. Then I was asked to stand up and give testimony at hearings about development in Harlem. And then I was asked to lend a hand–I threw myself into it. I stopped writing the book because I was organizing and going to meetings. I didn’t plan to write about those experiences at all. Later, when the campaign was over and I was burnt out and trying to get back to work, I realized I had just lived through something that was part of an ongoing story about land, power and politics in Harlem.

L+T: Can you please explain to me your vision for these three books? As I understand it, this is a trilogy of Black Utopia where you write about three places. Was there any other collection or even single work that inspired you or that you referenced when conceiving yours?
SRP: The trilogy project is about three places: Harlem, Haiti, and the Black Belt of the South (in that order). Once I wrote that long essay on Harlem, the path for the book was pretty much set. My interest in Haiti is long-standing, way before the earthquake–I’ve been researching its history for years. So I had the notion for the Harlem book, and the glimmer of an idea for a Haiti book that would meld history and travel. I was talking to a mentor who said, “It’s three books–what’s the third place?” At some point I realized, “Duh… after going away to other places, I’d eventually need to reckon with home.” All three places hold power in the hearts and minds and souls of Black folk, our political, creative, spiritual aspirations. There’s Harlem: the Black mecca. And Haiti: the first Black republic. I want to trace the relationship between Black Americans and Haiti and the ongoing American interventions in the country. In the South, I’m concerned with the idea of the Black Belt as a separate nation within America. This idea has a long history. I’m also interested in the all-Black towns that cropped up before and after the Civil War. I imagine it as more of a road-trip book, traveling from place to place but also traveling in time. At the end of the road I’ll be in Texas. I don’t know if it was influenced by any writer or work in particular. I just want to follow a set of ideas across space and history, and use my own experience as the frame through which those stories are told.

L+T: Now you’re in New Orleans. I’m assuming some of your research centers around Faubourg Tremé, America’s oldest black neighborhood and the home of the Civil Rights movement. Where it’s possible Harlem may be swallowed by the rest of Manhattan, much of Black New Orleans was literally washed away when the levees failed. What are the challenges of writing about Black New Orleans even as the demography so dramatically shifts? Does any of your work involve interviewing those who fled the flood?
SRP: I live in the Treme. It’s been a powerful place to live. I first lived here briefly in the spring of 2005, just a few months before [Hurricane] Katrina. I went to New Orleans the first time without any knowledge about it at all. I was curious since there’s a Creole element in Houston’s black community…it’s nearby but culturally very far away. So I arrived and found a place to live via Craigslist without even having heard of Treme. I met a man a few days into that first stint who, when he heard I lived in Harlem said “Welcome to Treme, the original Harlem of America.” He said that “Harlem was *left* by Dutch people but Treme was *built* by blacks.” I felt like I’d walked into a vortex. At the time I was working on the book proposal for Harlem but all I could read and think about was the history of New Orleans and that neighborhood and this very palpable sense that things were not worked out here. There was not even the illusion of things being worked out. I had this sense of Reconstruction having ended yesterday. And everything that was swirling around suddenly became international news when the levees failed. I ended up back in New Orleans in 2010 in a roundabout way. I was supposed to start my research in Haiti in January 2010 just around the time of the earthquake. Suddenly I didn’t know how or whether I could proceed. I went to New Orleans for a short artist residency and just stayed. So I didn’t come to New Orleans to write about it, either. Maybe I will eventually, but this short time has been about living and listening and learning. Being a part of the community, to the degree a transient newcomer can. I’ve felt welcomed and nourished here. But it hasn’t been directly about writing, if that makes sense.

L+T: From New Orleans you’ll head to Haiti. Will you live there as you are living in New Orleans? Before going, are you anticipating a connection between New Orleans and Haiti?
SRP: The shape my research and experience in Haiti will take is unknown to me. I have some lines of inquiry I want to follow and certain locations to visit. And I’ve read a lot of history and keep up with current events. But probably the most important preparation will be forgetting everything I think I know. And surrender.

L+T: Are you influenced at all by the work of Maya Deren? Of Zora Neale Hurston?
SRP: Somehow I’ve avoided Deren, though I need to get up on her. Hurston is important to me in a way that’s hard to talk about…I feel similarly about someone like Baldwin. I can’t rhapsodize in very academic ways about their work or how it’s affected me. They are family; I have a reverence and appreciation for them that is similar to how you’d feel about a beloved great-aunt or great-uncle. They gave me a sense of what is possible…

L&T: What are your writing rituals? Your restorative ones?
SRP: I practice ritual procrastination. I usually have to sneak up on myself to get writing done. I write ideas on the backs of discarded envelopes along with scribbled grocery lists and to-do lists. Eventually those shards get pieced together. It starts off very disorganized but I can’t really start writing until I have outlines and notecards. But in the midst of the plan there are lots of surprises. In more tranquil moments I keep a notebook. For restoration: lots of baths; my house in New Orleans has a claw-foot tub which I love. I also have a little garden, and spend time out there to get my head clear. I drink tea all day long. When I’m not traveling I’m a homebody and burrow into my domestic life. By all appearances it’s rather idle and boring but being still and quiet makes room for the ideas to land…

Photo: Laylah Amatullah Barrayn’s current exhibit “Her Word As Witness: Portrait Of Women Writers Of The African Diaspora

 

 

 

VIDEO: What's Your Favorite Denzel Washington Film Or Performance? > indieWIRE

What's Your Favorite

Denzel Washington Film

Or Performance?

