VIDEO + INTERVIEW: Saul Williams

Watch: Saul Williams  - “Explain My Heart”

It’s been three years since Saul Williams’ last Trent Reznor-produced album dropped as an In Rainbows-esque free-or-five-dollar release, and now the poet/singer/rapper’s first official follow-up LP is on the way. Speaking to Miles Marshall Lewis, Williams revealed that his latest studio effort, Volcanic Sunlight, was recorded in Paris (where he’s been living since last year), and will arrive via Sony France this spring.

“There is a lot of fun to be had when you try and fit as many words as you can within a three-minute song,” Williams told Dazed Digital alongside the premiere of his new “Explain My Heart” video, “but there is also a lot of fun in trying to get that message across in three words, or better yet when the music can overpower the words and convey something really pure and perfect that affects our psycho-emotional space.”

Enjoy the City of Light-based clip above and read more about his other projects, including a film about Miles Davis, here.

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SAUL WILLIAMS: EXPLAIN MY HEART VIDEO EXCLUSIVE

 PUBLISHED ON FRIDAY

The outspoken spoken word artist and celebrated musician unveils his new video and talks sonic weapons, energy transference and creating musical alchemy

The celebrated punk-poet, provocateur and sometime university lecturer Saul Williams is quietly preparing to launch his third socio-political aural assault on the senses this summer, and the new protest culture couldn’t be more in need of an injection of his astute, intelligent and emotive sounds. The first track leaked from his hugely anticipated forthcoming album Volcanic Sunlight is “Explain My Heart”, and it has been causing feverish excitement among his legions of loyal fans. When Saul hit town this week to play a sold-out show in east London, he called us up to say that we could exclusively premiere the video. Understandably, we took some serious time out to find out why the idiosyncratic career of the man once widely known as Niggy Tardust seems to be on the perpetual rise.

Dazed Digital: How much does your new album reflect the ways in which you have evolved as a musician in the last few years?
Saul Williams: It’s a little more about the simple process of transferring or conveying energy. I used a lot of words in the past because I felt like I needed a lot of words to say what I was trying to say, although what I was trying to say was actually really simple. There is a lot of fun to be had when you try and fit as many words as you can within a three-minute song, but there is also a lot of fun in trying to get that message across in three words, or better yet when the music can overpower the words and convey something really pure and perfect that affects our psycho-emotional space.

Dazed Digital: Do you think there are certain things one can reach for in music that connect with us on a profound physiological and spiritual level?
Saul Williams: Yeah. It’s that spiral of sound that Plato talked about. If you look at the octave scale and the scale of the chakra energy centres, it is that same thing of going upwards. The oldest prayers known to the ancient Egyptians and so on employed music to take you through all these different energy centres, because different pitching and tempos cause different vibratory responses. In the past, one thing I was often trying to do was create really upbeat music for people to mosh to, or whatever, in the hope that they would then hear something in the lyrics – you know, the way a soldier in tank might be listening to it and hear something in the lyrics that makes him hold his fire. Now, it’s not so much about figuring out the alchemy of that, but celebrating the alchemy of that: it’s s as simple as wanting to lift spirits.

Dazed Digital: It’s interesting you make a military analogy as sonic weapons are very much being talked about in warfare...
Saul Williams: Fela Kuti said, ‘Music is the weapon of the future.' It’s true. There are soundwaves that can make the earth vibrate and respond the same way a piano cord would if you plucked it. If we have the capacity with technology to create earthquakes with sound, then we can have the psycho-equivalent of that in music – you can make someone laugh, you can make someone cry and you can help someone get it. You can flick that switch on that helps them look at their life in a different way.

Dazed Digital: Would you say that wanting to switch people on to something really drives you?
Saul Williams: In very subtle, humble ways, the most any of us can do is play our part. How big or small that part is something we have no real control over, but we should try and play it. When Obama gave his Nobel Prize speech, he said what we are witnessing in the Middle East and so on will not change in our lifetimes, but when I think about those things, I think, ‘That is something I would like to see change in my lifetime! In the same way that I saw apartheid end in my lifetime.’ I believe that what happens with Jewish and Palestinian people can change but the fact is that we can’t rely on politics to bring about those kind of changes. The responsibility is really on us to do it through art and music.

Dazed Digital: Sadly, most artists don’t share that conviction, even hip hop has become totally assimilated into the mainstream over the last decade...
Saul Williams: When hip hop happened it was a powerful bearer of identity, and I think the through line of hip hop is that it is about confidence: if you look at rappers they always seems to have to be a little boastful; they always seem to have to have a certain amount of braggadocio. That was important in the beginning, it allowed people that felt disenfranchised to stand up, do it and say I told you so. It fought to be accepted and it was accepted, but once it was accepted there came the cookie cutter way of doing it. It’s just a process of becoming pop, and there is nothing wrong with that, but I lost interest. Everything that came afterwards was a wave of purebred Americanism – the ingrained cultural thing of celebrating the wrong idea of the hero. That goes way back to the whole cowboy thing – we made all those cowboy films, and we were always conditioned to root for the cowboys, even though they raped and murdered and stole. Look at the rise of a George Bush and the rise of a 50 Cent and you are looking at the same paradigm – the rise of a cowboy, or the rise of a gangster.

>via: http://www.dazeddigital.com/music/article/9484/1/saul-williams-explain-my-hea...

 

PUB: Call for submissions

Literature Review of the African Diaspora in the UK

Here is an opportunity that I think someone in the UK Diaspora might be interested in. Have a read on the details and apply if you are so qualified. This looks like a great opportunity to learn more about the activities of the Diaspora. Take note of the deadline for submitting applications: February 14, 2010.

Comic Relief is inviting tenders from interested parties to undertake a review of the literature on the African Diaspora based in the UK and their role in international development.


Expressions of interest should be sent to:  Rupal Mistry at
r.mistry@comicrelief.com no later than 14 February 2010.

Purpose and Objective

The primary objective of this consultancy is to provide Comic Relief with a detailed picture of the research undertaken and literature published to date on the African Diaspora in the UK and their role in international development in sub-Saharan Africa.

This consultancy will enable Comic Relief to build a picture of the international development activities of the African Diaspora in the UK and will feed into other elements of the Common Ground Initiative, in particular the communications and advocacy and influencing work. It is intended that this work will form the first phase of a longer study and will provide the basis for the commissioning of a series of more focused studies.

Methodology

The work will be desk based. The consultant will review research and latest evidence from academic, political and non-government sectors, synthesise and critique the findings, and highlight areas requiring further investigation. It is also suggested that the consultant hold short interviews with key informants to build up an understanding of the anecdotal evidence within the sector of the role played by the UK based African Diaspora in international development.

Areas to be explored through the literature review:

  • The different ways in which the African Diaspora in the UK are organised, grouped, clustered or networked and whether or not there are any similarities in approaches to development based on typology
  • The kind of development related activities African Diaspora in the UK are engaged in – thematic areas of implementation, e.g. remittance, business, service delivery (health, education etc), and the different approaches being used
  • The scale of this activity – local or community based, district, national,  and specific regions across the continent
  • The ways in which they are working with communities in Africa – the types of relationships they build
  • The level of engagement that the African Diaspora in the UK groups or individuals have with other stakeholders, communities in the UK and Africa, other NGO’s, governments, policymakers
  • Examples of best international practice – in terms of relationships, activities, governance
  • The level of interest, engagement and support of politicians and policymakers in relation to the “Diaspora and Development” agenda
  • Any specific policy- level changes (both in the UK and in Africa) driven by the African Diaspora based in the UK
  • The type of funding that UK based Diaspora entities have accessed

Deliverables

A detailed literature review report (maximum 30 pages, plus executive summary and annexes) structured as:

  • Executive summary of key findings and recommendations
  • Methodology
  • Key Findings –in relation to areas to be explored, what is known, ongoing research  and donor initiatives
  • What don’t we know: information and research gaps,  differences of opinion/ current debates
  • Implications for Comic Relief and its stakeholders
  • Conclusions and recommendations – summary of findings, suggested further actions for donors, practitioners and researchers
  • Appendices – List of articles and reports reviewed

The Consultant should submit the final report in both hard copy and electronic versions.

