PUB: William Van Dyke Short Story Prize | Contests

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William Van Dyke Short Story Prize PDF Print E-mail

We are now accepting entries for the 2011 Short Story Prize. We are proud to announce that our annual short story prize is now being sponsored by the William Van Dyke Charitable Fund and has been renamed The William Van Dyke Short Story Prize. The prize award has also been generously increased to $1,000. We are so grateful for this gift. We are also thrilled to announce that our finalist judge is award-winning author Leif Enger.

The entry deadline has been extended to October 31st, 2010. The winning story from the 2010 Prize, selected by David James Duncan, appeared in Issue 15 of Ruminate and you can see the list of winners and finalists. You can also read 2009's winning story, selected by award-winning author Bret Lott.

 

Guidelines:

-The submission deadline for the prize is midnight October 31st, 2010.
-The entry fee is $15 (includes a free copy of the Spring 2011 Issue).
-You may submit one short story per entry and it must be 7000 words or less. There is no limit on the number of entries per person.
-$1000 will be awarded to the winner and publication in the Spring 2011 Issue will be awarded to the winning story and runner-up story.     
-A blind reading of all entries will be conducted by a panel of RUMINATE readers, who will select 8 short stories as finalists.
-Close friends and students (current & former) of the judge, Leif Enger, are not eligible to compete. Nor are close friends or family of the RUMINATE staff.
-All submissions must be submitted via our online submission form below. We will not accept mail or email submissions. We do not accept previously published entries.
-You may pay online below or mail your payment.
-Winners will be announced in the Spring Issue, March 2011.
-We will be notifying all entrants of submission status in early January, 2011.
-Please remove your name, bio, and any contact info from the file that you submit.
 

Submission is a two-step process:

 

 

1. You must first pay the submission fee by selecting the "Pay Now" button below. A new window will open at the Paypal website where you can either pay by credit card (you do not need a Paypal account for this option), or with your Paypal account if you have one.


 

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2. After paying the submisison fee you can fill out the submission form and upload your story by selecting the link below. 

Submission Form

 

 

*You may also pay by mail. Upload your work using the above submission form and then mail a check made payable to RUMINATE MAGAZINE, attention Short Story Prize at 140 N. Roosevelt Ave., Fort Collins, CO 80521.  Along with your entry fee, please let us know the title of the piece you have submitted and make sure your entry fee is postmarked by October 31st, 2010.

 

Please Note: RUMINATE adheres to the following Contest Code ofEthics, as adopted by the Council of Literary Presses and Magazines, ofwhich RUMINATE is a proud member: "CLMP'scommunity of independent literary publishers believes that ethicalcontests serve our shared goal: to connect writers and readers bypublishing exceptional writing. We believe that intent to actethically, clarity of guidelines, and transparency of process form thefoundation of an ethical contest. To that end, we agree to 1) conductour contests as ethically as possible and to address any unethicalbehavior on the part of our readers, judges, or editors; 2) to provideclear and specific contest guidelines -- defining conflict of interestfor all parties involved; and 3) to make the mechanics of our selectionprocess available to the public. This Code recognizes that differentcontest models produce different results, but that each model can berun ethically. We have adopted this Code to reinforce our integrity anddedication as a publishing community and to ensure that our contestscontribute to a vibrant literary heritage." 

 

PUB: Thin Air Magazine - Northern Arizona University's Literary Journal

Break free!
It's Thin Air Magazine’s 2010 "Best In Show" All-Genre Contest!

Why talk about the important of blurred genre if it is not rewarded when people write it? Send us your best work that: blurs poetry and prose, fiction and nonfiction, and show us there are more than three ways to see the world. Submissions (non-contest or contest) accepted in traditional poetry/prose/nonfiction as well—the choice is yours!

Prize-$500

Judge: Jeff Gundy, professor of English and Writing at Bluffton University in Bluffton, Ohio. His published works include 5 books of poetry, most recently "Spoken among the Trees" (Akron, 2007), winner of the Poetry Award from the Society of Midland Authors, and "Deerflies," winner of the Editions Prize from WordTech Editions. Three books of essays and nonfiction, including "Scattering Point: The World in a Mennonite Eye" (SUNY) and "A Community of Memory: My Days with George and Clara" (Illinois). He was also a Fulbright Lecturer at University of Salzburg, in 2008. You can find his most recent work in Shenandoah, Georgia Review, Kestrel, Cincinnati Review and elsewhere.