Blogs  by Cynthia Reid | December 28, 2011

We've had all kinds of smackdown debates and conversations here at S&A about films, directors, actors and actresses but one person that's virtually never come up in all those discussions is Denzel Washington and with good reason...he's the consummate actor.  You may or may not like a film he appears in but you can always count on him giving a riveting performance.

So, since he turns 57 today, I though it would be nice to find out what's your favorite role and/or film he's been in?

Often, films like A Soldier's Story, Malcolm X and Devil In A Blue Dress are usually on the top of everyone's list but what about Mississippi Masala or Cry Freedom?  Does anyone remember St. Elsewhere?

To start things off, I'd have to say Malcolm X and Training Day definitely top my list.  I completely doubted his ability to play Malcolm.  In fact, I had to be steamrolled into seeing the flick but was utterly shocked by his performance.  Training Day is a favorite not only for his performance but his willingness to step outside his comfort zone and be the bad guy.

So what's on your list?  Below are clips of the man in action.

 

ECONOMICS: Of the 1%, by the 1%, for the 1% > Vanity Fair

Inequality
Of the 1%,
by the 1%,
for the 1%
Americans have been watching protests against oppressive regimes that concentrate massive wealth in the hands of an elite few. Yet in our own democracy, 1 percent of the people take nearly a quarter of the nation’s income—an inequality even the wealthy will come to regret.

THE FAT AND THE FURIOUS The top 1 percent may have the best houses, educations, and lifestyles, says the author, but “their fate is bound up with how the other 99 percent live.”

It’s no use pretending that what has obviously happened has not in fact happened. The upper 1 percent of Americans are now taking in nearly a quarter of the nation’s income every year. In terms of wealth rather than income, the top 1 percent control 40 percent. Their lot in life has improved considerably. Twenty-five years ago, the corresponding figures were 12 percent and 33 percent. One response might be to celebrate the ingenuity and drive that brought good fortune to these people, and to contend that a rising tide lifts all boats. That response would be misguided. While the top 1 percent have seen their incomes rise 18 percent over the past decade, those in the middle have actually seen their incomes fall. For men with only high-school degrees, the decline has been precipitous—12 percent in the last quarter-century alone. All the growth in recent decades—and more—has gone to those at the top. In terms of income equality, America lags behind any country in the old, ossified Europe that President George W. Bush used to deride. Among our closest counterparts are Russia with its oligarchs and Iran. While many of the old centers of inequality in Latin America, such as Brazil, have been striving in recent years, rather successfully, to improve the plight of the poor and reduce gaps in income, America has allowed inequality to grow.

Economists long ago tried to justify the vast inequalities that seemed so troubling in the mid-19th century—inequalities that are but a pale shadow of what we are seeing in America today. The justification they came up with was called “marginal-productivity theory.” In a nutshell, this theory associated higher incomes with higher productivity and a greater contribution to society. It is a theory that has always been cherished by the rich. Evidence for its validity, however, remains thin. The corporate executives who helped bring on the recession of the past three years—whose contribution to our society, and to their own companies, has been massively negative—went on to receive large bonuses. In some cases, companies were so embarrassed about calling such rewards “performance bonuses” that they felt compelled to change the name to “retention bonuses” (even if the only thing being retained was bad performance). Those who have contributed great positive innovations to our society, from the pioneers of genetic understanding to the pioneers of the Information Age, have received a pittance compared with those responsible for the financial innovations that brought our global economy to the brink of ruin.

Some people look at income inequality and shrug their shoulders. So what if this person gains and that person loses? What matters, they argue, is not how the pie is divided but the size of the pie. That argument is fundamentally wrong. An economy in which most citizens are doing worse year after year—an economy like America’s—is not likely to do well over the long haul. There are several reasons for this.

First, growing inequality is the flip side of something else: shrinking opportunity. Whenever we diminish equality of opportunity, it means that we are not using some of our most valuable assets—our people—in the most productive way possible. Second, many of the distortions that lead to inequality—such as those associated with monopoly power and preferential tax treatment for special interests—undermine the efficiency of the economy. This new inequality goes on to create new distortions, undermining efficiency even further. To give just one example, far too many of our most talented young people, seeing the astronomical rewards, have gone into finance rather than into fields that would lead to a more productive and healthy economy.