Timeframe

The consultancy will take place between March and May 2011. The draft report should be received by Comic Relief within 30 working days of the commencement of the consultancy with an additional month to receive comments and finalise the report.

Required qualifications and skills

Contractors would need to have:

  • Ideally a postgraduate level qualification in relevant discipline
  • An understanding of migration and international development
  • Experience of working with BME communities in the UK
  • Good analytical skills and attention to detail
  • Ability to communicate effectively in English, both verbally and in writing

Comic Relief is committed to diversity in all of our contracts and tenders. The successful contractor will be expected to uphold the principles of respect and open engagement throughout their work with us.

 

PUB: Indie Book Awards

Call For Entries

Calling all indie book authors and publishers - including small presses, mid-size independent publishers, university presses, e-book publishers, and self-published authors.

Entries are now being accepted for the 2011 Next Generation Indie Book Awards (the "Indie Book Awards"), the most exciting and rewarding book awards program open to independent publishers and authors worldwide who have a book written in English and released in 2010 or 2011 or with a 2010 or 2011 copyright date. The Indie Book Awards is presented by Independent Book Publishing Professionals Group (www.IBPPG.com).

With 60 categories to choose from, enter by March 2, 2011 (all books must be received in our offices by March 2, 2011) to take advantage of this exciting opportunity to have your book considered for cash prizes, awards, exposure, possible representation by a leading literary agent, and recognition as one of the top independently published books of the year!

Awards given to the Finalists and Winners of the 2011 Indie Book Awards are:

  • $1,500 Cash Prize and trophy awarded to the best Fiction Book
  • $1,500 Cash Prize and trophy awarded to the best Non-Fiction Book
  • $750 Cash Prize and trophy awarded to the second best Fiction Book
  • $750 Cash Prize and trophy awarded to the second best Non-Fiction Book
  • $500 Cash Prize and trophy awarded to the third best Fiction Book
  • $500 Cash Prize and trophy awarded to the third best Non-Fiction Book
  • $250 Cash Prize and trophy awarded to the Best Design Book entry
  • $100 Cash Prize and a Gold Medal awarded to the winner of each of the 60 categories
  • Finalist Medals will be awarded to up to three finalists in each of the 60 categories

Click here to find out what else the Finalists and Winners of the 2011 Indie Book Awards will receive.

Click here to go to Entry Guidelines

Click here to go directly to the Online Entry Form

 

PUB: WOW! Women On Writing Quarterly Flash Fiction Contest

WINTER 2011 FLASH FICTION CONTEST

OVERVIEW:

WOW! hosts a (quarterly) writing contest every three months. The mission of this contest is to inspire creativity, communication, and well-rewarded recognition to contestants. The contest is open globally; age is of no matter; and entries must be in English. We are open to all styles of writing, although we do encourage you to take a close look at our guest judge for the season (upper right hand corner) and the flavor of our sponsor, if you are serious about winning. We love creativity, originality, and light-hearted reads. That's not to say that our guest judge will feel the same... so go wild! Express yourself, and most of all, let's have some fun!

WORD COUNT:

Maximum: 750

Minimum: 250

The title is not to be counted in your word count. We use MS Word's word count to determine the submitted entry's word count.

PROMPT:

OPEN PROMPT!

That’s right, this is your chance to shine, and get creative. You can write about anything, as long as it’s within the word count and fiction. So, dig out those stories you started way back when and tailor them to the word count.

We’re open to any style and genre. From horror to romance! So, get creative, and most of all, have fun.

Click to Download the WINTER 2011 FLASH FICTION Contest Terms & Conditions PDF

CONTEST DEADLINES:

FALL: September - November 30th Midnight (Pacific Time) - CLOSED

WINTER: December - February 28th, Midnight (Pacific Time) - NOW OPEN!

SPRING: March - May 31st, Midnight (Pacific Time) - CLOSED

SUMMER: June - August 31st, Midnight (Pacific Time) - CLOSED NOW OPEN!-->

ENTRY FEE: $10.00

This is not a reading fee. Entry fees are used to award our 20 winners as well as administrative costs.

We are limiting the number of entries to a maximum of 300 stories. Please enter early to ensure inclusion. If we reach 300 entries, we will disable the PayPal buttons.

Buy Entry Only: $10.00 CLOSED-->

Buy Entry Only: $10.00

Have you entered our contest before?
Yes! No, this is my first time Can't remember...
What's the title of your story

OR

Buy Entry with Critique: $20.00 CLOSED

--> Buy Entry with Critique: $20.00

ADDITIONAL OPTION: Due to popular demand, we now have two options for your entry. For an additional $10.00 you can now purchase a critique of your contest entry.

Have you entered our contest before?
Yes! No, this is my first time Can't remember...
What's the title of your story

Upon the close of our contest, and after the winners are announced, you will receive a critique from one of our round table judges on three categories:

  • Subject
  • Content
  • Technical

You will be provided with your scores (1-5) in each category, and personal editorial feedback for each category as well. Please be patient upon the close of our contest and allow time for our editors to thoroughly critique your piece. We send out critiques after the contest winners are announced to ensure fairness.

PRIZES: 25 WINNERS TOTAL!

FIRST PLACE:

  • $300.00 cash prize (We raised the cash prize by $50 this season!)

     

  • $25 Amazon Gift Certificate

     

  • An e-book pack

     

  • Entry published on WOW! Women On Writing

     

  • Interview on the WOW! Women On Writing Blog

SECOND PLACE:

  • $200.00 cash prize (We raised the cash prize by $50 this season!)

     

  • $25 Amazon Gift Certificate

     

  • An e-book pack

     

  • Entry published on WOW! Women On Writing

     

  • Interview on the WOW! Women On Writing Blog

THIRD PLACE:

  • $100.00 cash prize (We raised the cash prize by $50 this season!)

     

  • $25 Amazon Gift Certificate

     

  • An e-book pack

     

  • Entry published on WOW! Women On Writing

     

  • Interview on the WOW! Women On Writing Blog

7 RUNNERS UP:

  • $25 Amazon Gift Certificate

     

  • An e-book pack

     

  • Entry published on WOW! Women On Writing

     

  • Interview on the WOW! Women On Writing Blog

10 HONORABLE MENTIONS:

  • $20 Amazon Gift Certificate

     

  • An e-book pack

     

  • Name, state, and title entry published on WOW! Women On Writing

 

Click to Download the WINTER 2011 FLASH FICTION Contest Terms & Conditions PDF

You will need Adobe Acrobat Reader to view the PDF. Download the latest version at http://www.adobe.com

Please read the contest terms & conditions in full before submitting your entry. Please make sure you read the FAQ (Frequently Asked Questions) before sending us an email.

Please Note: Previous winners who placed 1st, 2nd, or 3rd are allowed to reenter all contests!

Best of luck!

