CULTURE: Post-Apartheid Art | AFRICA IS A COUNTRY

Post-Apartheid Art

Art historian John Peffer’s book Art and the End of Apartheid ((University of Minnesota Press, 2009) reveals the manner in which Black artists, or as he nuances the category artists who were influenced by Black Consciousness, were aesthetically and formally “post-apartheid” far in advance of the official political liberalization of the 1990s. He details the significance of artist collectives that produced art, theatre, and criticism in support of the antiapartheid movement, making tremendous inroads into “the look” of art in South Africa, and made an impact on the debates surrounding how art could best address the immediate concerns of the struggle. Instead of treating South African art as “commodities on a supermarket shelf,” his work seeks to communicate how art was actually made, and to detail the lived experiences of those “contemplative” people who made art “during a time of great duress.” Neelika Jayawardane asked him about his research findings.

  

In Art and the End of Apartheid, you are careful to discuss the nuances of work by black South African artists in the decades leading up to 1994. What are the stereotypical notions, often repeated, that you found important to avoid, reveal, and complicate?

One is the tenacious notion that South African artists suddenly became “free” to make Art with a capital “A” after the elections of 1994, as opposed to “political art” during apartheid. I wanted to show that serious aesthetic issues were tackled throughout the struggle years. Black artists like Sekoto and Mancoba (and later Kumalo) were prominent already by the mid-20th century in South Africa, and they built upon earlier forms of cosmopolitanism.

I was also interested in unwinding the notion that “black art” need necessarily be only thought of as a racially separate/separatist category. In one sense this has been useful, most notably during the formative 1960s-1970s years of the Black Consciousness Movement when artists of color and their allies attempted to formulate core values from which to draw inspiration and empowerment. In other respects it has resulted in deepening the rhetorical ghettoization of black artists within the larger art community both in South Africa and abroad. In my research I was interested in exploring the forms of aesthetic hybridity and the socially collective practices that have also characterized the “black art scene” since mid-century–how artists worked within what I refer to metaphorically as “grey areas,” that is, in ways that contradicted the separatist mentality so pervasive during the apartheid years. Black artists (even “BC” artists), I found, were “post-apartheid” far in advance of the official political liberalization of the 1990s. They inherently resisted segregation while striving for excellence and for recognition on their own terms. Along these lines I began my study by interrogating the ghettoizing description of all black artists’ work as “Township art” (a term popularized in the 1960s, and still used in certain quarters today). The term falsely implied that depictions of “black life,” especially images of abject poverty in urban areas, were the only appropriate or viable subjects for black artists.

You are particularly attentive to artist collectives, such as the Thupelo Art Project and the Medu Art Ensemble – something I have not seen addressed before. Can you explain the significance of these collectives? Who funded them, and how were they seen by the aparthied government?

A. Medu has also been explored in some detail by Diana Wylie in her book Art and Revolution: The Life and Death of Thami Mnyele, and in the exhibition and catalogue produced by the Johannesburg Art Gallery, Thami Mnyele + Medu Art Ensemble. Medu was a collective formed by South African activists and artists living over the border in Gaborone, Botswana, and was joined by other allies in the struggle. It was an ANC allied group that produced art, theatre, and criticism in support of the antiapartheid movement. Medu was considered an enemy of the State, and it was raided (and several members murdered) by South African forces in 1985, but not before it had made a tremendous impact on the look of art in South Africa and on the debates surrounding how art could best address the urgent concerns of the struggle.

Thupelo was initially a series of workshops for (mostly, but not only) black artists, begun in Johannesburg in 1985 by David Koloane and Bill Ainslie. It evolved into a loose collective of working artists, many of who are among the more prominent artists working in South Africa today. A later version of Thupelo, now more international in scope, continues to run in Cape Town today. Corporate sponsors and an American NGO called the United States-South Africa Leadership Exchange Program (USSALEP) backed the first workshops, but USSALEP soon dropped out and funding was sporadic after that. Because of the American connection and because abstract art was being explored when groups like Medu were urging artists to show their politics on their sleeves, Thupelo was branded by some at the time as being an US-government sponsored program that promoted American imperialist interests. It never was either.

The South African government tolerated Thupelo, though it did harass some of its participants, notably Koloane and Ainslie. The ANC also gave their tacit support to the project. Government perhaps perceived the project to be “safe” since most workshops emphasized practicing abstract art techniques (i.e. not direct propaganda against the State). The ANC, though, understood the endeavor to be one that offered much needed training and access to black artists, and one that operated within non-racial principles opposed to apartheid segregation.

You address, in particular, individuals such as Durant Sihlali and Santu Mofokeng. What was it about these particular artists that drew your interest?

One of the things I find unsatisfying about so many of the books on South African art is that they treat the artists almost like commodities on a supermarket shelf, each with their own shtick. In my book I wanted to tell a more realistic if less directly celebratory story that would also be more resistant to commoditization. I wanted to show how art has actually been made, and to say something about the lived experience of artists as people during a time of great duress, including some of the infighting and the contradictions. That said, artists are also individuals and in order to give presence to the wider story I needed to focus closely on a few whose art, for me, has had a special potency. Durant Sihlali is not well known abroad, but in South Africa he was one of the most important role models for black and white artists, as a teacher, and as an art maker. He worked from the 1950s until his passing in 2004, and his art in a sense encompassed and surpasses the era of apartheid. His art always resisted current trends. He was a classical watercolorist when others shifted to realism or expressionism. Later he moved to a highly politically and spiritually charged form of abstract painting. By writing his life I also meant to write the experience of a particular era from one contemplative man’s perspective.

Santu Mofokeng’s images have always been quite powerful for me as well. They likewise surprise expectation. When others during the 1980s were making photojournalistic images of violence in the townships, Mofokeng instead did sensitive studies of people in their homes. When others in a sense caught on in the 1990s, and made colorful depictions of people in informal settlements, Mofokeng switched to re-photographing old images from black family albums. Then he got into landscapes, something he was told “black artists never do,” and even European subjects. In my personal view, his work is far more cerebral than much of the current “African photography” showing in the galleries. Other photographers with long histories, like Omar Badsha and Chris Ledochowski, could also be mentioned favorably.

I believe that art in South Africa helped model a future society, and artists of course made this art. I mean, societies don’t make art, individuals do. So by telling about the lives of specific artists like Sihlali or Mofokeng, including the messy contradictions, I am also hoping readers will understand how one lived through apartheid and how one made art to survive it. It helps when certain artists are particularly astute observers as well as technically accomplished craftspersons.

Basically, in the rest of the book I set up the larger scene of the social worlds and the intense politics that surrounded creative activity from mid-century to the 1990s. But especially in my biographical chapter on Sihlali I show how one influential person lived through it. His exceptional life tells us so much about both the self-imposed limitations and ultimately the possibilities faced by the rest of the local art scene.

In regards to your take on the role of documentary photography in South Africa: I’m particularly interested in the role documentary photographs play – often decades later – in the construction of the national narrative. What role do you see images of Mofokeng playing, within this national narrative? How would you compare his subject matter and focus to that of David Goldblatt?

Glad you asked. I am currently writing a short essay on this very theme for the French online journal Africultures. If I ever finish, I will send you the link.

I am not sure Mofokeng fits neatly into the national narrative that has become more rote and hardened since the late 1990s. In a nutshell it goes: 1950s/60s liberation movements and Drum magazine, 1980s struggle photography and Afrapix, post 1994 “art photography.”  Clearly certain of the old images are now removed from their contexts and have become iconic, while others are less known if they don’t fit the dominant narrative. Incidentally, there are whole realms of the photographic that have yet to be studied in depth but which made up much of the visual experience of the people living under apartheid–such as pass book photos, magazine spreads, photo novellas, and portrait images. What I find more worrisome is that the nature of the document itself–the it-ness of the photographic document–is not questioned as it ought to be now that the famous old pictures are now being used to “illustrate” a pat history.

That is why Mofokeng’s images do not mesh well with simplified stories of struggle and overcoming. First of all, his images are too murky looking (what are they “of”?). They are too much about questioning the very bases of representation to be used in a utilitarian way. They are harder to co-opt into a monological and heroic national story.

As for your other question, I would not really want to compare Goldblatt to Mofokeng except to say that Goldblatt has been much more successful internationally and that he did at one time shoot pictures for the mining companies– while Mofokeng worked more closely within the struggle movement. This tells us little, though, about the actual political sympathies of the artists or about the formal qualities of their work. They are both very sensitive observers who are good at insinuating themselves amongst those they depict, and they are both exquisite craftsmen. Perhaps Goldblatt is the more classical/Walker Evans type, while Mofokeng is a philosopher of the visual. But both men have such varied bodies of work that even this distinction is hard to support. I am not convinced of the value of a sustained comparison of these two artists, though perhaps examining specific works together does have some value? As a thought exercise, in my book I suggest setting Mofokeng’s study of Soweto commuters (Train Churches, 1986) alongside Goldblatt’s images of night riders on buses from the KwaNdebele homeland (circa 1985-6). The years are similar, and the subjects seem at first to be related. Mofokeng, who is younger, was advised early on by Goldblatt, a great mentor to many young photographers. Both are poignant studies, and both appear to me to be on the side of the people depicted, yet one seems to be coming more from within the middle of the people seen while the other stands outside looking in with compassion. One is about suffering, the other about overcoming. Both are moving.

What brought your interest in art and photography to South Africa? And what is it about this particular time period that you find necessary/significant to make readers aware about?