Third, and perhaps most important, a modern economy requires “collective action”—it needs government to invest in infrastructure, education, and technology. The United States and the world have benefited greatly from government-sponsored research that led to the Internet, to advances in public health, and so on. But America has long suffered from an under-investment in infrastructure (look at the condition of our highways and bridges, our railroads and airports), in basic research, and in education at all levels. Further cutbacks in these areas lie ahead.

None of this should come as a surprise—it is simply what happens when a society’s wealth distribution becomes lopsided. The more divided a society becomes in terms of wealth, the more reluctant the wealthy become to spend money on common needs. The rich don’t need to rely on government for parks or education or medical care or personal security—they can buy all these things for themselves. In the process, they become more distant from ordinary people, losing whatever empathy they may once have had. They also worry about strong government—one that could use its powers to adjust the balance, take some of their wealth, and invest it for the common good. The top 1 percent may complain about the kind of government we have in America, but in truth they like it just fine: too gridlocked to re-distribute, too divided to do anything but lower taxes.

Economists are not sure how to fully explain the growing inequality in America. The ordinary dynamics of supply and demand have certainly played a role: laborsaving technologies have reduced the demand for many “good” middle-class, blue-collar jobs. Globalization has created a worldwide marketplace, pitting expensive unskilled workers in America against cheap unskilled workers overseas. Social changes have also played a role—for instance, the decline of unions, which once represented a third of American workers and now represent about 12 percent.

But one big part of the reason we have so much inequality is that the top 1 percent want it that way. The most obvious example involves tax policy. Lowering tax rates on capital gains, which is how the rich receive a large portion of their income, has given the wealthiest Americans close to a free ride. Monopolies and near monopolies have always been a source of economic power—from John D. Rockefeller at the beginning of the last century to Bill Gates at the end. Lax enforcement of anti-trust laws, especially during Republican administrations, has been a godsend to the top 1 percent. Much of today’s inequality is due to manipulation of the financial system, enabled by changes in the rules that have been bought and paid for by the financial industry itself—one of its best investments ever. The government lent money to financial institutions at close to 0 percent interest and provided generous bailouts on favorable terms when all else failed. Regulators turned a blind eye to a lack of transparency and to conflicts of interest.

When you look at the sheer volume of wealth controlled by the top 1 percent in this country, it’s tempting to see our growing inequality as a quintessentially American achievement—we started way behind the pack, but now we’re doing inequality on a world-class level. And it looks as if we’ll be building on this achievement for years to come, because what made it possible is self-reinforcing. Wealth begets power, which begets more wealth. During the savings-and-loan scandal of the 1980s—a scandal whose dimensions, by today’s standards, seem almost quaint—the banker Charles Keating was asked by a congressional committee whether the $1.5 million he had spread among a few key elected officials could actually buy influence. “I certainly hope so,” he replied. The Supreme Court, in its recent Citizens United case, has enshrined the right of corporations to buy government, by removing limitations on campaign spending. The personal and the political are today in perfect alignment. Virtually all U.S. senators, and most of the representatives in the House, are members of the top 1 percent when they arrive, are kept in office by money from the top 1 percent, and know that if they serve the top 1 percent well they will be rewarded by the top 1 percent when they leave office. By and large, the key executive-branch policymakers on trade and economic policy also come from the top 1 percent. When pharmaceutical companies receive a trillion-dollar gift—through legislation prohibiting the government, the largest buyer of drugs, from bargaining over price—it should not come as cause for wonder. It should not make jaws drop that a tax bill cannot emerge from Congress unless big tax cuts are put in place for the wealthy. Given the power of the top 1 percent, this is the way you would expect the system to work.

America’s inequality distorts our society in every conceivable way. There is, for one thing, a well-documented lifestyle effect—people outside the top 1 percent increasingly live beyond their means. Trickle-down economics may be a chimera, but trickle-down behaviorism is very real. Inequality massively distorts our foreign policy. The top 1 percent rarely serve in the military—the reality is that the “all-volunteer” army does not pay enough to attract their sons and daughters, and patriotism goes only so far. Plus, the wealthiest class feels no pinch from higher taxes when the nation goes to war: borrowed money will pay for all that. Foreign policy, by definition, is about the balancing of national interests and national resources. With the top 1 percent in charge, and paying no price, the notion of balance and restraint goes out the window. There is no limit to the adventures we can undertake; corporations and contractors stand only to gain. The rules of economic globalization are likewise designed to benefit the rich: they encourage competition among countries for business, which drives down taxes on corporations, weakens health and environmental protections, and undermines what used to be viewed as the “core” labor rights, which include the right to collective bargaining. Imagine what the world might look like if the rules were designed instead to encourage competition among countries for workers. Governments would compete in providing economic security, low taxes on ordinary wage earners, good education, and a clean environment—things workers care about. But the top 1 percent don’t need to care.