 

 

INFO The New Black Atlantic | AFRICA IS A COUNTRY

The New Black Atlantic

The writer EC Osondu’s first book, Voice of America, was published this month. He won the 2009 Caine prize for African Writing, and currently teaches at Providence College in Rhode Island. He wrote about his top 10 list of immigrant tales for The Guardian. For him, “… in-betweenness–that state of neither fish nor fowl, mortal nor spirit–is also fascinating, and is of course the existential state of the immigrant. He is not fully of this place yet he is no longer of that.” As for the list, it includes “My Odyssey: An autobiography” by Nnamdi Azikiwe, who was Nigeria’s first post-independence president (“… It was a shock to me therefore on coming to Zik’s autobiography to discover that he had been quite despondent and had come close to suicide in his student days in America”), “On Black Sisters’ Street” by Chika Unigwe, “Harare North” by Brian Chikwava (“… this novel tears away the veil and allows us see immigrant/exile life in its nakedness”), “The Beautiful Things That Heaven Bears by Dinaw Mengetsu, and “Becoming Abigail” by Chris Abani.

Read Osondu’s full list here.

Neelika Jayawardane.

 

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EC Osondu's top 10 immigrants' tales

Jhumpa Lahiri and Junot Díaz are among the works chosen by the US-based Nigerian author that best reflect the existential "in-betweenness" of the immigrant

Immigrants' talesRosa Ayala, an El Salvador native who has lived in Los Angeles for 27 years, pokes out from her sign before an immigration rally in Los Angeles, May 1, 2006. Photograph: Chris Pizzello/Reuters

EC Osondu was born in Nigeria. He won the 2009 Caine prize for African Writing. He currently teaches at Providence College in Rhode Island. Voice of America, published this month and praised by Jonathan Franzen as the work of "a clear head and a great ear, writing from crucial places", is his first book.

  1. Voice of America
  2. by EC Osondu
  3. Buy it from the Guardian bookshop

Buy Voice of America from the Guardian bookshop

"I have always been fascinated by how an individual is – or is not – changed by a new environment. I explore this in my stories, not just from the point of view of those coming to the west for the first time, but also the westerner in Africa. I think Jhumpa Lahiri's phrase Unaccustomed Earth is such a neat expression because it captures this state of being succinctly. In-betweenness – that state of neither fish nor fowl, mortal nor spirit - is also fascinating, and is of course the existential state of the immigrant. He is not fully of this place yet he is no longer of that."

1. My Odyssey: An autobiography by Nnamdi Azikiwe

Larger-than-life stories swirled around the Right Honourable Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, Nigeria's first president. One had it that he was handed the keys to the Atlantic Ocean by the departing British colonialists and told that he could use them to unlock the Atlantic and allow it unleash its fury. But the ever-so-magnanimous Zik threw them back into the ocean instead. It was a shock to me therefore on coming to Zik's autobiography to discover that he had been quite despondent and had come close to suicide in his student days in America. The great Zik had also held down the following not so great jobs – dishwasher, potato peeler, car-wash attendant, elevator boy, kitchen hand and waiter.

2. The House of Sand and Fog by Andre Dubus III

In this novel, Iranian immigrant Massoud Behrani fixes his dreams on buying a house, which would allow him to live with his family with some dignity, with a long-term plan to renovate, sell it and prosper. Sadly for him, the pursuit of this particular American dream quickly turns into a gut-wrenching tragedy.

3. Unaccustomed Earth by Jhumpa Lahiri

My favourite story in this collection is "Only Goodness", which captures the fears and dreams of the immigrant all too well: the attempt to live vicariously through the next generation; the burden placed on doing well, on succeeding: the pressures to assimilate yet remain true to one's origins and culture.

4. The Lonely Londoners by Sam Selvon

This book is the novelistic equivalent of Lord Kitchener's hit calypso song Sugar Bum Bum. Loneliness remains the perennial boon companion of the immigrant. While fascinated by the novel's special argot I am even more taken by the resilience of the characters and their never-say-die attitude as they find their feet in the brave new world that was the England of the 1950s.

5. Drown by Junot Díaz

I like the fact that the stories in this collection begin in the Dominican Republic and end in America. In a way the reader also becomes a virtual immigrant as he journeys with the characters. The mock-imperative tone used in the story "How to Date a Brown Girl (Black Girl, White Girl, or Halfie)" is laugh-out-loud funny and wise.

5. On Black Sisters' Street by Chika Unigwe

Someone once pointed out to me some really splendid buildings in Nigeria and proudly announced that they were built by hardworking Nigerian girls who were working really hard in Italy. I would have liked to have given him this novel, which chronicles the harrowing lives of young African prostitutes in Europe and what they have to sacrifice and suffer to put up that huge mansion that this fellow was ever so proud to point out to me.

6. Becoming Abigail by Chris Abani

This novella, written in language that soars and sometimes attains the sublimity of poetry, is another sad tale. The heroine Abigail who, like her Biblical namesake, is surrounded by foolish men, is sent to the UK to live with a fake relative who tries to turn her towards prostitution. Her refusal to be a victim, to be brave and to act with some agency makes this a memorable read.

7. A Squatter's Tale by Ike Oguine

Few people have read this hilarious novel but one read is all you need to become a fan. Uncle Happiness lumbers onto the scene from America with a big bag of gifts and tall tales about a land akin to Sugar Candy Mountain. When the protagonist Obi's job with a finance house folds up he flees to the US to join Uncle Happiness, only to discover that the stories about America were far from accurate.

8. The Beautiful Things That Heaven Bears by Dinaw Mengetsu

First off – what an evocative title! This story of an Ethiopian immigrant who flees his country's communist regime and opens a shop in Washington DC'S Logan Circle fascinates me in the way it overturns and complicates our ideas of what drives the immigrant – pursue the American dream, succeed, succeed, succeed. This protagonist is not so desperate to succeed – not even at love.

9. Harare North by Brian Chikwava

When Chikwava won the Caine Prize in 2004 for his story "Seventh Street Alchemy", the judges said he writes "in English with African characteristics". Chikwava invents a whole new argot for the narrator of this novel. The opening scene, in which the narrator stares down his sister-in-law and makes her pay for his train ticket, is a trip. More importantly, this novel tears away the veil and allows us see immigrant/exile life in its nakedness.

10. Chicago by Alaa Al Aswany

One of the older émigrés in this book has only curses for Egypt, the land of his birth, but finds himself cursing his adopted country, the United States, when he discovers that his young daughter has run away with her American boyfriend. This of course is the eternal dilemma of the immigrant – always in-between, never completely of here, nor of there.

EC Osondu will be reading from and talking about his stories at London's South Bank Centre on Monday 31 January 2011.

>via: http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/2011/jan/26/e-c-osondu-immigrants-tales

 

 

 

 

PALESTINE: Egypt's uprising and its implications for Palestine > ei + Palestine Papers

Egypt's uprising and its implications for Palestine
Ali Abunimah, The Electronic Intifada, 29 January 2011

 

Egyptians call for Mubarak's ouster at Tahrir (Liberation) Square in Cairo, 29 January 2011. (Matthew Cassel)

We are in the middle of a political earthquake in the Arab world and the ground has still not stopped shaking. To make predictions when events are so fluid is risky, but there is no doubt that the uprising in Egypt -- however it ends -- will have a dramatic impact across the region and within Palestine.

If the Mubarak regime falls, and is replaced by one less tied to Israel and the United States, Israel will be a big loser. As Aluf Benn commented in the Israeli daily Haaretz, "The fading power of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak's government leaves Israel in a state of strategic distress. Without Mubarak, Israel is left with almost no friends in the Middle East; last year, Israel saw its alliance with Turkey collapse" ("Without Egypt, Israel will be left with no friends in Mideast," 29 January 2011).