I was involved in anti-apartheid efforts during the 1980s when I was a student at Indiana University in Bloomington. As a young person I was interested in making art, in then-current multicultural politics of the Reagan years, and in the contestation of what I saw as arbitrary applications of “race.” I also just fell in love with African art as a student of Professor Patrick McNaughton. Studying modern African art, I found, was a great way to combine all these interests. A Fulbright scholar and grad student in my classes at Indiana, Ashley Ward, showed me the kinds of political art then being made in South Africa (he was from Durban). I thought it was the coolest thing, and no one else was writing about it at the time. That was my initial spark. Contemporary African art was on no one’s radar in the US in the 1980s, so I had to figure the whole thing out for myself. But to me it made perfect sense since I wished the arts had more of a central place in our own political culture. As for South African art abroad, even now it is thought of as just one more global market source for art commodities. Our loss. Because of my past connections I see it so differently. I had to learn the skills of art history in order to know how to do the research, but my commitments have never been to the world of art market, gallery, and museum. I was drawn to South Africa because during the 1970s and 1980s the art scene was quite lively and culture was understood to be central to the struggle for political representation. As I wrote about it, the mobilization of culture helped topple a regime. For my study I wanted to know how that worked out (and what did not work)– and the book scratches beneath the surface in a few critical places such as protest art, censorship, children’s toys, abstract art, bodily distortion. It is of course important to stay on top of what has happened since the 1990s, though I think the study of South African art during late apartheid continues to be useful as a model case for other types of revolutions in other locations.

 

ECONOMICS: Paying Taxes Is For Chumps—G.E.’s Strategies Let It Avoid Taxes Altogether - NYTimes.com

But Nobody Pays That

G.E.’s Strategies Let It

Avoid Taxes Altogether

    General Electric, the nation’s largest corporation, had a very good year in 2010.

    Drew Angerer/The New York Times

    A PRESIDENT’S BUSINESS LIAISON
    In January, President Obama named Jeffrey R. Immelt, General Electric’s chief executive, to head the President’s Council on Jobs and Competitiveness. “He understands what it takes for America to compete in the global economy,” Mr. Obama said.

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    The company reported worldwide profits of $14.2 billion, and said $5.1 billion of the total came from its operations in the United States.

    Its American tax bill? None. In fact, G.E. claimed a tax benefit of $3.2 billion.

    That may be hard to fathom for the millions of American business owners and households now preparing their own returns, but low taxes are nothing new for G.E. The company has been cutting the percentage of its American profits paid to the Internal Revenue Service for years, resulting in a far lower rate than at most multinational companies.

    Its extraordinary success is based on an aggressive strategy that mixes fierce lobbying for tax breaks and innovative accounting that enables it to concentrate its profits offshore. G.E.’s giant tax department, led by a bow-tied former Treasury official named John Samuels, is often referred to as the world’s best tax law firm. Indeed, the company’s slogan “Imagination at Work” fits this department well. The team includes former officials not just from the Treasury, but also from the I.R.S. and virtually all the tax-writing committees in Congress.

    While General Electric is one of the most skilled at reducing its tax burden, many other companies have become better at this as well. Although the top corporate tax rate in the United States is 35 percent, one of the highest in the world, companies have been increasingly using a maze of shelters, tax credits and subsidies to pay far less.

    In a regulatory filing just a week before the Japanese disaster put a spotlight on the company’s nuclear reactor business, G.E. reported that its tax burden was 7.4 percent of its American profits, about a third of the average reported by other American multinationals. Even those figures are overstated, because they include taxes that will be paid only if the company brings its overseas profits back to the United States. With those profits still offshore, G.E. is effectively getting money back.

    Such strategies, as well as changes in tax laws that encouraged some businesses and professionals to file as individuals, have pushed down the corporate share of the nation’s tax receipts — from 30 percent of all federal revenue in the mid-1950s to 6.6 percent in 2009.

    Yet many companies say the current level is so high it hobbles them in competing with foreign rivals. Even as the government faces a mounting budget deficit, the talk in Washington is about lower rates. President Obama has said he is considering an overhaul of the corporate tax system, with an eye to lowering the top rate, ending some tax subsidies and loopholes and generating the same amount of revenue. He has designated G.E.’s chief executive, Jeffrey R. Immelt, as his liaison to the business community and as the chairman of the President’s Council on Jobs and Competitiveness, and it is expected to discuss corporate taxes.

    “He understands what it takes for America to compete in the global economy,” Mr. Obama said of Mr. Immelt, on his appointment in January, after touring a G.E. factory in upstate New York that makes turbines and generators for sale around the world.

    A review of company filings and Congressional records shows that one of the most striking advantages of General Electric is its ability to lobby for, win and take advantage of tax breaks.

    Over the last decade, G.E. has spent tens of millions of dollars to push for changes in tax law, from more generous depreciation schedules on jet engines to “green energy” credits for its wind turbines. But the most lucrative of these measures allows G.E. to operate a vast leasing and lending business abroad with profits that face little foreign taxes and no American taxes as long as the money remains overseas.

    Company officials say that these measures are necessary for G.E. to compete against global rivals and that they are acting as responsible citizens. “G.E. is committed to acting with integrity in relation to our tax obligations,” said Anne Eisele, a spokeswoman. “We are committed to complying with tax rules and paying all legally obliged taxes. At the same time, we have a responsibility to our shareholders to legally minimize our costs.”

    The assortment of tax breaks G.E. has won in Washington has provided a significant short-term gain for the company’s executives and shareholders. While the financial crisis led G.E. to post a loss in the United States in 2009, regulatory filings show that in the last five years, G.E. has accumulated $26 billion in American profits, and received a net tax benefit from the I.R.S. of $4.1 billion.

    But critics say the use of so many shelters amounts to corporate welfare, allowing G.E. not just to avoid taxes on profitable overseas lending but also to amass tax credits and write-offs that can be used to reduce taxes on billions of dollars of profit from domestic manufacturing. They say that the assertive tax avoidance of multinationals like G.E. not only shortchanges the Treasury, but also harms the economy by discouraging investment and hiring in the United States.

    “In a rational system, a corporation’s tax department would be there to make sure a company complied with the law,” said Len Burman, a former Treasury official who now is a scholar at the nonpartisan Tax Policy Center. “But in our system, there are corporations that view their tax departments as a profit center, and the effects on public policy can be negative.”

    The shelters are so crucial to G.E.’s bottom line that when Congress threatened to let the most lucrative one expire in 2008, the company came out in full force. G.E. officials worked with dozens of financial companies to send letters to Congress and hired a bevy of outside lobbyists.

    The head of its tax team, Mr. Samuels, met with Representative Charles B. Rangel, then chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, which would decide the fate of the tax break. As he sat with the committee’s staff members outside Mr. Rangel’s office, Mr. Samuels dropped to his knee and pretended to beg for the provision to be extended — a flourish made in jest, he said through a spokeswoman.

    That day, Mr. Rangel reversed his opposition to the tax break, according to other Democrats on the committee.

    The following month, Mr. Rangel and Mr. Immelt stood together at St. Nicholas Park in Harlem as G.E. announced that its foundation had awarded $30 million to New York City schools, including $11 million to benefit various schools in Mr. Rangel’s district. Joel I. Klein, then the schools chancellor, and Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg, who presided, said it was the largest gift ever to the city’s schools.

    G.E. officials say the donation was granted solely on the merit of the project. “The foundation goes to great lengths to ensure grant decisions are not influenced by company government relations or lobbying priorities,” Ms. Eisele said.

    Mr. Rangel, who was censured by Congress last year for soliciting donations from corporations and executives with business before his committee, said this month that the donation was unrelated to his official actions.

    General Electric: Where Taxes Are a Source of Profits

    General Electric has reduced its federal taxes using a variety of strategies and loopholes built into the tax code. | Related Article »

     

    Defying Reagan’s Legacy

    General Electric has been a household name for generations, with light bulbs, electric fans, refrigerators and other appliances in millions of American homes. But today the consumer appliance division accounts for less than 6 percent of revenue, while lending accounts for more than 30 percent. Industrial, commercial and medical equipment like power plant turbines and jet engines account for about 50 percent. Its industrial work includes everything from wind farms to nuclear energy projects like the troubled plant in Japan, built in the 1970s.

    Because its lending division, GE Capital, has provided more than half of the company’s profit in some recent years, many Wall Street analysts view G.E. not as a manufacturer but as an unregulated lender that also makes dishwashers and M.R.I. machines.

    As it has evolved, the company has used, and in some cases pioneered, aggressive strategies to lower its tax bill. In the mid-1980s, President Ronald Reagan overhauled the tax system after learning that G.E. — a company for which he had once worked as a commercial pitchman — was among dozens of corporations that had used accounting gamesmanship to avoid paying any taxes.

    “I didn’t realize things had gotten that far out of line,” Mr. Reagan told the Treasury secretary, Donald T. Regan, according to Mr. Regan’s 1988 memoir. The president supported a change that closed loopholes and required G.E. to pay a far higher effective rate, up to 32.5 percent.

    That pendulum began to swing back in the late 1990s. G.E. and other financial services firms won a change in tax law that would allow multinationals to avoid taxes on some kinds of banking and insurance income. The change meant that if G.E. financed the sale of a jet engine or generator in Ireland, for example, the company would no longer have to pay American tax on the interest income as long as the profits remained offshore.