 

Or, more accurately, they think they don’t. Of all the costs imposed on our society by the top 1 percent, perhaps the greatest is this: the erosion of our sense of identity, in which fair play, equality of opportunity, and a sense of community are so important. America has long prided itself on being a fair society, where everyone has an equal chance of getting ahead, but the statistics suggest otherwise: the chances of a poor citizen, or even a middle-class citizen, making it to the top in America are smaller than in many countries of Europe. The cards are stacked against them. It is this sense of an unjust system without opportunity that has given rise to the conflagrations in the Middle East: rising food prices and growing and persistent youth unemployment simply served as kindling. With youth unemployment in America at around 20 percent (and in some locations, and among some socio-demographic groups, at twice that); with one out of six Americans desiring a full-time job not able to get one; with one out of seven Americans on food stamps (and about the same number suffering from “food insecurity”)—given all this, there is ample evidence that something has blocked the vaunted “trickling down” from the top 1 percent to everyone else. All of this is having the predictable effect of creating alienation—voter turnout among those in their 20s in the last election stood at 21 percent, comparable to the unemployment rate.

In recent weeks we have watched people taking to the streets by the millions to protest political, economic, and social conditions in the oppressive societies they inhabit. Governments have been toppled in Egypt and Tunisia. Protests have erupted in Libya, Yemen, and Bahrain. The ruling families elsewhere in the region look on nervously from their air-conditioned penthouses—will they be next? They are right to worry. These are societies where a minuscule fraction of the population—less than 1 percent—controls the lion’s share of the wealth; where wealth is a main determinant of power; where entrenched corruption of one sort or another is a way of life; and where the wealthiest often stand actively in the way of policies that would improve life for people in general.

As we gaze out at the popular fervor in the streets, one question to ask ourselves is this: When will it come to America? In important ways, our own country has become like one of these distant, troubled places.

Alexis de Tocqueville once described what he saw as a chief part of the peculiar genius of American society—something he called “self-interest properly understood.” The last two words were the key. Everyone possesses self-interest in a narrow sense: I want what’s good for me right now! Self-interest “properly understood” is different. It means appreciating that paying attention to everyone else’s self-interest—in other words, the common welfare—is in fact a precondition for one’s own ultimate well-being. Tocqueville was not suggesting that there was anything noble or idealistic about this outlook—in fact, he was suggesting the opposite. It was a mark of American pragmatism. Those canny Americans understood a basic fact: looking out for the other guy isn’t just good for the soul—it’s good for business.

The top 1 percent have the best houses, the best educations, the best doctors, and the best lifestyles, but there is one thing that money doesn’t seem to have bought: an understanding that their fate is bound up with how the other 99 percent live. Throughout history, this is something that the top 1 percent eventually do learn. Too late.

 

 

PHOTO ESSAY: 2011: A Year in Photos > Al Akhbar English

2011: A Year in Photos

 

Edited by Adel Alsalman and Marwan Tahtah

It was a hectic year, a year to remember. In 2011, the masses rose against the ruling elite and the dictators. The revolutionaries, the “99 percent” and the “indignants” took center stage, standing against the might of regimes and unfair economic policies – succeeding in inducing change, and gaining the attention of the world. Nature, also, unleashed its fury onto the world from tsunamis to earthquakes, leaving behind a sea of debris.

2011 presented us with many provocative images, both laden with symbolism and true beauty. Selecting the best pictures was not an easy task. This blog tries to bring back, what in this editors humble opinion are, the best pictures of 2011.