Indeed, Benn observes, "Israel is left with two strategic allies in the region: Jordan and the Palestinian Authority." But what Benn does not say is that these two "allies" will not be immune either.

Over the past few weeks I was in Doha examining the Palestine Papers leaked to Al Jazeera. These documents underscore the extent to which the split between the US-backed Palestinian Authority in Ramallah headed by Mahmoud Abbas and his Fatah faction, on the one hand, and Hamas in the Gaza Strip, on the other -- was a policy decision of regional powers: the United States, Egypt and Israel. This policy included Egypt's strict enforcement of the siege of Gaza.

If the Mubarak regime goes, the United States will lose enormous leverage over the situation in Palestine, and Abbas' PA will lose one of its main allies against Hamas.

Already discredited by the extent of its collaboration and capitulation exposed in the Palestine Papers, the PA will be weakened even further. With no credible "peace process" to justify its continued "security coordination" with Israel, or even its very existence, the countdown may well begin for the PA's implosion. Even the US and EU support for the repressive PA police-state-in-the-making may no longer be politically tenable. Hamas may be the immediate beneficiary, but not necessarily in the long term. For the first time in years we are seeing broad mass movements that, while they include Islamists, are not necessarily dominated or controlled by them.

There is also a demonstration effect for Palestinians: the endurance of the Tunisian and Egyptian regimes has been based on the perception that they were strong, as well as their ability to terrorize parts of their populations and co-opt others. The relative ease with which Tunisians threw off their dictator, and the speed with which Egypt, and perhaps Yemen, seem to be going down the same road, may well send a message to Palestinians that neither Israel's nor the PA's security forces are as indomitable as they appear. Indeed, Israel's "deterrence" already took a huge blow from its failure to defeat Hizballah in Lebanon in 2006, and Hamas in Gaza during the winter 2008-09 attacks.

As for Abbas's PA, never has so much international donor money been spent on a security force with such poor results. The open secret is that without the Israeli military occupying the West Bank and besieging Gaza (with the Mubarak regime's help), Abbas and his praetorian guard would have fallen long ago. Built on the foundations of a fraudulent peace process, the US, EU and Israel with the support of the decrepit Arab regimes now under threat by their own people, have constructed a Palestinian house of cards that is unlikely to remain standing much longer.

This time the message may be that the answer is not more military resistance but rather more people power and a stronger emphasis on popular protests. Today, Palestinians form at least half the population in historic Palestine -- Israel, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip combined. If they rose up collectively to demand equal rights, what could Israel do to stop them? Israel's brutal violence and lethal force has not stopped regular demonstrations in West Bank villages including Bilin and Beit Ommar.

Israel must fear that if it responds to any broad uprising with brutality, its already precarious international support could start to evaporate as quickly as Mubarak's. The Mubarak regime, it seems, is undergoing rapid "delegitimization." Israeli leaders have made it clear that such an implosion of international support scares them more than any external military threat. With the power shifting to the Arab people and away from their regimes, Arab governments may not be able to remain as silent and complicit as they have for years as Israel oppresses Palestinians.

As for Jordan, change is already underway. I witnessed a protest of thousands of people in downtown Amman yesterday. These well-organized and peaceful protests, called for by a coalition of Islamist and leftist opposition parties, have been held now for weeks in cities around the country. The protesters are demanding the resignation of the government of Prime Minister Samir al-Rifai, dissolution of the parliament elected in what were widely seen as fraudulent elections in November, new free elections based on democratic laws, economic justice, an end to corruption and cancelation of the peace treaty with Israel. There were strong demonstrations of solidarity for the people of Egypt.

None of the parties at the demonstration called for the kind of revolutions that happened in Tunisia and Egypt to occur in Jordan, and there is no reason to believe such developments are imminent. But the slogans heard at the protests are unprecedented in their boldness and their direct challenge to authority. Any government that is more responsive to the wishes of the people will have to review its relationship with Israel and the United States.

Only one thing is certain today: whatever happens in the region, the people's voices can no longer be ignored.

Ali Abunimah is co-founder of The Electronic Intifada, author of One Country: A Bold Proposal to End the Israeli-Palestinian Impasse and is a contributor to The Goldstone Report: The Legacy of the Landmark Investigation of the Gaza Conflict (Nation Books).


Related Links

Latest articles on EI:

Palestine : Opinion/Editorial: From the front lines of the Egyptian uprising (30 January 2011)
Palestine : Multimedia: Video: Mass uprising in Cairo's Imbaba neighborhood (30 January 2011)
Palestine : Opinion/Editorial: Egypt's uprising and its implications for Palestine (29 January 2011)
Palestine : Diaries: Live from Palestine: Palestinians in Gaza react to Egypt, Tunisia uprisings (29 January 2011)
Palestine : Internet & Technology: Mubarak regime shuts down Internet in futile attempt to stop protests (28 January 2011)
Palestine : Activism News: Egypt protesters defy curfew despite brutal repression (28 January 2011)
Palestine : Human Rights: Golan Heights activist: "We dream of freedom" (28 January 2011)
Palestine : Role of the Media: PA undermined accountability for Gaza victims, papers reveal (27 January 2011)
Palestine : Opinion/Editorial: The Palestine Papers and the "Gaza coup" (27 January 2011)
Palestine : Activism News: Palestinian students claim right "to participate in shaping of our destiny" (27 January 2011)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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The story behind the Palestine papers

How 1,600 confidential Palestinian records of negotiations with Israel from 1999 to 2010 came to be leaked to al-Jazeera

 

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Seumas Milne and Ian Black on what the Palestine papers tell us Link to this video

The revelations from the heart of the Israel-Palestine peace process are the product of the biggest documentary leak in the history of the Middle East conflict, and the most comprehensive exposure of the inside story of a decade of failed negotiations.

The 1,600 confidential records of hundreds of meetings between Palestinian, Israeli and US leaders, as well as emails and secret proposals, were leaked to the Qatar-based satellite TV channel al-Jazeera and shared exclusively with the Guardian. They cover the period from the runup to the ill-fated Camp David negotiations under US president Bill Clinton in 2000, to private discussions last year involving senior officials and politicians in the Obama administration.

The earliest document in the cache is a memo from September 1999 about Palestinian negotiating strategy. It suggests heeding the advice of the Rolling Stones: "You can't always get what you want, but if you try sometimes you might find you can get what you need." The final one, from last September, is a Palestinian Authority (PA) message to the Egyptian government about access to the Gaza Strip.

The Palestine papers have emerged at a time when a whole era of Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, starting with the Madrid conference in 1991, appear to have run into the sand, opening up the prospect of a new phase of the conflict and potentially another war.

In particular, they cover the most recent negotiations, before and after George Bush's Annapolis conference in late 2007 – when substantive offers were made by both sides until the process broke down over Israel's refusal to freeze West Bank settlement activity.

The bulk of the documents are records, contemporaneous notes and sections of verbatim transcripts of meetings drawn up by officials of the Palestinian negotiation support unit (NSU), which has been the main technical and legal backup for the Palestinian side in the negotiations.

The unit has been heavily funded by the British government. Other documents originate from inside the PA's extensive US- and British-sponsored security apparatus.

The Israelis, Americans and others kept their own records, which may differ in their accounts of the same meetings. But the Palestinian documents were made and held confidentially, rather than for overt or public use, and significantly reveal large gaps between the private and stated positions of Palestinian and, in fewer cases, Israeli leaders.