    Known as active financing, the tax break proved to be beneficial for investment banks, brokerage firms, auto and farm equipment companies, and lenders like GE Capital. This tax break allowed G.E. to avoid taxes on lending income from abroad, and permitted the company to amass tax credits, write-offs and depreciation. Those benefits are then used to offset taxes on its American manufacturing profits.

    G.E. subsequently ramped up its lending business.

    As the company expanded abroad, the portion of its profits booked in low-tax countries such as Ireland and Singapore grew far faster. From 1996 through 1998, its profits and revenue in the United States were in sync — 73 percent of the company’s total. Over the last three years, though, 46 percent of the company’s revenue was in the United States, but just 18 percent of its profits.

    Martin A. Sullivan, a tax economist for the trade publication Tax Analysts, said that booking such a large percentage of its profits in low-tax countries has “allowed G.E. to bring its U.S. effective tax rate to rock-bottom levels.”

    G.E. officials say the disparity between American revenue and American profit is the result of ordinary business factors, such as investment in overseas markets and heavy lending losses in the United States recently. The company also says the nation’s workers benefit when G.E. profits overseas.

    “We believe that winning in markets outside the United States increases U.S. exports and jobs,” Mr. Samuels said through a spokeswoman. “If U.S. companies aren’t competitive outside of their home market, it will mean fewer, not more, jobs in the United States, as the business will go to a non-U.S. competitor.”

    The company does not specify how much of its global tax savings derive from active financing, but called it “significant” in its annual report. Stock analysts estimate the tax benefit to G.E. to be hundreds of millions of dollars a year.

    “Cracking down on offshore profit-shifting by financial companies like G.E. was one of the important achievements of President Reagan’s 1986 Tax Reform Act,” said Robert S. McIntyre, director of the liberal group Citizens for Tax Justice, who played a key role in those changes. “The fact that Congress was snookered into undermining that reform at the behest of companies like G.E. is an insult not just to Reagan, but to all the ordinary American taxpayers who have to foot the bill for G.E.’s rampant tax sheltering.”

    A Full-Court Press

    Minimizing taxes is so important at G.E. that Mr. Samuels has placed tax strategists in decision-making positions in many major manufacturing facilities and businesses around the globe. Mr. Samuels, a graduate of Vanderbilt University and the University of Chicago Law School, declined to be interviewed for this article. Company officials acknowledged that the tax department had expanded since he joined the company in 1988, and said it now had 975 employees.

    At a tax symposium in 2007, a G.E. tax official said the department’s “mission statement” consisted of 19 rules and urged employees to divide their time evenly between ensuring compliance with the law and “looking to exploit opportunities to reduce tax.”

    Transforming the most creative strategies of the tax team into law is another extensive operation. G.E. spends heavily on lobbying: more than $200 million over the last decade, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. Records filed with election officials show a significant portion of that money was devoted to tax legislation. G.E. has even turned setbacks into successes with Congressional help. After the World Trade Organization forced the United States to halt $5 billion a year in export subsidies to G.E. and other manufacturers, the company’s lawyers and lobbyists became deeply involved in rewriting a portion of the corporate tax code, according to news reports after the 2002 decision and a Congressional staff member.

    By the time the measure — the American Jobs Creation Act — was signed into law by President George W. Bush in 2004, it contained more than $13 billion a year in tax breaks for corporations, many very beneficial to G.E. One provision allowed companies to defer taxes on overseas profits from leasing planes to airlines. It was so generous — and so tailored to G.E. and a handful of other companies — that staff members on the House Ways and Means Committee publicly complained that G.E. would reap “an overwhelming percentage” of the estimated $100 million in annual tax savings.

    According to its 2007 regulatory filing, the company saved more than $1 billion in American taxes because of that law in the three years after it was enacted.

    By 2008, however, concern over the growing cost of overseas tax loopholes put G.E. and other corporations on the defensive. With Democrats in control of both houses of Congress, momentum was building to let the active financing exception expire. Mr. Rangel of the Ways and Means Committee indicated that he favored letting it end and directing the new revenue — an estimated $4 billion a year — to other priorities.

    G.E. pushed back. In addition to the $18 million allocated to its in-house lobbying department, the company spent more than $3 million in 2008 on lobbying firms assigned to the task.

    Mr. Rangel dropped his opposition to the tax break. Representative Joseph Crowley, Democrat of New York, said he had helped sway Mr. Rangel by arguing that the tax break would help Citigroup, a major employer in Mr. Crowley’s district.

    G.E. officials say that neither Mr. Samuels nor any lobbyists working on behalf of the company discussed the possibility of a charitable donation with Mr. Rangel. The only contact was made in late 2007, a company spokesman said, when Mr. Immelt called to inform Mr. Rangel that the foundation was giving money to schools in his district.

    But in 2008, when Mr. Rangel was criticized for using Congressional stationery to solicit donations for a City College of New York school being built in his honor, Mr. Rangel said he had appealed to G.E. executives to make the $30 million donation to New York City schools.

    G.E. had nothing to do with the City College project, he said at a July 2008 news conference in Washington. “And I didn’t send them any letter,” Mr. Rangel said, adding that he “leaned on them to help us out in the city of New York as they have throughout the country. But my point there was that I do know that the C.E.O. there is connected with the foundation.”

    In an interview this month, Mr. Rangel offered a different version of events — saying he didn’t remember ever discussing it with Mr. Immelt and was unaware of the foundation’s donation until the mayor’s office called him in June, before the announcement and after Mr. Rangel had dropped his opposition to the tax break.

    Asked to explain the discrepancies between his accounts, Mr. Rangel replied, “I have no idea.”

    Value to Americans?

    While G.E.’s declining tax rates have bolstered profits and helped the company continue paying dividends to shareholders during the economic downturn, some tax experts question what taxpayers are getting in return. Since 2002, the company has eliminated a fifth of its work force in the United States while increasing overseas employment. In that time, G.E.’s accumulated offshore profits have risen to $92 billion from $15 billion.

    “That G.E. can almost set its own tax rate shows how very much we need reform,” said Representative Lloyd Doggett, Democrat of Texas, who has proposed closing many corporate tax shelters. “Our tax system should encourage job creation and investment in America and end these tax incentives for exporting jobs and dodging responsibility for the cost of securing our country.”

    As the Obama administration and leaders in Congress consider proposals to revamp the corporate tax code, G.E. is well prepared to defend its interests. The company spent $4.1 million on outside lobbyists last year, including four boutique firms that specialize in tax policy.

    “We are a diverse company, so there are a lot of issues that the government considers, that Congress considers, that affect our shareholders,” said Gary Sheffer, a G.E. spokesman. “So we want to be sure our voice is heard.”

     

    A LUTA CONTINUA: Syria—Next Stop Damascus

    By Al Jazeera Staff in on March 25th, 2011.
    Photo by AFP

    As the situation in Syria escalates, we update you with the latest developments from our correspondents, news agencies and citizens across the globe.

    Al Jazeera is not responsible for content derived from external sites.

    AJE Live Stream - Special Coverage: Syria Unrest - Region in turmoil

    (All times are local in Syria GMT+2)
    • Timestamp: 
      11:38pm

      Al Jazeera's Zeina Khodr has this exclusive report from the city of Daraa:  

    • Timestamp: 
      11:30pm

      More extremely graphic footage from Daraa:

    • Timestamp: 
      10:54pm

      Thousands of supporters of president Bashar al-Assad flood the streets of Damascus tonight to counter demonstrations against his regime. Many people drive through town, chanting and honking in support of the president.

    • Timestamp: 
      10:10pm

      In this YouTube clip protesters in the central square of Daraa destroy the portrait of president Bashar Al-Assad: 

    • Timestamp: 
      9:58pm

      More YouTube footage of demonstrations in Homs. The protesters in this clip rip a banner with the image of the late president Hafez Al-Assad to pieces:

    • Timestamp: 
      9:52pm

      A large crowd continues to surround the Al Jazeera bureau in Damascus. The pro-regime protesters are threatening to burn or storm it. 

    • Timestamp: 
      8:58pm

      Alistair Burt, UK's Foreign Office Minister for the Middle East and North Africa, expressed concern about the ongoing violence in Syria:

      I have been watching closely the situation in Syria, and am deeply concerned by the use of force against demonstrators. I condemn the violence that has resulted in a large number of deaths in Deraa. All Syrians have a right to express their views peacefully.

      I call on the Syrian government to respect the people’s right to peaceful protest and to address their legitimate grievances. I call for restraint on all sides but in particular from the Syrian security forces. Violence is never the right answer to these situations.

      I note the statement from the President’s Advisor, Butheina Shabaan, that the Syrian government is looking at political reforms. I call on the Syrian government to implement these proposals without delay and to engage peacefully on the legitimate demands of the Syrian people, who will be looking for action to back up such statements.

    • Timestamp: 
      8:53pm

      Ten people were killed today in clashes between protesters and security forces in the southern Syrian city of Sanamin, a high-ranking official told AFP news agency.

    • Timestamp: 
      8:38pm

      Anas al-Abda, the chairman of the Movement for Justice and Development in Syria, tells Al Jazeera that the pro-regime protests in Damascus are "most probably fabricated and organised by the regime of Bashar Al-Assad".

    • Timestamp: 
      8:15pm

      Maamoun Al-Homsi,a leading Syrian opposition figure, called on the international community to intervene to stop "the massacres against civilians by President Bashar al-Assad's regime" in protests across Syria.

      "There are killed and wounded and those who are arrested in all the provinces," he told Reuters by telephone from Canada, referring to protests that spread beyond the southern town of Daraa on Friday challenging Assad's rule.