You can find him on the web at:
http://www.bluffton.edu/~gundyj/

Deadline for all: October 30, 2010
Entry fee: $15

Please submit online at http://thinair.submishmash.com/submit

Or mail checks with entries to:

Thin Air
Northern Arizona University
Department of English
LA Rm. 133
PO Box 6032
Flagstaff, Arizona 86011

***Please note: Thin Air does not publish NAU-affiliated staff or students.  If you are an NAU student or staff member and would like information on related magazines to submit to, please contact us at the email link below.

Contact Us:  Email the Editors


Thin Air #16 - 2010
The most recent issue of our literary journal was published in April 2010 featuring original poetry, fiction, creative nonfiction, and visual art.

 

PUB: Sacred Poetry Contest Fall 2010 | Touchstones of the Sacred | Touchstones of the Sacred

Sacred Poetry Contest Fall 2010

September 08, 2010 By: admin Category: Poetry

Touchstones of the Sacred is excited to announce our fall Sacred Poetry Contest! We seek all styles and forms of poetry especially contemplative, introspective, ecstatic poetry and Haiku but there are no limits!

Consulting poet and artist Nora Nickerson will select one outstanding poem and the winning poet will receive a desktop prayer wheel that was handcrafted in Tibet (a $78 value). To enter, send up to 3 poems to  matsya@celedra.com by October 31st. Selected poems will be published to our blog and e-newsletter and we invite you to join the fun and share your comments. 

About Nora

Nora Nickerson has a B.A. in Art and her poetry has been published in Laughing Dog, River Poetry Anthology and Michael Palacek’s The Great American Dream. Nora has also been a featured poet in many southern Arizona venues. She has a penchant for exploring philosophy and many spiritual ideologies that has culminated in her own daily meditation practice and spiritual belief system. Her daily intention is to always remember to view the world, humanity and herself through an open mind and heart.

REVIEW: Book—Paulo Freire and the Cold War Politics of Literacy  | Political Media Review – PMR

Paulo Freire and the Cold War Politics of Literacy


Andrew J. Kirkendall
The University of North Carolina Press (2010)
Reviewed by Ernesto Aguilar

Known for his book Pedagogy of the Oppressed and a grand vision of popular education, Paulo Freire is revered by progressive intellectuals for his core idea that the disadvantaged could talk about their circumstances as a means of understanding their plight as well as their role in changing the situation. However, for the U.S. government during the Cold War, Freire’s ideas emerged as an attractive alternative to socialism.

The journey of Freire’s teachings from potential Ayn Rand successor to weapon of Third World anti-colonial revolutionaries is often what makes Andrew J. Kirkendall’s Paulo Freire and the Cold War Politics of Literacy (University of North Carolina Press, 2010) so fascinating.

In 1959, Cuba became an incubator for revolutionary community organizers using literacy for conveying political ideology. The Cubans were tremendously successful; Cuba’s illiteracy rate nosedived and the rebellion Che Guevara helped lead was being rooted among the people. For U.S. President John F. Kennedy and the Defense Department, though, Cuba’s successes represented a threat for what others could take away, including land and wealth redistribution, Brazil, and Freire’s education and agitation tactics for adult literacy, became a billboard for innovative instruction methods for the country’s impoverished. Thus, as the author laments, the Kennedy Administration’s proxies were drawn to Freire in their battle against Castro. In this lens. Freire could be taught in a manner that emphasized personal responsibility and entrepreneurship, answers that betrayed Freire’s institutional way of teaching but which could make for a worthy sparring partner to armed revolution.