The documents – almost all of which are in English, which was the language used by both sides in negotiations – were leaked over a period of months from several sources to al-Jazeera. The bulk of them have been independently authenticated for the Guardian by former participants in the talks and by diplomatic and intelligence sources.

The NSU – formally part of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) – is based in the West Bank town of Ramallah under the chief Palestinian negotiator, Saeb Erekat. It has drawn heavily on the expertise of Palestinian-American and other western-trained diaspora Palestinian lawyers for technical support in negotiations.

In the case of one-to-one talks between Israeli and Palestinian leaders – especially between Mahmoud Abbas and the then Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert – NSU officials were not present, but reports on the outcome of the encounters were often given later to the unit and records made.

After the breakdown of the Camp David talks, which Clinton and Israeli leaders blamed on Yasser Arafat and a lack of technical Palestinian preparation, Palestinian leaders went to great lengths to ensure that the fullest records and supporting documents were drawn up for later talks. Among NSU staff, the Arab-American lawyer Zeinah Salahi drew up many of the meeting records, while others were made by the French-Palestinian lawyer Ziyad Clot, author of a book about the negotiations, Il n'y aura pas d'Etat Palestinien (There will be no Palestinian state).

The role of the NSU in the negotiations has caused tensions among West Bank-based Palestinian leaders and officials, and widespread resentment about the salaries paid to its most senior managers, notably Adam Smith International's Andrew Kuhn, who stepped down from running the unit last year.

But as the negotiations have increasingly been seen to have failed, and the Ramallah-based PA leadership has come to be regarded by many Palestinians as illegitimate or unrepresentative, discontent among NSU staff has grown and significant numbers have left. There has also been widespread discontent in the organisation at the scale and nature of concessions made in the talks.

Among NSU staff cited in the documents, Salahi now works for the US embassy in Cairo, Clot has returned to France and Rami Dajani works for Tony Blair in his role as the Middle East quartet's envoy. Kuhn is working elsewhere for Adam Smith International, including on projects in Afghanistan.

In response to the leaks, PA and PLO leaders such as Saeb Erekat can be expected to point out that one of the core principles of the negotiations is that "nothing is agreed until everything is agreed". As such they are not necessarily committed to provisional positions that in the event failed to secure a settlement – though Erekat made clear to US officials in January 2010 that the same offers remained on the table.

Critics are likely to argue that concessions – such as accepting the annexation of Israeli settlements in occupied East Jerusalem – are simply pocketed by the Israeli side, and risk being treated as a starting point in any future talks.

Some Fatah leaders are likely to accuse al-Jazeera of having an anti-PA agenda by publishing the leaked documents, which they believe will benefit their Hamas rivals, backed by Iran — as shown in critical comments about the TV station in the documents themselves.

Relations between al-Jazeera, the most widely watched TV channel in the Middle East, and the PA leadership have often been strained after it has run reports regarded by the administration as hostile – as is the case with regimes throughout the region.

The documents have been redacted to remove details such as email addresses, phone numbers or other information that could identify those who leaked them.

>via: http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article11762.shtml#

 

 

 

 

 

 

EGYPT: Fearlessly Walking The Revolutionary Road

Homage to Cairo:

‘Ordinary people are standing shoulder to shoulder.’

by MONALISA on JANUARY 30, 2011 · 17 COMMENTS


 


PHOTO OF GHAZL TEXTILE FACTORY WORKERS IN MAHALLA IN 2008. (PHOTO:HOSSAM EL-HAMALAWY)

The word ‘surreal’ has crossed many mouths since 25 January. Egypt—a country where the minimum wage is $7 a month—harshly criminalizes the incitement and organization of protest, and yet it is the cradle of the largest, boldest and most evocative demonstrations that anyone alive can remember. Socioeconomic diagnoses of the Middle East are completely sidestepped in most Western coverage of the region (though, to be fair, little in the way of class consciousness dares get stirred in domestic coverage too). There has been due attention on the unprecedented galvanization of Egypt’s modestly comfortable middle class, though it can’t be forgotten who or what brought them to the point of leaving their houses for the streets en masse, putting their bodies in the line of tear gas and live ammunition pelted (sometimes lethally) by Mubarak’s forces.

obreros
SPANISH WORKER’S PARTY POSTER: ‘OBREROS ¡A LA VICTORIA!’ (WORKERS: TO VICTORY!’), 1936.

The feelings generated by the ongoing revolt in Egypt—the revolt of the poor who’ve endured stagnant wages for decades, the revolt of the young who dare not hope for better economic prospects than their parents, the revolt of any Egyptian who seeks free and fair organization and expression, and on and on—is something I’ve only heard described in books. Specifically one book, Orwell’s Homage to Catalonia, and the afterlife of the Spanish Civil War. Orwell described witnessing the ending of fascism as ‘that strange and moving experience.’ When he enlisted to aid people’s militias he hadn’t known that the war would end with radical self-governance, collectivized commerce and the disappearance of class divisions. The people had eviscerated, at least temporarily, not only the heavy foot of a torturous dictator but the conventional trappings of elitism. A passage from Chapter One is worth quoting at length:

I had come to Spain with some notion of writing newspaper articles, but I had joined the militia almost immediately, because at that time and in that atmosphere it seemed the only conceivable thing to do. The Anarchists were still in virtual control of Catalonia and the revolution was still in full swing. To anyone who had been there since the beginning it probably seemed even in December or January that the revolutionary period was
ending; but when one came straight from England the aspect of Barcelona was something startling and overwhelming. It was the first time that I had ever been in a town where the working class was in the saddle. [...] Every shop and cafe had an inscription saying that it had been collectivized; even the bootblacks had been collectivized and their boxes painted red and black. Waiters and shop-walkers looked you in the face and treated you as an equal. Servile and even ceremonial forms of speech had temporarily disappeared. Nobody said ‘Senior’ or ‘Don’ or
even ‘Usted’; everyone called everyone else ‘Comrade’ and ‘Thou’, and said ‘Salud!’ instead of ‘Buenos dias’. Tipping was forbidden by law; almost my first experience was receiving a lecture from a hotel manager for trying to tip a lift-boy. There were no private motor-cars, they had all been commandeered, and all the trams and taxis and much of the other transport were painted red and black. The revolutionary posters were everywhere, flaming from the walls in clean reds and blues that made the few remaining advertisements look like daubs of mud.

It is extremely premature to think these wild, fantastical thoughts of a free society, and the experiment of Spain was so short-lived that Orwell ended up writing Animal Farm to allegorize the totalitarian period that followed. But compare Orwell’s accounts to today’s live report from Cairo by Democracy Now!producer Sharif Abdel Kouddous:

There is a great sense of pride that this is a leaderless movement organized by the people. A genuine popular revolt. It was not organized by opposition movements, though they have now joined the protesters in Tahrir. The Muslim Brotherhood was out in full force today. At one point they began chanting ‘Allah Akbar’ only to be drowned out by much louder chants of ‘Muslim, Christian, we are all Egyptian.’

Meanwhile, across Cairo there is not a policeman in sight and there are reports of looting and violence. People worry that Mubarak is intentionally trying to create chaos to somehow convince people that he is needed. The strategy is failing. Residents have taken matters into their own hands, helping to direct traffic and forming armed neighborhood watches, complete with checkpoints and shift changes, in districts across the city.