    • Timestamp: 
      7:58pm

      The United States calls on the Syrian government to stop violence against demonstrators and the arrests of human rights activists, White House spokesman Jay Carney says.

      We strongly condemn the Syrian government's attempts to repress and intimidate demonstrators.

    • Timestamp: 
      7:52pm

      Some hundred pro-regime protesters are surrounding the Al Jazeera office in Damascus, asking Al Jazeera to air their support for president al-Assad live on TV. If not, they are threatening to storm the office.

    • Timestamp: 
      7:21pm

       

      Security forces killed three people in the Mouadamieh district of Damascus after a crowd confronted a procession of cars driven by supporters of president Bashar al-Assad, residents said.

      "The cars entered Mouadamieh after a protest by residents to denounce the killings in (the southern city) of Deraa," one of the residents said.

       

    • Timestamp: 
      7:03pm

      A map of Syria showing all the cities that saw protests today:File 17946

    • Timestamp: 
      6:57pm

      This image comes from SyrianFreePress's Channel and is yet another reference to president Bashar al-Assad. It also reads. Your turn has come, doctor:
      File 17926

       

    • Timestamp: 
      6:49pm

      This photo of graffiti in Syria was posted on Twitter. It reads: "Your turn has come, doctor" - a reverence to president Bashar Al-Assad, who is also an eye-doctor. File 17906

    • Timestamp: 
      5:43pm

      First video of dead bodies emerges after Syrian security forces open fire on protesters near Daraa WARNING - images in this video might not be suitable for some viewers [Al Jazeera cannot independently verify the authenticity of this footage]:

    • Timestamp: 
      5:33pm

       

      Quick recap of the latest developments: Protests are spreading across Syria.

      In the southern city of Daraa, which has been in revolt for a week, gunfire and tear gas scattered a crowd of thousands after people lit a fire under a statue of late president Hafez al-Assad.

      Al Jazeera aired comments by a man who said security forces had killed 20 people on Friday in the nearby town of Sanamein.

      In Hama, in the centre of the country, where Hafez al-Assad put down an Islamist revolt in 1982 at a cost of many thousands of lives, residents said people streamed through the streets after weekly prayers chanting "Freedom is ringing out!" – a slogan heard in uprisings sweeping the rest of the Arab world.

       

    • Timestamp: 
      5:25pm

      More YouToube footage of the protests - this latest one is from Latakia, where protesters claim at leats one person was killed by security forces [Al Jazeera cannot independently verify the authenticity of this footage]:

    • Timestamp: 
      5:13pm

       

      The Syrian Information Ministry claims that there were armed people among the protestors in Daraa. Security forces were shot at and returned fire, Reem Haddad, an Information Ministry spokesperson, told Al Jazeera.

       

       

    • Timestamp: 
      5:06pm

      Al Jazeera's Rula Amin, reporting from Damascus, says:

      It is escalating very quickly. The protests are spreading throughout Syria. There are several casualties, some people say eight, and some say 20. It is not possible to independently verify these numbers.

    • Timestamp: 
      4:58pm

      A witness and Deraa resident who was at the protest earlier tells Al Jazeera:

      It was peaceful. Protesters tried pull down a statue of president Al-Assad, then the police opened fire on the protesters.

    • Timestamp: 
      4:54pm

      Syrian security forces kill at least 20 people in town of Sanamein, near Deraa, a witness tells Al Jazeera:

      There are more than 20 martyrs .... they (security forces) opened fire haphazardly.

    • Timestamp: 
      4:27pm

      Syria's information minister seems to have missed something. He says the situation is "totally calm" throughout the country. Mohsen Bilal told Spanish radio Cadena Ser: 

      There is a totally peaceful climate in the Syrian towns and the terrorists have been arrested.

    • Timestamp: 
      4:10pm

      Several people were killed on Friday when a demonstration headed to the Syrian protest city of Daraa was raked by gunfire, a human rights activist told AFP news agency.

      Several protesters were killed in a shooting in Sanamen as they were headed toward Daraa.

      The activist requested anonymity. The news could not be confirmed by independent sources or hospitals in the area.

    • Timestamp: 
      4:06pm

      YouTube footage of demonstrations throughout seems to be flooding the web. This latest one is from Deraa [Al Jazeera cannot independently verify the authenticity of this footage]:

    • Timestamp: 
      3:54pm

      More YouTube footage of the demonstrations in Damascus in support for Deraa [Al Jazeera cannot independently verify the authenticity of this footage]

      :
    • Timestamp: 
      3:48pm

      France called for the "rapid and effective implementation" of reforms promised by Syria, including the lifting of the state of emergency in place for nearly five decades. Foreign ministry spokesman Bernard Valero said:

      France has taken note of the reforms announced yesterday by Syrian authorities. We call for the rapid and effective implementation of these measures, including the lifting of the state of emergency and the release of prisoners detained for having participated in protests.

      On Thursday the regime of president Bashar al-Assad announced the release of all activists locked up sinceanti-government demonstrations began a month ago, and said it might scrap the 1963 emergency law.

       

    • Timestamp: 
      3:36pm

      More video is showing up on YouTube of after-prayer protests. This latest one is from Homs. The protesters march in solidarity with the people of Deraa [Al Jazeera cannot independently verify the authenticity of this footage]

      :
    • Timestamp: 
      3:28pm

      Protesters in Deraa are shouting slogans denouncing Maher al-Assad, brother of the Syrian president and head of the Republican Guard, a witness tells Reuters. As they headed to the main square in the city after the funeral of at least five protesters killed by security forces this week, thousands chanted:

      Maher you coward. Send your troops to liberate the Golan

       Israel captured the Golan Heights in a 1967 war.

    • Timestamp: 
      3:21pm

      About 1,000 people rallied in the town of Tel, just north of Damascus, in support of the city of Deraa, and denounced two relatives of president Bashar al-Assad as "thieves", witnesses said.

      At least 44 people have been killed in Deraa in a police crackdown on protests by reformists that began a week ago.

    • Timestamp: 
      3:05pm

      More video of protests in Syria via Facebook - this time in Hama, a city just north of Homs. Hamah was was the scene of a 1982 attack by Syrian security forces that killed thousands. The protesters are chanting for more freedom [Al Jazeera cannot independently verify the authenticity of this footage].

    • Timestamp: 
      2:55pm

      Here is how the Syrian authorities ended a protest in the Grand Ummayad mosque in Aleppo today [Al Jazeera cannot independently verify the authenticity of this footage]

       

       
    • Timestamp: 
      2:35pm
      Al Jazeera's special correspondent, reporting from among the pro-reform demonstrators in Daraa, said: "No one here is calling for a regime change".
      "No one here is chanting slogans against the president Bashar al-Assad. The people here say they want freedom, they want reforms."

       
    • Timestamp: 
      1:55pm
      Human rights campaigners, Syrian intellectuals and other analysts agreed that today will give a clearer indication of whether the rebellion will spread or falter.
      "When Friday is over, we'll have a much better idea what direction this is going in," said one political analyst, who works as an adviser to the government.
    • Timestamp: 
      1:38pm

      There were other, smaller-scale protests held for the first time in Homs, Banias and Deir Ezzor, but they were not dealt with so violently, with demonstrators arrested rather than shot.

      Al Jazeera's Rula Amin, reporting from the capital Damascus, said "it is a new Syria".

    • Timestamp: 
      1:40pm

      Hundreds of Syrian villagers march to Daraa in support of the city, chanting:

      "Freedom is ringing". 

    • Timestamp: 
      1:38pm
      Recap: 

      - Syria's "Day of Dignity" is under way, despite a nationwide security clampdown and a reform pledge by the government  suggesting some of the "just" demands by protesters could be met, including political reforms.


      - In Daraa, at the funeral of six of the victims shot dead by police, protesters called for freedom and for political reform. 

      - No security forces were present at the funerals after an agreement was made with local authorities to stay away.

      - A harsh response by security forces to anti-government demonstrations in Daraa, 100 kilometres south of Damascus, has so far failed to quash protests in the city despite a spiralling civilian death toll since demonstrations began there a week ago. 

      - At least 44 people are believed to have been shot and killed in Daraa by security forces backed by the military since last Friday, with scores more wounded, according to human rights activists and a city hospital official.

    • Timestamp: 
      1:33pm

      A counter demonstration took place by supporters of President Assad, who is facing an unprecedented challenge to his 11 year rule.

    • Timestamp: 
      1:20pm

      Syrian secret police broke up demonstrations in the centre of the Syrian capital and arrested dozens of people, according to witness reports. 

    • Timestamp: 
      1:15pm
      At least 200 people marched in the centre of Damascus after prayers in support of Daraa, scene of protests against Baath Party rule, a witness said.
      "We sacrifice our blood, our soul, for you Daraa," they chanted as they were met by Assad loyalists chanting in support of the Syrian leader.
    • Timestamp: 
      1:11pm

      Al Jazeera's correspondent said:

      "About 100 protesters are marching in Mezze following Friday prayers, chanting freedom freedom, peaceful peaceful...". 

    • Timestamp: 
      1:05pm

      Thousands of mourners chanting for freedom march in Daraa city behind coffins of dead protesters. 

    • Timestamp: 
      1:00pm
      Syrian secret police arrest at least three people in Damascus among marchers in support of Daraa city.

       

      Protesters shouting for freedom gathered in the capital and other areas around the country on Friday as security forces ordered journalists to leave the southern city where a brutal weeklong siege on demonstrations killed dozens of people. 