5 January 2011
A fisherman arranges a net as his wife paddles their boat in the waters of the Periyar river on the outskirts of the southern Indian city of Kochi. (Photo: REUTERS - Sivaram V)
9 January 2011
Orich Florestal (Left), 24 and Rosemond Altidon, 22, stand on the edge of their partially destroyed apartment one year on from the earthquake that killed around 250,000 people and wrecked much of the capital Port-au-Prince, Haiti. (Photo: REUTERS - Allison Shelley)
20 January 2011
A Tunisian protester grabs hold of a soldier's leg for safety as shots are fired in the air in front of the headquarters of the dissolved Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) party. On 14 January 2011 Tunisians succeeded in ousting President Ben Ali after 28 days of protesting, ending his 23 year reign. (Photo: REUTERS - Zohra Bensemra)
25 January 2011
Clashes between Future Movement supporters and the Army in Cola area, Beirut, Lebanon. As Saad Hariri's government was replaced by that of Najib Miqati's. (Photo: Haytham al-Moussawi)
28 January 2011
A protester stands in front of a burning barricade during a demonstration in Cairo. On February 11 Egyptian protestors succeeded in ending President Hosni Mubarak's three-decade rule. (Photo: REUTERS - Goran Tomasevic)
29 January 2011
Demonstrations supporting the January 25 movement next to the Egyptian embassy in Beirut, Lebanon. (Photo: Marwan Bu Haidar)
1 February 2011
Demonstrations supporting the January 25 movement next to the Egyptian embassy in Beirut, Lebanon. (Photo: Marwan Bu Haidar)
1 February 2011
A woman walks near a beggar in a pedestrian subway in Tbilisi, Georgia. (Photo: REUTERS - David Mdzinarishvili)
5 February 2011
An opposition demonstrator prays in front of an army soldiers near Tahrir Square in Cairo. After 18 days of protests, Hosni Mubarak resigned from office. (Photo: REUTERS - Yannis Behrakis)
17 February 2011
A woman works with tea in Tiassale, Côte d'Ivoire. In 2011 presidential elections sparked a military conflict in Côte d'Ivoire. (Photo: Hassan Bahsoun)
6 March 2011
Anti-Gaddafi protesters hanging effigies of Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi are reflected in a photo of a youth who was killed in this year's clashes in Benghazi. The 8 month uprising culminated in ending the 41 year reign of Muammar Gaddafi. (Photo: REUTERS - Suhaib Salem)
6 March 2011
A woman wears a Rafiq Hariri earing, in Beirut. 2011 marked the 6 year anniversary of former Lebanese PM Hariri's assassination. The controversial Special Tribunal for Lebanon accused 4 members of Hezbollah with carrying out the assassination. However, this was largely perceived as politically motivated and not based on sound judicial procedures and principles. (Photo: Marwan Tahtah)
12 March 2011
A vehicle is half submerged at a crossroad after an earthquake and tsunami in Sendai, northeastern Japan. An earthquake with a 9.0 magnitude, struck off the coast of Japan with devastating consequences. (Photo: REUTERS - Jo Yong-Hak)
12 March 2011
Skaters from the US, China, Britain and Canada compete in the men's 5,000 meters semi-final during the World Short Track Speed Skating Championships in Sheffield, UK. (Photo: REUTERS - Phil Noble)
16 March 2011
A man in Beirut waves the Bahraini flag during a demonstration supporting the uprising in Bahrain. The uprising in Bahrain left tens dead, and thousands injured. (Photo: Haytham al-Moussawi)
21 March 2011
A destroyed piano is partially submerged in water in an area devastated by the magnitude 9.0 earthquake and subsequent tsunami in Rikuzentakat. Tsunami waves reached heights of 40 meters. (Photo: REUTERS - Damir Sagolj)
22 March 2011
A photograph is seen in the rubble of a destroyed house in Otsuchi, Japan after the area was devastated by a magnitude 9.0 earthquake and tsunami leaving behind more than 15,000 casualties. (Photo: REUTERS - Damir Sagolj)
25 March 2011
A supporter of Yemen's President Ali Abdullah Saleh holds a poster of Saleh while riding a horse during a rally in Sanaa. Saleh signed an agreement brokered by the Gulf Cooperation Council, stipulating that he will relinquish his presidency. (Photo: REUTERS - Khaled Abdullah)
28 March 2011
A boy leans on a wall reading "Military," during a demonstration by the families of prisoners, next to Justice Palace, Lebanon. Families demanded reducing the official prison year from 12 to 9 months. (Photo: Bilal Jawish)
30 March 2011
Pro-Assad Syrians demonstrate next to the Syrian Embassy in Beirut, Lebanon as the Syrian uprising was getting underway. (Photo: Marwan Tahtah)
5 April 2011
US Army medic Quincy Northern from "Dustoff" team, C Company, 1-214 Aviation Regiment, 101st Combat Aviation Brigade, walks toward his medevac helicopter in Afghanistan. Nearly 10 years after the US invaded Afghanistan in search of Osama bin Laden, he would be killed a month later in Abbottabad, Pakistan (Photo: REUTERS - Denis Sinyakov)
21 April 2011
Rebel fighters run for cover inside a building on the frontline in central Misrata, Libya. Gaddafi remained at large until he was captured and killed, on 20 October 2011. (Photo: REUTERS - Yannis Behrakis)
1 May 2011
(Left) A man carries a Cedar model during a march on World Labor day. | (Right) A girl wears a shirt that reads "I want to marry you, should I change my religion" during a demonstration against the sectarian system of government in Lebanon. (Photos: Bilal Jawish)
4 May 2011
Smoke rises from Roumieh prison, Beirut. Clashes erupted after riot police attempted to subdue an uprising demanding better living conditions inside the crowded prison. (Photo: Haytham al-Moussawi)
4 May 2011
Family members of detainees express solidarity in front of Roumieh prison. The families demonstrated in solidarity with the detainees, as they demanded immediate action for the problem of overcrowdedness inside the prison. (Photo: Haytham al-Moussawi)
15 May 2011
Two elderly Palestinians wave the Palestinian flag during a demonstration in Maroun el-Ras, Lebanon overlooking Palestine. The 15 May Nakba demonstrations also witnessed an unprecedented demonstration on the Syrian/Israeli-occupied Golan Heights border.(Photo: Hassan Bahsoun)
19 May 2011