 

I want to hope for something better than my own speculative imagination running amok. For Egypt’s precariously organized workers (and their supporters), a scenario of collective cooperation is not a pipe dream. It comes up in the last major published interview with Egyptian journalist Hossam el-Hamalawy (before the 27 January internet shutdown) in which he describes the origins of the worker movement’s struggle:

The Egyptian labour movement was quite under attack in the 1980s and 1990s by police, who used live ammunition against peaceful strikers in 1989 during strikes in the steel mills and in 1994 in the textile mill strikes. But steadily since December 2006 our country has been witnessing the biggest and most sustained waves of strike actions since 1946, triggered by textile strikes in the Nile Delta town of Mahalla, home of largest labour force in the Middle East with over 28,000 workers. It started because of labour issues but spread to every sector in society except the police and military.

[O]ne major distinction between us and Tunisia is that although it was a dictatorship, Tunisia had a semi-independent trade union federation. Even if the leadership was collaborating with the regime, the rank and file were militant trade unionists. So when time came for general strikes, the unions could pull it together. But here in Egypt we have a vacuum that we hope to fill soon. Independent trade unionists have already been subjected to witch hunts since they tried to be established; there are already lawsuits filed against them by state and state-backed unions, but they are getting stronger despite the continued attempts to silence them.

Unions have always been proven to be the silver bullet for any dictatorship. Look at Poland, South Korea, Latin America and Tunisia. Unions were always instrumental in mass mobilisation. You want a general strike to overthrow a dictatorship, and there is nothing better than an independent union to do so.

For Egyptians and their supporters outside of the country, the energy of the silver bullet has been contagious. This is a circulated video of Waseem Wagdi, an Egyptian at the Egyptian embassy in London. His emotional appeal is rife with class awareness:

We are here to show solidarity with the heroes on the streets in Egypt, we are here to show solidarity with the political prisoners in Egypt, we are here to show solidarity with the the workers who declared an open strike and a sit-in until bringing down the regime of Mubarak.

I had hoped, against all hope, [this] would happen in my lifetime. And I had hoped, and I think with millions of people, that our children will live in a more human society. But this society we have, lucky enough, that the heroes in Egypt are making today, they are not waiting for our children to dream, they are bringing all of our dreams true today. In Suez, the factories, in Meydaan al-Tahrir. The biggest square in the Arab world is being liberated today from this regime.

I’m proud of all Egyptians who are cleansing themselves of all remnants of fear, who collectively and singly have raised their head up high, and no one will bring it down again. No one.

When asked if he had a message to the people of Egypt, Wagdi looks directly into the camera for the first time, and recites the celebrated revolutionary poem ‘Unadikum’ (‘I Call Upon You’) by Palestinian Tawfiq Zayyad by heart.

… My tragedy that I live
Is my share of your tragedies
I call on you
I press your hands
I kiss the ground under your feet
and I say: I sacrifice myself for you
I did not humiliate myself in my homeland
and I did not lower my shoulders
I stood facing my oppressors
orphaned, naked, and bare foot
I call on you….

__________

Update: Since posting this last night, many reports have been coming in from Cairo that substantiate the widespread collective organization of the Egyptian people self-securing on two fronts. They continue to defy curfew and attack by Mubarak’s forces (including an aerial provocation hours ago that saw at least two fighter jets flying very low to the people in Tahrir Square) by demonstrating in head-spinning numbers. In the sudden (and very creepy) disappearance of the police they have organized neighborhood patrols to defend their municipalities, families and private property. Here are some a collection of notable tweets from Egypt (of considerable value since the internet suspension), in ascending order of timestamp:

There’s no appropriate way to make abstract predictions without watching closely, but in the words of al-Jazeera English’s Ayman Mohyeldin (live on the air at 11:08 EST): ’ordinary people are standing shoulder to shoulder.'

Monalisa blogs at South/South.

 >via: http://mondoweiss.net/2011/01/homage-to-cairo-ordinary-people-are-standing-sh...

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The latest from the Egyptian revolution

by Seham on January 30, 2011 · 17 comments

"A historic moment in the history of my people. I urge you to say uprising or revolt and not chaos... [this is the liberation] of the Arab imagination... The future is winning..." -- Mona Eltahawy's stunning appearance on CNN and other Headlines and stories from The Egyptian revolution:

 

 

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Egypt: Solidarity Pours in from Around the World

 

Countries Egypt
Topics DiasporaProtestYouth
Languages ArabicEnglish

TranslationsThis post also available in:

 

Español · Egipto: La solidaridad llega desde todo el mundo
Português · Egito: A solidariedade vem de todo o mundo
Nederlands · Egypte: Steunbetuigingen uit de hele wereld

This post is part of our special coverage of Egypt Protests 2011.

On Saturday, in different cities around the world, people demonstrated in solidarity with the Egyptian protesters. This is a roundup of some of the videos of the marches posted online.

Demonstrators gathered in front of the Egyptian embassy in London. In this video, posted by sternchenproductions, Waseem Wagdi, a marcher, has something to say to his people back in Egypt:

More marchers in the streets of London in this video posted by essamcs:

From Beirut this video by Pomegran8mm:

<br /><b>Solidarity sit-in with the people of Egypt in Beirut</b><br /><i>Uploaded by Pomegran8mm. - News videos hot off the press.</i>

In Denmark, marchers braved the freezing weather and marched in the streets of Copenhagen (video byadamskamel):

From Toronto, Canada, this video by HiMYSYeD:

From Munich, Stockholm, Dublin, Washington DC, London, Cincinnati, Berlin, The Hague, this video compilation posted by ilknur1988:

This video by ryanharrytorok shows Egyptian-Americans in Westwood, Los Angeles:

From Boston this video by mmoselhy1607:

In Seattle, this video from Princessofegy:

From Melbourne, Australia, this video by EmanMorrison:

From Portland in the USA, this video filmed by zebra334:

This post is part of our special coverage of Egypt Protests 2011.

Posted 30 January 2011  

>via: http://globalvoicesonline.org/2011/01/30/egypt-solidarity-pours-in-from-aroun...

__________________________

Live From the Egyptian Revolution

    Editor's Note: This piece is cross-posted at Democracy Now.

    Saturday, January 29, Cairo, Egypt—I grew up in Egypt. I spent half my life here. But Saturday, when my plane from JFK airport touched down in Cairo, I arrived in a different country than the one I had known all my life. This is not Hosni Mubarak’s Egypt anymore and, regardless of what happens, it will never be again.

    In Tahrir Square, thousands of Egyptians–men and women, young and old, rich and poor–gathered today to celebrate their victory over the regime’s hated police and state security forces and to call on Mubarak to step down and leave once and for all. They talked about the massive protest on Friday, the culmination of three days of demonstrations that began on January 25th to mark National Police Day. It was an act of popular revolt the likes of which many Egyptians never thought they would see during Mubarak’s reign. "The regime has been convincing us very well that we cannot do it, but Tunisians gave us an idea and it took us only three days and we did it," said Ahmad El Esseily, a 35 year-old author and TV/radio talk show host who took park in the demonstrations. "We are a lot of people and we are strong."

    In Cairo, tens of thousands of people--from all walks of life--faced off against riot police armed with shields, batons, and seemingly endless supplies of tear gas. People talked about Friday’s protest like a war; a war they’d won. "Despite the tear gas and the beatings, we just kept coming, wave after wave of us," one protester said. "When some of us would tire, others would head in. We gave each other courage." After several hours, the police were forced into a full retreat. Then, as the army was sent in, they disappeared.

    The military was greeted warmly on the streets of Cairo. Crowds roared with approval as one soldier was carried through Tahrir Square today holding a flower in his hand. Dozens of people clambered onto tanks as they rode around the square. Throughout the day people chanted: "The people, the army: one hand."