      Daraa, the main city of southern Syria's drought-parched agricultural heartland, has become a flashpoint for protests in a country whose leadership stands unafraid of using extreme violence to quash internal unrest.
    • Timestamp: 
      12:52pm
      On Thursday, Sheikh Morshed Mashouq al-Khaznawi, a cleric from the predominantly Syrian Kurdish town of Qamishli, described Bashar al-Assad as a "tyrant".
      "People are rising up in the face of the tyrant of Syria, Assad, and his gang, who have oppressed, suppressed and become haughty," he said.

      He called on the Syrian population (in this video message) to "march in support for the revolution of youth" during Friday's 'Day of Dignity'.

    • Timestamp: 
      12:00pm
      Security forces appear to be trying to reduce tension in the southern city of Daraa where authorities launched a deadly, weeklong crackdown on protesters. 

      Syrian troops have dismantled checkpoints in Daraa and there was no visible army presence on the streets for the first time since last Friday.

    • Timestamp: 
      10:53am
      Al Jazeera's Rula Amin, reporting from the capital Damascus, said:
      "We have to remember that the protests have been confined to Daraa, that despite seven days of very strong clashes that resulted in the deaths of dozens of people, the capital and other Syrian towns remain quiet."

      But she stressed the importance of not undermining the planned 'Day of Dignity' protests, saying "Friday is going to be a challenge and a test for the activists and the government".


    • Timestamp: 
      10:16am

      We are hearing reports that president Bashar al-Assad, who faces the most serious unrest of his 11-year tenure, will speak to his nation within the next few hours to try to calm the situation.

      On Thursday, Assad's government pledged to consider lifting some of the country's most repressive laws in an attempt to stop the weeklong uprising in Daraa and prevent it from spreading.

      But many activists rejected those promises and called for demonstrations around the country on Friday. 

       

    • Timestamp: 
      10:00am

      These were the scenes on the streets of Daraa on Wednesday, after security forces stormed a mosque in the southern city:

       

    • Timestamp: 
      9:33am
      Haitham Maleh, a prominent Syrian opposition figure, says the country is "a bomb, ready to explode" as protesters demand freedom and an end to president Bashar al-Assad's "cancerous regime". 

      He told The World Today Thursday's concessions do not go far enough. 

      Maleh, who was released from prison earlier this month under an amnesty for older political prisoners, says his countrymen are ready for a revolution. 

      The 80-year-old lawyer is one of Syria's most prominent human rights campaigners.

    • Timestamp: 
      9:00am

      Authorities in Syria are bracing for the possibility of further protests, following a week of unrest that has left dozens dead in Daraa city.

      Protests have been planned in Daraa and in the nation's capital, Damascus for after Friday prayers. Organisers have dubbed it a "Day of Dignity".

      A statement posted yesterday on the Facebook page "The Syrian Revolution 2011" called for demonstrations in all Syrian provinces. 

      Click here: Syria braces for 'day of dignity' rallies - for more on this story.

       

    • Timestamp: 
      8:48am

      Good morning, welcome to Al Jazeera's live coverage of the continuing unrest in Syria.

    __________________________

    25 March 2011 Last updated at 17:37 ET

    Syria: Protests in

    Deraa, Damascus, Hama and Homs

    Click to play

    Amateur footage sent to the BBC showed people chanting pro-freedom slogans at a rally in Damascus

    Protests have been staged in towns and cities across Syria, including the capital Damascus, a day after the government announced limited changes.

    Unconfirmed reports said a number of people had been killed in at least three separate protests.

    Fresh gunfire was also heard in the city of Deraa, which has become the centre of a serious challenge to the regime of President Bashar al-Assad.

    Amnesty International fears 55 people have died there in the past week.

    The marchers who took to the streets in Deraa on Friday had attended funerals for some of the 25 protesters killed on Wednesday.

    'Peaceful, Peaceful'

    Some of the protesters started a fire under a bronze statue of Mr Assad's father, the late President Hafez al-Assad, witnesses reported.

    Another group of protesters trying to reach Deraa were killed in the nearby village of Salamen when security forces opened fire.

    A government official confirmed that at least 10 protesters had died, although witnesses said up to 20 people had been killed.

    In Damascus, around 1,000 were reportedly continuing a protest into Friday night, vowing to stay until their demands had been met.

    Earlier, hundreds marched on King Faisal Street chanting: "Peaceful, Peaceful, God, Syria, Freedom."  

    +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

    Analysis

    image of Lina SinjabLina Sinjab - BBC News, Damascus

    The situation has escalated today, with demonstrations across the country.

    Thousands of protesters are marching in Deraa, chanting for freedom.

    They are criticising a presidential adviser who said they were protesting because they were hungry. "Deraa people are not hungry, we want freedom," they are saying.

    In Damascus, one demonstration was broken up by security forces. Many people were arrested and protesters brutally beaten.

    Earlier, we tried to visit Deraa but we were stopped by security forces and sent back to Damascus.

    I think the worse it becomes, the more anger there is.

    The barrier of fear has been broken in Syria and people don't want to be silenced any more.

    Things could have been solved peacefully but after the violence last week and again today, it feels like a betrayal of yesterday's promises.

    +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++


    This protest was broken up by security forces and many were arrested, reports say.

    Another protest reported to the BBC by an eyewitness took place around al-Rifai near Qasar Sousah Square.

    Supporters of Mr Assad were also staging large protests in the capital, and clashes erupted between the two sides.

    In the central city of Hama, hundreds of people were said to have gathered on the city streets to chant "freedom".

    In 1982, the Syrian army put down an uprising led by the Muslim Brotherhood in Hama. Rights groups believe that tens of thousands of civilians were killed when large parts of the city were destroyed in the military assault.

    In Tall, witnesses quoted by the Reuters news agency said about 1,000 people had rallied to show their support for the Deraa protesters, and were chanting slogans denouncing members of the ruling Assad family.

    Demonstrations which ended in violence were also reported in the cities of Latakia and Homs. One person was killed in each place, the Associated Press news agency quoted an activist as saying.

    There were also protests in Banias and Dahel, AFP reported.

    Changes promised

    On Thursday, the Syrian government said it would consider political reforms, including the possible ending of emergency laws introduced in 1963.

    Map

    The government also said it would put on trial those suspected of killing several protesters in Deraa.

    Mr Assad later ordered the release of everyone arrested during the "recent events", state media said.

    Presidential spokeswoman Bouthaina Shaaban blamed outside agitators for whipping up trouble, and denied that the government had ordered security forces to open fire on protesters.

    But she said this "did not mean mistakes had not been made".

    'Appalling and brutal'

    UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has telephoned Mr Assad to urge restraint and underline Syria's obligation to respect the fundamental rights of its citizens.

    In the US, White House spokesman Jay Carney said Washington was deeply concerned at what was happening.

    "We strongly condemn the Syrian government's attempts to repress and intimidate demonstrators," Mr Carney said.

    Amnesty also condemned the treatment of demonstrators.

    "The excessive force apparently again being used by security forces is the latest example of the Syrian authorities' appalling and brutal response to recent dissent, and make their pledge to investigate the violence sound rather hollow," said spokesman Philip Luther.

    "If the words we heard from the Syrian government yesterday are to mean anything, they must immediately issue clear orders to restrain the security forces to prevent further loss of life."

    >via: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-12858972

     

    __________________________

     

     

     

     

     

     

    PUB: Submissions to New Rivers Press

    The American Fiction Prize

    American Fiction: The Best Unpublished Short Stories by Emerging Writers, twice chosen by Writers' Digest as one of the best places in the United States to publish fiction, will be open to submissions from Feb. 1, 2011, to May 1, 2011, (postmark date).

     


    First Prize: $1,000
    Second Prize: $500
    Third Prize: $250

     

    Entry Fee: $12/story

     

    Contest winners and finalists will be published by New Rivers Press in fall 2012 and distributed nationally by The Consortium.

    Winners and finalists will be announced by September 2011.

    Finalist Judge: Josip Novakovich
    This year’s judge, Josip Novakovich, moved from Croatia to the U.S. at the age of twenty. He has published a novel, April Fool's Day (published in ten languages), three story collections (Infidelities: Stories of War and Lust, Yolk, and Salvation and Other Disasters) and three collections of narrative essays. His work was anthologized in Best American Poetry, the Pushcart Prize collection, and O. Henry Prize Stories. He has received the Whiting Writer's Award, a Guggenheim fellowship, two National Endowment for the Arts fellowships, the Ingram Merrill Award, and an American Book Award, and he has been a writing fellow of the New York Public Library. He teaches creative writing at Concordia University in Montreal.

     

    Contest Guidelines:


    Submit electronically:

    http://newriverspress.submishmash.com/Submit

    -or-

    Mail entries:
    American Fiction Prize
    151 Glenwood Street
    Manchester, CT 06040

    We accept all genres of unpublished literary fiction. Entries must be: unpublished; strictly 7,500 words or less; postmarked or received electronically between Feb. 1, 2011, and May 1, 2011;  clearly marked "American Fiction Prize" on both the story and the outside of the envelope if the submission is sent through the mail; accompanied by a $12 entry fee per story (make checks payable to American Fiction). Please include a cover page with your name, story title, mailing address, and email address. Do not include your name on the pages of the story. Please ensure all stories are typed, double-spaced, and that the title and page number appear on each page. In lieu of an email address, please include a self-addressed, stamped envelope.