Women and children run from a fire in Kuma Garadayat, a village in North Darfur controlled by members of SLA-Free Will faction, a signatory of the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA). (Photo: REUTERS - Albert Gonzalez Farran - UNAMID)
3 June 2011
Demonstrators call for the end of sectarian governmental system next to the national museum, Lebanon. (Photo: Marwan Bu Haidar)
12 June 2011
US Army soldiers from the 2nd Platoon, B battery 2-8 field artillery, fire a howitzer, at Seprwan Ghar forward fire base in Panjwai district, Kandahar province, southern Afghanistan. (Photo: REUTERS - Baz Ratner)
12 June 2011
Goran Bregovic performs a concert in Beirut. (Photo: Marwan Tahtah)
14 June 2011
A protester holds a card that reads "Raise your hand up high against Domestic violence," downtown Beirut, Lebanon. (Photo: Marwan Tahtah)
28 June 2011
Workers use electric irons to smooth out a Communist Party of China flag on a table at the Beijing Jingong Red Flag factory located on the outskirts of Beijing. Many celebrated the PRC's 62nd anniversary this year, though many Uighurs and Tibetans demonstrated against it. (Photo: REUTERS - David Gray)
5 July 2011
A Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) soldier stands at attention during an Independence Day rehearsal in Juba. On 9 July 2011 South Sudan was declared an independent state. (Photo: REUTERS - Goran Tomasevic)
14 July 2011
7 kidnapped Estonians stand on the balcony of the French Embassy after their release, Beirut. The Estonians were held captive for months in Lebanon's Bekaa valley. (Photo: Haytham al-Moussawi)
25 July 2011
Norwegian Anders Behring Breivik (Left), the man accused of a killing spree and bomb attack in Norway, sits in the rear of a vehicle as he is transported in a police convoy in Oslo. The death toll of the attacks in Oslo and Utoya reached 77. (Photo: REUTERS - Jon-Are Berg-Jacobsen)
8 August 2011
Riot police charge past burning buildings on a residential street in Croydon, south London. The killing of Mark Duggan triggered deadly riots in England which lasted 4 days in several London boroughs. (Photo: REUTERS - Dylan Martinez)
20 August 2011
Gary Hunt of the United Kingdom dives in the final round of the Red Bull Cliff Diving World Series 2011 competition in Boston, USA. (Photo: REUTERS - Brian Snyder)
11 September 2011
An Ivorian man stands under a waterfall in the city of Man, 400km from Abidjan, Côte d'Ivoire. (Photo: Hassan Bahsoun)
16 September 2011
A Greek man sets himself on fire outside a bank branch in Thessaloniki. The 55-year old man had entered the bank and asked for a renegotiation of his overdue loan payments on his home and business, according to police, which he could not pay, but was refused by the bank. This year Greece teetered on the brink of financial collapse and threatened taking the EU down with it. (Photo: REUTERS - Nodas Stylianidis)
27 September 2011
A girl checks the display during an art exhibit in Biel center, Beirut. (Photo: Marwan Tahtah)
2 October 2011
A girl walks by a pub in Hamra, Lebanon. (Photo: Marwan Bu Haidar)
5 October 2011
A picture of North Korea's founder Kim Il-sung is illuminated in Pyongyang. North Korea's "Supreme Leader" Kim Jong-Il would soon suffer a fatal heart attack, leaving power to his 24-year-old son. (Photo: REUTERS - Damir Sagolj)
5 October 2011
Military frogmen practice during a national day rehearsal at the Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall in Taipei. (Photo: REUTERS - Pichi Chuang)
6 October 2011
Carnations are placed before a computer screen showing a portrait of Apple co-founder and former CEO the late Steve Jobs at an Apple store in St. Petersburg, Russia. (Photo: REUTERS - Alexander Demianchuk)
15 October 2011
Wikileaks founder Julian Assange speaks to demonstrators from the steps of Saint Paul's Cathedral in central London. Wikileaks launched a fundraising campaign in retaliation to the worldwide financial blockade against them. (Photo: AFP - Leon Neal)
24 October 2011
A Buddhist monk walks on a flooded street in central Bangkok. Thailand struggled with its worst flooding in 50 years, which affected a third of its provinces and swamped its densely populated capital. (Photo: REUTERS - Damir Sagolj)
24 October 2011
Smoke rises from burning tires on Periferico Avenue in Guatemala City. Protesters gathered to demonstrate to demand that Congress pass the Law 38-69 housing law. The law will guarantee adequate housing, services and infrastructure for people living in informal settlements without basic services. (Photo: REUTERS - William Gularte)
28 October 2011
A woman looks at an art installation named "Forever Bicycles" by dissident Chinese artist Ai Weiwei during a media preview of the "Ai WeiweiAbsent" exhibition in Taipei. (Photo: REUTERS - Pichi Chuang)
15 November 2011
Celebrations of the Korean battalion of UNIFIL at the end of their deployment in Teir Dibba, South Lebanon. 6 Italian soldiers were wounded by a roadside bomb near Sidon on May 27. (Photo: Hassan Bahsoun)
17 November 2011
Roshan Bliss, who says he has a debt of US$50,000 in school loans, attends an Occupy Denver demonstration in Denver, Colorado. The Occupy Wall Street movement gained worldwide support in scores of cities around the world. (Photo: REUTERS - Nathan W. Armes)
24 November 2011
Three barrels painted with the symbol for nuclear radiation are laid down in a field in protest against a storage for nuclear waste in Grabow near Luechow and Dannenberg, northern Germany. (Photo: AFP - Johannes Eisele)
3 December 2011
As-Sa'iqa headquarters in Ein el-Hilwe camp, South Lebanon. (Photo: Alia Haju)
7 December 2011
A man rests on the steps after performing Ashura rituals in Nabatieh, South Lebanon. (Photo: Marwan Tahtah)
15 December 2011
(Left) An activist of the animal-rights group "AnimaNaturalis" lays down naked on a giant plate of food during a performance to denounce the consumption of meat in the center of Barcelona. | (Right) Flea of the US band Red Hot Chili Peppers performs on stage at the Palau Sant Jordi in Barcelona. (Photos: AFP - Josep Lago)
18 December 2011
A pro-Assad demonstration in Damascus. 9 months into the uprising, thousands of protesters had been killed. (Photo: Alia Haju)
18 December 2011
A pro-Assad demonstration in Damascus. (Photo: Alia Haju)