    While the police and state security forces are notorious in Egypt for torture, corruption and brutality, the army has not interacted with the civilian population for more than 30 years and is only proudly remembered for having delivered a victory in the 1973 war with Israel.

    A 4pm curfew set for today was casually ignored with people convinced the army would not harm them. The police were a different story. Their brutality the past few days--decades in fact--has been well documented.

    Saturday, some of the police forces were holed up inside their headquarters in the Interior Ministry building near the end of a street connected to Tahrir Square. When protesters neared the building, the police began firing live ammunition at the crowd, forcing them to flee back to the square. Three bloodied people were carried out. "The police are killing us," one man yelled desperately while on the phone with al Jazeera from outside the building. When the firing stopped, defiant protesters began approaching the building again. In the background, the smoking, blackened shell of Hosni Mubarak’s National Democratic Party headquarters served as an ominous reminder of their intentions.

    At this point it seems clear the people are not leaving the streets. They own them now and they are refusing to go until Mubarak does. They chanted, "Mubarak, the plane is waiting for you at the airport," and "Wake up Mubarak, today is your last day."

    At one point, a rumor spread through Tahrir Square that Mubarak had fled the country. A massive cheer rippled through the crowd. People began jumping up and down in joy. One man wept uncontrollably. When it turned out not to be true, the cheers quickly ended but it provided a brief glimpse of the sheer raw desire for Mubarak’s ouster. Reports now indicate that Mubarak’s two sons and his wife, Suzanne, have fled Egypt, as have some of his closest business cronies. Many people believe that is a sign that Hosni will not be far behind.

    There is a great sense of pride that this is a leaderless movement organized by the people. A genuine popular revolt. It was not organized by opposition movements, though they have now joined the protesters in Tahrir. The Muslim Brotherhood was out in full force today. At one point they began chanting "Allah Akbar" only to be drowned out by much louder chants of "Muslim, Christian, we are all Egyptian."

    As the sun set over Cairo, silence fell upon Tahrir Square as thousands stopped to pray in the street while others stood atop tanks. After the sunset prayer, they held a 'ganaza'–a prayer for those killed in the demonstrations. Darkness fell and the protesters, thousands of them, have vowed to stay in the square, sleeping out in the open, until Mubarak is ousted.

    Meanwhile, across Cairo there is not a policeman in sight and there are reports of looting and violence. People worry that Mubarak is intentionally trying to create chaos to somehow convince people that he is needed. The strategy is failing. Residents have taken matters into their own hands, helping to direct traffic and forming armed neighborhood watches, complete with checkpoints and shift changes, in districts across the city.

    This is the Egypt I arrived in today. Fearless and determined. It cannot go back to what it was. It will never be the same.

     

     

     

     

     

     

    HAITI: Hating the Root: Attacks on Vodou in Haiti | Black Agenda Report

    Hating the Root: Attacks on Vodou in Haiti

     

     

    by Akinyele Umoja

     

    Haitian practitioners of Vodou, an integral part of the nation's culture, have been set upon and lynched by evangelical protestants linked to the U.S. Right. “The promotion of a religious civil war among Haitians is part and partial of the colonial counter-insurgency 'play book.'”

     

    Hating the Root:

     

    Attacks on Vodou in Haiti

     

    by Akinyele Umoja


    The lynchings were mostly conducted by machete-wielding thugs.”


    Members of the Vodou community in Haiti have been lynched in recent weeks. Vodou practitioners are blamed by the perpetrators of lynching for the spread of cholera in Haiti. Every reliable source has linked the cause of the cholera epidemic with unsanitary conditions of Nepalese soldiers that are part of the MINUSTAH, the United Nations (UN) occupation force in the Caribbean nation. This violation of religious freedom is part of a concerted attack on the national culture and identity of the Haitian people. It also serves to divide Haitian people at a time when unity is most necessary to ensure their interests as they rebuild their country in the face of disaster, disease and foreign intervention.

    It has been reported that 45 members of Vodou communities, primarily priests (both male and female), were lynched. The majority of the lynching has taken place in the area of Jeremie in the southwest peninsula of the country. The lynchings were mostly conducted by machete-wielding thugs. Many of these murders were witnessed by Haitian police and other “justice” officials, but no one was arrested or prosecuted for the crimes. After many complaints particularly by members of the Vodou faith, five were arrested; three of them were later released reportedly for “political reasons” and two were still being held. UN officials first denied these occurrences, but have recently denounced the acts of violence against Vodou priests.

    What is Haitian Vodou? What is the basis of these acts against the Haitian Vodou community? What response should the supporters of human rights have on these occurrences?

     

    Origins and Significance of Haitian Vodou

    Haitian Vodou is a religion of African origins. The term Vodou originates among the Ewe-speaking peoples of Togo and Ghana. Vudu is the name of the indigenous religion of the Ewe. The Fon-speaking people of Benin have a related term for their indigenous faith system called Vodun. Captive Africans from what is now Togo and Benin made up a significant portion of the enslaved population of the French colony of Saint Domingue in the 17th and 18th centuries. The largest numbers of Africans enslaved in Saint Domingue came from West-central Africa (now the Republic of Congo, Democratic Republic of Congo, and Angola). Africans from West Africa and West-central Africa created Vodou combining the spiritual systems from their various homelands and constructing rituals based upon their existence in slavery.

    The religions of African origin transformed under the one umbrella called Vodou in Haiti became a vehicle of solidarity and resistance for the enslaved African majority. Several fighters against slavery were Vodou priests. The enslaved African rebel Mackandal is believed to have initiated the Vodou rite called Petro in the resistance fight in the 1750s. What is now known as the Haitian revolution was initiated at a Vodou ceremony after an assembly of enslaved Africans and fugitives organized to fight to eliminate slavery. This assembly and ceremony is known in history as Bois-Caiman, after the place of the gathering.

     

    What is now known as the Haitian revolution was initiated at a Vodou ceremony after an assembly of enslaved Africans and fugitives organized to fight to eliminate slavery.”


    Haitian Vodou served as a matrix to preserve African cultural reality and memory in the western hemisphere. The French slave-holders feared Vodou and established “slave” codes designed to prevent its practice. Similar to other religions of African origin in the western hemisphere and colonized Africa, Vodou was demonized by colonial officials, pro-slavery Christian clergy and slaveholding plantation owners as a means of psychological warfare and intentionally attempting to disarm Africans of their tools of solidarity and resistance. To some extent, the French colonizers feared the mystical power of Vodou rituals and its ability to inspire and motivate enslaved Africans to rebel. The French were unsuccessful in stamping out resistance and Vodou in Haiti. Vodou was an important part of the popular resistance that defeated the French and established Haiti as an independent republic in 1804. Some of the leaders of the Haitian revolution were Catholic, while much of the masses of the resistance were African-born and worshipped the faiths based on their African heritage.

    The 1806 assassination of Jean Jacques Dessalines, the first head of state of independent Haiti, led to the ascension of a series of rulers who identified with Catholicism and French culture. Many of these leaders were the descendants of French settlers and enslaved African women. Many Haitians of mixed Franco/African heritage greatly identified with the culture, religion, and civilization of France and rejected the African roots of their country. While the Haitian Constitution guaranteed the freedom of religion, Vodou, was repressed. The new Haitian elite established its power and like the French before them feared the religions of African origin and its potential to mobilize the grassroots Haitians, particularly the peasantry. Vodou remained a popular religion in spite of the repression of the state and the Francophile elements of the Haitian elite. Haitian dictator Francois “Papa Doc” Duvalier rose to power countering the power of the Francophile elite and striking fear in the masses utilizing the Haitian military and the militia he created, Volunteers for National Security (VSN), better known as the “Tonton Macoutes” as a tool of repression. Duvalier also established relationships with Vodou priests and Christian clergy as well as other sectors of society to maintain his power in Haiti from 1957 to 1971. His son Jean Claude Duvalier assumed power in Haiti after his demise.