    We welcome multiple entries ($12/story). For entries outside the U.S.: please send entry fee in U.S. currency or money order. While we cannot return manuscripts, we will forward a list of the winning stories to any entrant who includes an SASE; as well, we will e-mail contest updates to anyone who provides an active e-mail address. Entrants retain all rights to their stories.

     

    Please e-mail any questions to americanfictionprize AT gmail DOT com 

    Thank you for your interest, and good luck!

     

     

     

     

     

    PUB: SFC Literary Prize

    Home  >  SFC Literary Prize  
    St. Francis College is pleased to announce the opening of submissions for our second, biannual St. Francis College Literary Prize. The St. Francis College Literary Prize is meant to offer encouragement and significant financial support to a mid-career writer. Our award prize is $50,000. Our 2011 Prize will be awarded for an outstanding 3rd to 5th book of published fiction. We will consider books published from July 2009 to May 2011.  Self-published books will be considered for award consideration as will English translations.

    A short list will be announced in mid-August 2011. The winner will be announced at the Brooklyn Book Festival in September 2011. 

    The deadline for entries is May 1, 2011.

     

    Inquiries can be made via email to Ian Maloney at: imaloney@stfranciscollege.edu 

     

    Submissions (6 copies) should be mailed to:

     

    Professor Ian Maloney
    Department of English
    St. Francis College
    180 Remsen Street
    Brooklyn, NY 11201

     

    PUB: Contest — Mason's Road

    Contest

    Creative Writing Contest: $1,000 Prize and Publication

    Finalist Judge: TBD (Guest Author)

    Mason’s Road will award a $1,000 prize to the best piece of creative writing published in Issue #3, and will include the following genres:

    • Fiction
    • Creative Non-Fiction
    • Poetry
    • Drama

    Our acclaimed guest judge (TBD) will anonymously judge the 10 finalists selected by our readers in each genre. While there will undoubtedly be finalists in each genre, we will only award one prize. For Issue #3, we are looking for submissions that engage us in considering the opportunities and complexities of “arc”— the rise and fall of dramatic tension, whether subtle or steep, upward or downward, singular or recurrent, that draws the reader in (and keeps him or her there).

    • 10 Contest Finalists will be notified by the managing editor by e-mail.
    • The Contest Winner will be notified by the managing editor by e-mail, invited to read their award-winning work at our next Mason’s Road event, and will be awarded the $1,000 prize at the event; if s/he is unable to attend, the check will be sent by mail.
    • Please note the Submission Guidelines and reading period, as they apply to the contest as well.
    • For any questions regarding the contest please contact Managing Editor Tess Brown at ManagingEditorTess@Gmail.com.

    You do not need to enter our contest to be considered for publication in Mason’s Road; however, only contest candidates will be considered for the $1,000 prize, focusing on our writing craft theme for this issue.

    To enter the contest:

    1) Please post a comment on your favorite published piece in Mason’s Road – the current or past issue – and/or make a posting on our blog regarding any element of the writing craft.

    2) Go to our Submissions Manager to pay the $15 reading fee through PayPal and then upload your submission.

    Submit by May 1, 2011

    Best of Luck! Thank you!

     

    A LUTA CONTINUA: The Freedom To Be

    Free Gender

    by Sokari on March 18, 2011

    in LGBTIQ, Queer Politics, South Africa, Township Stories

    Free Gender is a blog by a group of 14 young Black Queer South Africans, living in Khayelitsha, Cape Town.  The group was started by Funeka Soldaat in 2008.   One of the main focuses of the group is to campaign for justice for  Zoliswa Nkonyana who was brutally murdered on February 4th 2006 by a gang of 20 men and Millicent Gaika who was beaten and raped on the 6th April 2010.

    With the support of Funeka and visual activist,  Zanele Muholi, the group started the blog as a way of documenting their lives, their challenges and hopes.   The group have no funding but still their vision is to build a supportive community for themselves based on mutual teaching and learning.   Through the blog they are developing their writing, journalistic and photographic skills.   The next step is the young women want to extend their community to include  young queer women of colour in Europe and America with the aim of building alliances and learning from each other.

    Last Monday the group held a rally outside the parliamentary building in Cape Town to demand the government take concrete and meaningful action against the rape of Black lesbians in the Townships.

    Held in their left hands were wooden crosses that symbolize crucifixion – brutal killings that our lesbians friends have encountered at the hands of perpetrators and further face revictimization at the hands of police who often stall the cases.
    Speaking to one supporter who said that “We are here because want our parliament to recognize ‘us’ and our needs”. Another speaker spoke of …

    Unlike other previous protests that took place in the past at various places like Khayelitsha Magistrate court (for Zoliswa Nkonyana’s case) and Wynberg Magistrate court (in support of Millicent Gaika) who survived curative rape in 2010, the rally was a silent one. No struggle songs sung which suggests anger, pain, irritation and impatience cause by several delays, lost cases, worsened by lost cases and other matters thrown out of court due to what justice system call ‘lack of evidence.’

    __________________________

    Dead lesbians can’t vote

    2011 March 14: Plein Street, Parliament. Cape Town. South Africa

    That was the message written in one of the handwritten posters exhibited at the rally created by Free Gender (a black lesbian organization based in Khayelitsha). One should ask questions how can people whose rights are infringed vote to the upcoming elections when they are repeatly victimized and killed in their townships. Let alone being refused citizenship when they report those crimes.


    It is clearly true that victims like Zoliswa Nkonyana, whose case is still unresolved. Zoliswa was stoned to death in February 2006, Khayelitsha. Sizakele Sigasa & Salome Masooa callously murdered in 2007, Meadowlands, Soweto. Eudy Simelane who was brutally murdered in April 2008 in KwaThema, Springs. Maduo Mafubedu who was killed in April 2007, Alexandra township. There are unfortunate cases like those of Millicent Gaika, survivor of curative rape that happened in April 2010, Gugulethu. Gaika became the face of survivors, which is one of the major cases that led to the parliament meeting and rally today.


    Just like how ‘dead bodies don’t bleed.’ Any woman will know that especially those whose children are victimized on daily basis in the townships because of their sexuality.

    Taxi strike did not stop members of Cape Town organizations – Community Based Organizations (CBOs) like Free Gender, which is an under resourced organization that push a political agenda for black lesbians in Khayelitsha and surrounding areas. Alongside FG were some Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) who attended the silent RALLY FOR ACTION ON CORRECTIVE RAPE held at the Cape Town Parliament. It is important to mention that those who are in the forefront were black lesbian youth, mostly unemployed amongst others who have dedicated their lives to the movement for our freedom.

    In a join statement issued on behalf of Law Society of the Northern Provinces (Gender Committee); Masimanyane Women’s Support Centre; Rape Crises; Lulekisizwe; Triangle Project; Women’sNet…


    They call upon the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development to immediately establish a commission to:
    - research the nature and scale of ‘corrective rape’
    - to develop a set of recommendations for action supported by existing legislation and policy requirements for crimes of this nature;
    - to provide sufficient resources for the suggested recommendations; and
    - to establish ad hoc committees to deal with the urgent needs of Civil Societies in their support of the victims/ survivors who they support

    The number of attendees outside the parliament boardroom was low in comparison to that of March 5, 2011 Cape Town pride parade. Let alone the ridiculous number of those who were present at the Zoliswa Nkonyana’s memorial on February 5, 2011 held at Masibambane Hall, Harare, Khayelitsha. The attendance and interests of these highlighted political events proved to show that only those who are concerned/ affected the most by these atrocities are not the elites who are absent today. The class, race and sexuality politics that persist in our LGBTI community also cause further segregation. Those who live on the margins of the society and usually affected by violence risked their lives and exposed their faces and covered their mouths with texted labels written ANGER, SCARED, STRESSED, SCARRED, …


    Others messages ranged from, :” Dead lesbians can’t vote”, … “President Zuma save black lesbians from curative rapes”… “ In defense of sexual orientation”,
    Minister Radebe says: I am very “deeply” concerned about ‘corrective rape’
    Minister Radebe: Does absolutely nothing…

    Held in their left hands were wooden crosses that symbolize crucifixion – brutal killings that our lesbians friends have encountered at the hands of perpetrators and further face revictimization at the hands of police who often stall the cases.
    Speaking to one supporter who said that “We are here because want our parliament to recognize ‘us’ and our needs”. Another speaker spoke of …

    Unlike other previous protests that took place in the past at various places like Khayelitsha Magistrate court (for Zoliswa Nkonyana’s case) and Wynberg Magistrate court (in support of Millicent Gaika) who survived curative rape in 2010, the rally was a silent one. No struggle songs sung which suggests anger, pain, irritation and impatience cause by several delays, lost cases, worsened by lost cases and other matters thrown out of court due to what justice system call ‘lack of evidence.’

    Speaking with some of the protesters who remained outside.
    NB: All the names of those who responded to the questions are kept to protect their identities.

    Speaker 1
    You have been here since this morning, how do you feel about the attendance of today?
    I’m angry. Not of the fact that people have come out. Why I’m angry is that we’ve been to two courts. One in Wynberg and other one in Khayelitsha, I have never seen colour there, diversity is not happening where those court cases are happening.

    Speaker 2
    I am amazed by how people prioritized these things because American people are here and every white people have to be around. Tomorrow (15-03-2011) we will be in Wynberg and it is going to be us and also in Khayelitsha, also is going to be just us.
    So it is like, this shows the gap between those over the mountain and behind the mountain. So it is always like that.