 

 

AUDIO: The Roots’ Undun Isn’t the First Hip-Hop Concept Album: Questlove Picks His Top 5

Questlove Picks the Top 5

Hip-Hop Concept Albums

Photo of Questlove by Dimitrios Kambouris/Getty Images

 

The phrase “concept album” might conjure up rock classics like Tommy, The Wall, and Ziggy Stardust, but The Roots’ Undun—out this week—reminds us that hip-hop too carries a proud legacy in that field. In fact, the concept album, in the sense of a pop opera, is perfectly suited for hip-hop: Rap is a more verbal art form than rock, and rappers tend to be better storytellers than rockers.

The name Undun comes from the Guess Who song of the same name, but the primary influence the group has cited is Prince Paul’s A Prince Among Thieves—a record that self-appointed “Dean of American Rock Critics” Robert Christgau called “the closest thing to a true rock opera you've ever heard.” Both albums concern a well-intentioned protagonist who is driven into the drug trade and toward his own untimely death. (This wouldn’t be a Slate article if I didn’t make a comparison to The Wire, but Questlove himself has pointed out that the character was inspired by that series’ Avon Barksdale.)

Prince Paul looms large over the history of hip-hop concept albums: All his original solo releases can be considered as such, and he produced one of the first classics of the genre, 1991’s De La Soul Is Dead. But Paul is not alone. Indeed, most hip-hop LPs could be called concept albums if one uses the broader definition of the term: They usually have a dominant theme—think of Kanye’s trilogy of College Dropout, Late Registration, and Graduation—along with skits around that theme. But even if your definition requires a stronger narrative arc (something often indiscernible in prog-rock efforts), hip-hop still offers a wealth of examples: Jay-Z’s American Gangster, Outkast’s Idlewild , supergroup Deltron 3030’s Deltron 3030.

On the occasion of Undun—perhaps 2011’s last real contender for album of the year—we asked Roots drummer and bandleader Questlove to pick his top five hip-hop concept albums. Somewhere in between promoting the new album, leading the house band for Late Night with Jimmy Fallon, and getting his hair shampooed (which might take a while) he sent along a list of his five favorites, from a couple of the classics mentioned above to an all-instrumental record from J Dilla.

In order:

5) Prince Paul – A Prince Among Thieves 

 

 

4) Raekwon – Only Built 4 Cuban Linx… 

 

 

3) MF Doom – MM.. Food 

 

 

2) J Dilla - Donuts

 

 

1) De La Soul - De La Soul Is Dead 

 

 

 

VIDEO: Sana Moussa: A Contemporary Rendition of Palestinian Folklore > Al Akhbar English

Sana Moussa:

A Contemporary Rendition

of Palestinian Folklore

 

Moussa released her first album Ishraq one year ago, before touring Palestine, Jordan, and Cairo in promotional concerts.

By: Rasha Hilwi

Published Thursday, December 22, 2011

Palestinian singer Sana Moussa’s work is a tribute to Palestinian women’s folklore and a celebration of indigenous traditions in the face of occupation and globalization.

HaifaSana Moussa was born in Deir al-Asad village, in the Upper Galilee of occupied Palestine, to a family that is steeped in music.