     

    The new Haitian elite established its power and like the French before them feared the religions of African origin and its potential to mobilize the grassroots Haitians, particularly the peasantry.”


    A significant opening for the freedom of religion in Haiti occurred with the rise of a popular movement against the Duvalier dictatorship leading to the election of Jean Bertrand Aristide in 1990 and 2000 and the ascension of the pro-democracy and human rights Lavalas movement. Like members of Christian liberation oriented congregations, grassroots Vodou communities were associated with the resistance to the Duvalier regime. According to Vodou priestess and grassroots activist Euvonie Auguste, thousands of participants of Vodou communities were target and killed by the Duvalier regime and its paramilitary forces in its last days.

    Aristide was a Catholic priest who rose to leadership of the pro-democracy movement as a advocate of liberation theology and the empowerment of the poor in Haitian society. President Aristide gave full official recognition to Vodou in 2003, giving its priests the same legal powers and rights as other clergy in Haiti. This included official recognition of baptisms, marriages and funerals by Vodou priests. The recognition of Vodou was part of an overall campaign of President Aristide and the majority political party, Fanmi Lavalas, to bring democratic reforms to Haiti. These reforms included raising the minimum wage for workers, support for agricultural labor, building schools and clinics, and ensuring rights and social development for women, children and poor Haitians. The Lavalas government promoted the establishment of literacy projects in Vodou temples so that children from families practicing the African-derived religion didn’t have to conceal their faith in Christian-based schools. Some Christian schools had previously denied entrance to students whose families practiced Vodou rituals.

    Over half of the Haitian population participates in Vodou rites. The recognition of Vodou ensured they could practice their religion in dignity. This truly reversed the centuries of demonization promoted by French slaveholders and the Francophile Haitian elite. While Aristide is a Christian, his liberation theology sought to bring unity and engage all Haitians in building the country together in mutual respect. Many Haitians are Catholic, but participate and honor the Vodou tradition in the country as part of their heritage and identity.

     

    The Basis of the Current Attacks against Vodou

    One sector that was mobilized by the enemies of the reforms bought by President Aristide and the Fanmi Lavalas government of 2000-2004 was fundamentalist Christian groups in Haiti and among the Haitian diaspora. Some of these elements in the United States openly called for an armed counter-revolution to take Haiti by force to suppress Vodou. Some fundamentalist Christians supported by right-wing American church groups and neo-conservatives supported counter-revolutionary destabilization efforts meant to topple the Fanmi Lavalas government and prevent Haiti from celebrating the bicentennial of the Haitian revolution in 2004.

    A statement was issued on December 27th 2003 by one Florida based fundamentalist group called for “prayer for the nation of Haiti as a prelude to the taking of Haiti by force” in 2004. These efforts were aligned with the coordinated campaign of CIA-trained death squads trained and mobilized from the Dominican Republic, provocateurs, and disinformation campaigns the Haitian elite towards destabilizing the Fanmi Lavalas democratically elected government.

     

    Some fundamentalist Christians supported by right-wing American church groups and neo-conservatives supported counter-revolutionary destabilization efforts meant to topple the Fanmi Lavalas government.”


    The Bush Administration and their allies in France and Canada provided diplomatic, financial, and technical assistance to the counter-revolutionaries towards the coup of the popular Haitian government on February 29 2004. U.S. Special Forces took Aristide and his family to the Central African Republic against his will. U.S., French and ultimately UN military forces occupied the country and in concert with counter-revolutionaries surgically assassinated, imprisoned, and exiled Lavalas politicians and political activists and dismantled reforms established during Aristide’s administration.

    This counter-revolutionary campaign did not end after the U.S. Bush coordinated “kidnapping” of President Aristide and coup the Lavalas government in 2004. The campaign seemed to accelerate after the January 12 2010 earthquake with a signal from one of the American masters of Christian fundamentalism. Conservative theologian Pat Robertson proclaimed the disaster and poverty in Haiti was due to the “pact made with the devil” made by the country during the Haitian revolution. Robertson’s statement clearly labeled Vodou and Bois Caiman as evil and implied this religion of African origin was demonic. Robertson and his cronies have not made a similar condemnation of the horrors of slavery or called for reparations for Haitians for centuries of exploitation by the French and the United States. They choose to attack the faith of the Haitian majority and demonize symbols of revolution and resistance.

    Weeks after Robertson’s statement, Haitian Vodou worshippers were physically attacked by evangelical Christians. The Vodou worshippers in Port au Prince were conducting a ritual in honor of the spirits of those who died in the horrific earthquake when they were assaulted by an evangelical group hurling rocks at them at the orders their preacher. Evangelical groups were also charged with monopolizing relief aid to proselytize and intentionally denied material support to Vodou organizations and institutions that serve the spiritual needs of nearly half the Haitian population. And now the latest attacks come after U.S. and UN supported unpopular and undemocratic elections that banned the popular Fanmi Lavalas from participation, the growing awareness that billions of dollars collected for earthquake relief is not being used for that purpose, and thousands of Haitians have protested the UN military occupation of the country by foreign soldiers who brought cholera to Haiti.

     

    The Vodou worshippers in Port au Prince were conducting a ritual in honor of the spirits of those who died in the horrific earthquake when they were assaulted by an evangelical group hurling rocks at them at the orders their preacher.”


    The assaults on Haitian Vodou are allowed by the UN and Haitian authorities because it’s consistent with efforts to destabilize and repress the popular movement for democracy and human rights in Haiti. The promotion of a religious civil war among Haitians is part and partial of the colonial counter-insurgency “play book.” Keep oppressed people fighting each other so they can’t see that their real enemies are stealing the fruit of their labor and the country’s natural resources. Since Vodou is the faith of much of the poor Haitian majority, its suppression also enables foreign commercial interests and the Haitian elite to weaken historic social and cultural institutions of the Haitian people. If the Haitian people are weakened and divided, foreign imperialists and Haitian elites can more effectively forward their initiatives of disaster capitalism in the country after the earthquake and consolidate their power. Their plan is to continue and expand their exploitation of poor Haitian labor in multinational sweet shops.

    Malcolm X once said “You can’t hate the root without hating the tree.” Assaults on Haitian Vodou are an attack on the African roots of Haiti and the very essence of the Haitian identity, culture and personality. These attacks only serve the interests of those forces who intend to keep the majority of Haitians poor while global capitalists particularly from the U.S., France, and Canada and the predatory Haitian elite exploit the labor and resources of the country. It divides Haitian people when they most need to be united to construct the “new Haiti” in their collective interest. It violates the fundamental principles of freedom of religion that is consistent with any true democracy and standard of human rights. It does not represent the best tradition of Christianity towards social justice, reconciliation, peace, or brotherly love.

    Religious leaders of all faith traditions and human rights advocates and organizations must condemn these attacks. Moreover, we must call for human rights, democracy, the end to foreign occupation and self-determination for Haiti. This includes the end of the banishment of President Jean Bertrand Aristide from the country of his birth and citizenship and the ending of the expulsion of Fanmi Lavalas from participation in elections and political life in Haiti. Democracy in Haiti is one of the principal human rights fights of our lifetime.

     

    Akinyele Umoja can be contacted at  nuafrika@gmail.com.