    Speaker 1
    There is lot of media coverage. When we want media coverage in Khayelitsha we do not get that. We want media coverage in Wynberg we don’t get that.
    What is the difference today? Yet we are all fighting for the same cause but is because when someone else not from South Africa is calling…

    Question: Last month you had Zoliswa’s memorial in Khayelitsha and how was that event different from this rally?
    You see there is one thing for me, this is a norm you begun not to be surprised sometimes. It depends on who is involve in something and you will see a lot of people.
    But there’ll always be that divide between those who have and those who do not have.
    It is always going to be like that. How cute we can make it, how beautiful we can make it but at the end it is about those who have and those who do not have.

    Question: Today you decide not to sing, why is that?
    Today we wanted to speak with our Minister, we have wanted to do that for a long time and how things are happening in South Africa. We felt that we were being left out. We are so silenced, cos we don’t know who is inside and going on what and about what. So we felt that singing cannot be part of this.

    Speaker 2
    When you sing you always show joy or you send a statement.
    As you’ve noticed that there is a lot of silence from people coming from the townships.
    In some way it is showing anger because the justice system, when we’ve been talking for so long, especially when we’ve talking and begging and begging. But what is happening today because the Justice Minister is pressurized by the outside world they have decided to come and listen. So, it means we are not recognized in our own country.

    Speaker 3

    When asked one of the supporters the reason for silence, she said….
    “I’m tired of that when black people enter spaces, we talk about struggle that we make noise in a sense that cut off other people. This is what defines us – black people their singing equals noise. It does not even connect with other people… they don’t connect to the songs that people are singing. They don’t even understand the history of resistance. I think it is time for us to sometime also be silent in these spaces and hopefully it gives us find the visibility and let people question more about how black people enter spaces and why they need to enter spaces.

    When asked of her presence in different spaces where she attended different cases and her response on today’s attendance and the people who were present and no longer present at this minute.
    She said, “That is when our struggle become political. I think it was very predictable. I saw people actually – literary taking out their cameras and saying ‘this is for facebook’ and then they walked off. For me it is extremely cynical, that your struggle becomes a moment and not a process. It becomes an event and then you walk off… Some of the representation for me is bullshit. But for me that is why I say there is no LGBTI community because it doesn’t exist. It is divided around race lines, gender lines, sexuality lines, class lines… and I think we begin to name these things. Because we ourselves always keep white people accountable. When I’m talking about black, where are the coloured people for example… it is certain kind of (black) identity… nobody is responsible for their own experiences.
    Why for me they say corrective rape is a black thing. What is black?
    It happening in all our communities, people are violently opposed to gay identities.
    It is going to keep on happening – until you have two minute noodle… approach politics it out of that and then they walk off. People are going back home and have same experiences. They don’t have water and for me it is more than just you’ve raped me. They don’t have food to it. They don’t have jobs. They keep on being bust in from other people resources. Pay me five rand and then you walk off. That is not enough!
    We need to say that.

    There are different posters with messages and there is one in particular that says:
    170,000 signatures from 163 countries against hate crimes. Does that come from your organization?

    I think this process was driven outside of this country. People have a meeting today with the Justice committee. It could not have happened if it did not come from outside.
    We have been boycotting from 5 – 6 years now asking for exactly the same thing, asked him to meet with us and say this is what we want to see change in our townships and did not get that. Somehow some organization based in America put the face of a black lesbian on a website without asking her permission without realizing that they are raping her all the time face goes around, that is why there are 170,000 signatures they were because it was so sensationalized. That is why I think we have this kind of white visibility in our space today. But we have been at Khayelitsha court since 2006 and we are now at Wynberg court but where are they in those courts. They are nowhere.
    For me in a sense that petition means nothing. In sense that things in Khayelitsha court has changed, one prosecutor against 9 perpetrators – what does that mean!

    … that petition says black men are rapists and all black lesbians are victims.
    That’s the kind of problem I have with that. I guess different kinds of people express themselves differently, I understand that but it is not the kind thing I want to support.
    Not all black lesbians have access to a computer to add their names to a petition and it is totally irrelevant to the lived experience.

    Even though it has been evident in our mainstream media that the face of callous murders and curative rapes in black townships is a black lesbian. There was a concern from a speaker from outside -
    “We don’t know who is speaking inside and about what”. If one was fortunate enough and have access to internet one will know agenda points. It is unfortunate because it would be someone speaking on behalf of others. We don’t know how she is going to express the anger and urgency of that message. We really don’t know who is inside because there is no mandate that has been given to anyone to talk on behalf of us.”

    Those who were inside the parliament mention seemed content with the message they received from Tlali Tlali who represented the absent Minister of Justice, Jeff Radebe. At the time of their parliament departure, there was only one survivor of curative rape present outside and the groups that came earlier vacated the space.

    Till further notice… the meeting was good and they are possibilities… Read Cape Times on 15/03/2011 for Tlali Tlali’s response to the meeting.

    For photos click on:
    http://www.facebook.com/album.php?aid=2115226&id=1223456677#!/photo.php?fbid=1944406209520&set=a.1944383688957.2115226.1223456677&theater

    South Africa has more than sufficient cases that occurred in the recent past and that gives the Minister of Justice more grounds to work on towards the enactment of anti-hate crime legislation. Once that is implemented, we hope that the Minister of Health will prioritize research for women who have sex with women (WSW) and their vulnerability to HIV/AIDS pandemic since most women are survivors of ‘curative rapes’ and also sexual reproduction rights that will include lesbians should be put in place.

    On the 15th March 2011, the Wynberg Magistrate court will have the hearing of Millicent Gaika’s case.

    by FreeGender reporter

     

    __________________________

    2011 March 9: … not shy & ashamed

    We’re here

    They were here
    and they are still here
    and they will always be here
    those who are not shy and ashamed
    of what, they proudly gay and lesbian

    They were here… and
    they are still here … and
    will always be here
    abo bakholwayo … bazaziyo
    ukuba injongo zabo ziyinina
    ngobom’

    Abo banembeko, banembeko, banentlonipho
    hayi ubumnandi obungaka
    ukuba sistabane, hayi ubunzima esiphila phantsi kwabo
    kulomzantsi Afrika

    Mara sizohlala sikhona
    asizutshintsha ngenxa yabadlwenguli, abagrogrisi, ababulali
    nongqondo gqwirha

    We will always be here no matter what
    Killing and raping us is not a solution
    Niyazisokolisa manene
    Cos we are what we are
    and we will always be here!

    by Zikhona S’bulele Moloinyana – STRAND
    March 2011

     

     

     

     

     

     

    EVENT: Design Conferences & Festivals—Pushing Digital Boundaries > African Digital Art

    Difficult Love / foto: Zanele Muholi

    Design Conferences

    & Festivals


    Here are some of the design conferences and festivals happening or just happened :

    Design Indaba / Cape Town : Feb 2011

    Design Indaba presents a plethora of design talks and  focuses on conscience design innovations, ways to improve our environment and products we make and our future by designing sustainably and with good aesthetic. It’s a conference that packs a lot with impressive & inspirational speakers from all over the world and as well as an expo that displays some of the best design products in South Africa. Design Indaba just also introduced their videos now available for all!


    Toffie / Cape Town : 24th – 26th March 2011

    Toffie is a pop culture and design festival / conference. Hosting a variety of  speakers: designers / illustrators from around South Africa and abroad. Alex Trochut will even teach a workshop on typography.


    Cinem Africa / Sweden : 23- 28th March 2011

    A Film & Animation Festival in Sweden that showcases a number of films from Africa. Their list is extensive and worth looking at.  Cinem Africa does an impressive job to source films and content from within the continent.  A peek into some of the documentaries show is Stocktown X South Africa.  Its a sequel to a 2003 documentary that Swedish directors Teddy Goitom and Benjamin Taft  took on a road trip across South Africa. They met fashion designers, punk bands, artists and guerilla film makers who all redefine what it means to be young independent and South African in the twenty-first century .

    Some of the short animations showing are :

    Bhovas & Sam

    Domestic Disturbance


    and more:

    __________________________

    Cinemafrica film festival 2011

    Startsida  Filmer

    Filmer

    SPELFILMER


    a_screaming_man A Screaming Man
    Ett starkt fader-son-drama som vann jurypriset vid 2010 års Cannesfestival. Ett nytt mästerverk av Mahamat-Saleh Haroun från Tchad.
    Läs mer - Trailer 

    fespaco_sml Fespaco Surprise
    Fespaco är den största filmfestivalen på den afrikanska kontinenten. Den äger rum strax innan vår festival. Vi är där och hämtar hem det absolut senaste filmerna.
    Läs mer

    ije_viva_sml Ijé - Viva Riva!
    Vi vill meddela att den nigerianska filmen Ijé utgår. Men istället har vi lyckats komma över en fantastisk film från DR Kongo. Viva Riva!
    Läs mer

    kandisha_sml Kandisha
    Krypande obehaglig skräckfilm med stämning lånad av Hitchcock, inspelad i fantastiska marockanska miljöer och med nedtonat skådespeleri – i gränslandet mellan verklighet och det övernaturliga.
    Läs mer - Trailer

    keita_sml Keita - The Heritage of the Griot
    Dani Kouyatés långfilmsdebut återberättar legenden om Soundiata från 1200-talet. Filmen väver samman den traditionella berättelsen med det moderna livet i staden Ouagadougou.
    Läs mer

    life_aboveall_sml Life, Above All
    Life, Above All är en sällsynt stark och vacker berättelse om en 12-årings mod och om all den kärlek som finns mellan mamman och hennes äldsta barn. Sydafrikas bidrag till Oscarsnominering 2011.
    Läs mer- Trailer