Her father, Ali Moussa, and siblings all have a special connection with music. But the eldest daughter has received the lion’s share of talent, for today she is considered one of the most prominent Palestinian artists.

Moussa released her first album Ishraq one year ago, before touring Palestine, Jordan, and Cairo in promotional concerts.

She performed for the first time in Haifa on Thursday night at the Al Midan Theater, in an event organized by the Ghair Intaj group, which has organized a series of events in Palestine.

The artist began her musical studies with the al-Armawi choir, led by musician Khaled Jubran. Her performances have involved Palestinian folklore ever since she became a professional singer.

Moussa began her career with the Homayon group — in collaboration with Palestinian musicians Nizar Rohana (oud) and Youssef Hbeich (percussion) — with whom she performed in various Arab and European cities.

She also recorded folk songs with new arrangements by Rohana and Hbeich. All that coincided with her pursuit of a doctorate in neuroscience, which she received right before the release of Ishraq.

The idea for the album Ishraq haunted Moussa ever since she was four. She recounts that she would sit next to her grandmother and watch her dye white fabric blue and sing parts of Safar Barlek (a folkloric song from Ottoman times).

The scene never left Moussa’s memory. When she chose singing as a profession, she decided to focus on paying tribute to the voices of Palestinian women, who often incorporated songs into their daily routine.

Ishraq’s 10 songs all address joy, separation, farewell, love, war, revolution, marriage, birth, lullabies, and loneliness.

The young artist gathered these songs in a search that lasted many years, in which she visited many Palestinian women. Her goal was to put together a sampling of Palestinian lives through their songs.

In recrafting the original songs Moussa tried to preserve the their original frameworks as much as possible. She also used the workshops she attended with Bishara al-Khall (violin) and Mohammad Moussa (oud) in order to create new arrangements.

In the beginning of Najmat al-Sobh ــــ the most popular song from the album — Moussa used the original voices of elderly Palestinian women, in addition to sounds of clay pot playing, ululations, and handclaps.

In her concert in Haifa, Moussa was accompanied by Mohammad Moussa (oud), Elias Habib (percussion), Suheil Nassar (qanoun), Faraj Suleiman (piano).

These are “simple and beautiful songs close to people’s hearts,” says Moussa.

Her album was released at a time when Palestinians suffered the daily humiliations of occupation, on the one hand, and an all-consuming globalization that ate away at local traditions, on the other.

In this context, Moussa says, “music is an assertion of identity, an insistence on presence and endurance.” This is what has distinguished her music for many years.

But the Palestinian public are now eagerly anticipating new work by Moussa, with lyrics and music composed specially for her.

This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.

 

 

PUB: 8th Annual Literal Literary Postcard Story Contest - Geist.com

Canada's favourite writing contest is back! Enter now for your chance at literary fame and fortune.

 

This year the 8th Annual Geist Literal Literary Postcard Story Contest has adopted some new rules. We've posted some Postcard FAQs to help out along with way.

Rules:

Make your own postcard using photos, drawings or images in the public domain, write a story inspired by that postcard, then send us the image and the story. The relationship between image and story can be as subtle as you like, as long as the contest judges can see the connection.

Maximum length: 500 words, fiction or non-fiction, prose or poetry.

Winning entries will be published in Geist and at geist.com. For inspiration, check out last year's First Prize winner, Glamour, by Leslie Stark. Visit our postcard story page online for winning entries from previous years.

Honourable mentions will be published at geist.com.

First Prize: $250

Second Prize: $150

Third Prize: $100

Honourable Mentions: Swell Geist gifts

(more than one prize per category may be awarded)

How to enter:

ONLINE:

Click here. You will be prompted to upload your story, image and to pay your entry fee.

BY MAIL:

Type your literal postcard story on standard paper, in at least 11-point type, and attach the image with a paper clip (no staples, please). Judging is blind, so do not write your name on the story or the card. Include a cover letter with these details:

Your name

Story title(s)

Address

Phone number

Email address

How you found out about the contest

(Your personal information is kept confidential and will be used by Geist only to contact you.)

Entry Fee: $20 for the first entry (includes a 1-year subscription or subscription extension), $5 for each additional entry.

Send your entry by mail, with a cheque for the entry fee, to:

Geist Postcard Contest

#210 - 111 West Hastings Street

Vancouver, BC  V6B 1H4

Entries must be postmarked no later than January 15, 2012.

Questions? Check out our Poscard Story Contest FAQs here.

Still unsure? Email geist@geist.com or call 604-681-9161.


THE FINE PRINT:

Winning entries: Geist takes first serial rights for print and non-exclusive electronic rights to post the text at geist.com. All other rights remain with the author.

All publication rights for non-winning entries are retained by the entrants.

Postcards will be returned if requested.

Geist contests are open to all entrants except Geist staff, contract employees, board members and executives of the Geist Foundation.

 

via geist.com