    little_senegal_sml Little Senegal
    Den gamle mannen Alloune beslutar sig en dag för att bege sig till USA för att leta reda på sin familjs rötter. Rasism mellan afrikaner och svarta amerikaner och oväntad kärlek är några av de saker han upptäcker.
    Läs mer - Trailer

    outside_sml Outside the Law
    Storslaget drama om tre algeriska bröder i Paris fattigkvarter och om deras engagemang i kampen mot den franska kolonialmakten. Oscarsnominerad för bästa utländska film 2011.
    Läs mer - Trailer

    paradise_sml Paradise Stop
    Charmig komedi om den godtrogna polisen och hans vän myspappan/affärsmannen. En lastbilskapning spelar en central roll. Huvudrollerna spelas av två av Sydafrikas stora filmstjärnor, Rapulana Seiphemo och Kenneth Nkosi.
    Läs mer - Trailer
     
    peg_smal Pegasus
    Rihana är en ung kvinna från landsbygden som har blivit intagen på en psykiatrisk klinik efter en traumatisk händelse.
    Läs mer - Trailer  


    shuga_sml Shuga
    En inblick i ett gäng ungdomars liv i Nairobis hippa kretsar. I centrum finns Ayira, en ung reklamstudent som vet att använda sitt utseende och sin ”sex appeal” för att nå sina mål.
    Läs mer - Trailer 

    sinking_sands Sinking Sands
    Välgjort, psykologiskt drama om det vackra medelklassparet Jimah och Pabi som har livet framför sig tills en olycka inträffar och allting rasar.
    Läs mer - Trailer


    dreamsof_sml The Dreams of Elibidi
    Lustfylld och ovanlig film om livet i Nairobis slum, om kärlek, drömmar och – inte minst – om fördomar och vanföreställningar kring HIV.
    Läs mer 


    flight_smal The Last Flight of the Flamingo
    I den lilla staden Tizangara i Moçambique, några år efter krigsslutet, flyter det mesta på i lugn takt, tills plötsligt en efter en av FNs fredsbevarande soldater börjar explodera. Baserat på en roman av Mia Couto.
    Läs mer - Trailer

    theplace_sml The Place in Between
    En gripande och lågmäld film om en ung kvinna som lämnar Frankrike för att resa till Burkina Faso och söka efter sin mamma och sina rötter.
    Läs mer - Trailer


    viva_small Viva Riva!
    Viva Riva! är en tät och välregisserad actionfilm som med sitt stilsäkra tempo, musik och kostym för tankarna till Souleymane Cissés 70-talsklassiker Baara.
    Läs mer - Trailer

    DOKUMENTÄRER

     
    artofthisplace_sml Art of this Place: Women Artist in Cameroon
    Om att vara kvinna och konstnär i Kamerun. De berättar om sina målningar, skulpturer och konsthantverk – och genom att tala om sin konst berättar de också om hur det är att vara kvinna och konstnär i Kamerun.
    Läs mer - Trailer

    difficult_sml Difficult Love
    Om fotografen Zanele Muholi och hennes strävan att genom foton dokumentera sitt samhälle och sin verklighet som lesbisk svart kvinna i dagens Sydafrika.
    Läs mer 

    koundi_sml Koundi and the National Thursday
    En speciell betraktelse över livet i byn Koundi i östra Kamerun. Kameran verkar osynlig, ingen bryr sig om vårt förlängda öga, och det görs inga försök att förklara vad vi får se. Långsamt vaggas vi in i Koundi-bornas livsrytm.
    Läs mer 

    sheng_sml Shungu: The Resilience of a People
    Shungu ger en inblick i ett land som vi sällan får annat än korta notiser ifrån. Det handlar om Zimbabwe och dess människor.
    Läs mer 


    stocktown Stocktown X Sydafrika
    De svenska dokumentärfilmarna Teddy Goitom och Benjamin Taft åker på en roadtrip genom Sydafrika och skildrar den livfulla, sociala och kreativa samtidskulturen i Sydafrika idag.
    Läs mer - Trailer

    taxi_sml Taxi Sister
    Taxi Sister är en dokumentär skildring av den kvinnliga taxichauffören Bourys vardag i Dakar, Senegal.
    Läs mer 


    16man_sml The 16th Man
    En välgjord dokumentär om hur rugby - den vita mannens sport - fick en viktig roll i Sydafrikas övergång från rasistisk förtryckarstat till demokrati.
    Läs mer - Trailer 

    witches_sml The Witches of Gambaga
    En uppskakande och välgjord dokumentär om tron på häxkraft som fortfarande är stark i vissa områden i Ghana. Filmen ställer relevanta frågor om politikers flathet och om kopplingen mellan tradition och kvinnors ställning.
    Läs mer - Trailer 

    KORTFILMER


     
    atrophy_sml Atrophy
    Bild, poesi och musik smälter samman i en denna kortfilm som tar sin utgångspunkt i Palesa Shongwes minnen av sin uppväxt i ett land där utrymme och fri rörelse var en lyx reserverad för en privilegierad minoritet.
    Läs mer

    lazare_sml Lezare
    En gripande och avslöjande kortfilm om det ofrånkomliga valet mellan en ”quick fix” och långsiktig hållbarhet, gestaltat av en föräldralös pojke som är desperat efter en bit bröd att äta.
    Läs mer 

    palered_sml Pale Red
    Tonåriga Shaima bor tillsammans med sin mormor och slits mellan sin familjs stränga religiösa uppfostran och sin vilja att utforska sin egen kvinnlighet.
    Läs mer 

    metaphore_sml The Cassava Metaphor
    Krypande obehagligt om en kvinna som stiger in i en taxi och långsamt förvandlas. En berättelse om hur medmänsklighet får stå tillbaka för materiella behov.
    Läs mer 

    lastpass_sml The Last Passenger
    En finstämd historia om en man som tar farväl av sina två stora, men obesvarade, kärlekar. I huvudrollerna ser vi några av Algeriets främsta skådespelare.
    Läs mer 

    wave_sml Wave
    Om hur en mormors version av sanningen förändras allteftersom hennes älskade sonson växer upp.
    Läs mer 

    ANIMERADE FILMER

     
    bhovas Bhovas and Sam
    Bhovas och Sam är två jyckar som växt upp under tuffa omständigheter. Ett riktigt hundliv, som de övervinner med vänskap, talang och drömmen om att erövra världen med sina Kwaito beats.
    Läs mer 

    bon_voyage_sml Bon Voyage Sim
    Enkelt och elegant om en padd-president i padd-folkets land. Bon Voyage är en humoristisk kommentar om extravaganta ledare i fattiga länder.
    Läs mer 

    chickento_sml Chicken to Change
    Musikvideo med gruppen Freshlyground som innehåller en fräck utmaning riktad mot Zimbabwes ledare Mugabe.
    Läs mer 


    coma_sml Coma
    De dödas kroppar försöker ta sig ur dödens rike och återfinna livet. De drivs av en oemotståndlig lust att leva och nostalgi till livet.
    Läs mer 


    domestic Domestic Disturbance
    Pilotavsnittet av en animerad komediserie för kenyansk tv om en familj i storstaden, med familjeliv, vardagsbestyr och utmaningar som vi alla kan känna igen oss i.
    Läs mer 

    galiw_smal Galiwango
    Galiwango är en 3D-animation om en föräldralös bergsgorilla och de utmaningar han möter när han som bebis säljs på svarta marknaden till djursmugglaren Musawo.
    Läs mer 

    honyan_sml Honayn’s Shoe
    En arabisk folksaga om nomaden Honayn som tillsammans med sin trogna kamel går vilse i öknen när han letar efter sin sko.
    Läs mer 


    iwa_sml Iwa
    Gudarna har skapat en lång rad själlösa figurer med uppgiften att bygga en stad. Men en av dem, stenbrytaren, nöjer sig inte med sin enformiga lott.
    Läs mer 

    jungle_sml Jungle Beat
    Jungle Beat är en serie med korta animationsfilmer med djur i huvudrollerna som råkar ut för bisarra situationer. Som biet som är pollenallergiker och giraffen som har höjdskräck.
    Läs mer

    justaband_sml Just A Band
    Iwinyo Piny, Hey, Funky Fine Beautiful är animerade musikvideor med Just A Band, ett house/funk/disco-band från Kenya. Bandets medlemmar är musiker, animatörer, dj:s, fotografer, sociala entreprenörer, mm.
    Läs mer 

    granmother_sml Mother of the Grandchildren
    En berättelse om Elisa vars son och åtta hustrur alla har dött och efterlämnat 14 barnbarn som mormor Elisa får ta hand om.
    Läs mer 


    tatu_smal Tata and Tutu / ZA News
    Kontroversiell och bitande politisk satir i dockteater-form med Nelson Mandela och Desmond Tutu.
    Läs mer 


    essence_sml The Essence
    En bonde, vars isolerade samhälle har drabbats av svält och förtvivlan, ber till gudarna om hjälp. Han får svar – men inte riktigt det han förväntade sig.
    Läs mer 


    greedy_sml The Greedy Lords of the Jungle
    The Greedy Lords of the Jungle, en allegori över européernas framfart i Afrika.
    Läs mer 

    three_husbands_sml

    The Woman with Three Husbands
    En berättelse om Fatoo som försöker välja en passande äkta make av tre möjliga män. Vem kommer till slut att vinna hennes hjärta?
    Läs mer