Though the Cold War may draw you in, the real attraction of the book is author’s reading of Third World rebels and their work using Freire’s teachings, as well as in Freire adjusting his teachings to particular revolutionary experiences, such as the Republic of Guinea-Bissau. Freire worked in Nicaragua, Chile and several African countries over 15 years of exile from his native Brazil. During that time, he saw many radical successes and failures. And it is perhaps fitting that Freire lived to see the demise of many military dictatorships and the emergence of democracies that engaged those he sought to teach. His joy at stepping on Cuban soil, “a place where there is no child without a school, where no one has not eaten today” Freire said, is palatable. The former Harvard instructor is ultimately a believer in transformation, and Paulo Freire and the Cold War Politics of Literacy offers the transformations of individuals, nations and, in the end, Freire himself.

Additionally, Kirkendall colorfully writes about the late teacher and bravely conveys the gargantuan tasks victorious revolutions face. Picture for a moment that one is the leader of a country’s popular struggle. How do you undo decades, sometimes centuries, of colonial rule and teaching; provide and expand the human services your stakeholders expect, with infrastructures that may be crumbling amid multinational business pullouts; teach people to think of themselves and their world in a different way; and keep contentious forces like the military at your side? While holding a small piece of that immense puzzle, Freire nonetheless had a front-row seat for how his piece mightily influenced all the others.

See the original review at Paulo Freire and the Cold War Politics of Literacy

 

EVENT: New York City—Dialogue between Cornel West and Carl Dix

West&Dix

In the Age of Obama more info & tickets

Join the 2010 Fund Drive find out more

To go to Revolution Books home page

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CORNEL WEST is one of America’s most provocative public intellectuals and has been a champion for racial justice since childhood. His writing, speaking, and teaching weave together the traditions of the black Baptist Church, progressive politics, and jazz. The New York Times has praised his “ferocious moral vision.” Dr. West currently teaches at Princeton University.

CARL DIX is a longtime revolutionary and a founding member of the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA. In 1970 Carl was one of the Fort Lewis 6, six GIs who refused orders to go to Vietnam. He served 2 years in Leavenworth Military Penitentiary for this stand. In 1985 Carl initiated the Draw The Line statement, a powerful condemnation of the bombing of the MOVE house in Philadelphia. In 1996, Carl was a co-founder of the October 22nd Coalition to Stop Police Brutality. Carl coordinated the Katrina hearings of the 2006 Bush Crimes Commission.

 

 

PHOTO ESSAY: Blog Action Day: Water > Nana Kofi Acquah's Photoblog

Blog Action Day: Water

Blog Action Day: Water
Blog Action Day: Water
Blog Action Day: Water
Blog Action Day: Water

These photographs were made for WaterAid Ghana, in communities that used to be prone to Guinea Worm infections. One man told us of how the chief in his village had guinea worm infection in his tongue; and what a torturous experience it was for them. If you think getting the "fiery serpent" (a nick name for the Guinea worm) in your tongue is painful, imagine having it in your scrotum.

Talking to residents in these communities make you realize the difference one borehole makes. Good water is a life changer. If you can afford to donate some boreholes to deprived communities, don't hold back. Enjoy your weekend.

INFO: African Revolutionaries: remembering Maurice Bishop and Thomas Sankara -- New Internationalist

African Revolutionaries: remembering Maurice Bishop and Thomas Sankara

Posted by Sokari Ekine |  1

 

This week marks the anniversary of the assassinations of two black revolutionaries, Maurice Bishop on 19 October 1983 and Thomas Sankara on 15 October 1987. The assassination of Bishop effectively ended the Grenadian revolution and the New Jewel movement, when six days after his death US forces under Ronald Reagan invaded the island.    

 

A ‘communist threat’

 

The JEWEL Movement (The Joint Endeavour for Welfare, Education & Liberation) originally started in 1972 as a political movement centered on agricultural co-operatives. A year later the New Jewel movement was created; Maurice Bishop became prime minister in March 1979.

Bishop was assassinated in a ‘palace’ coup led by deputy prime minister and childhood friend, Bernard Coard, over ideological differences. Coard and his wife Phyllis were sentenced to death, a decision later softened to life imprisonment. In 2007, the Privy Council of the UK ruled the death sentences unconstitutional, which has implications for the case in the first place.

 

What is clear is that the New Jewel movement’s socialist ideology and its relationship with Cuba were perceived as a ‘communist’ threat to the US hegemony in the Caribbean. The invasion battle lasted for just over a week and resulted in the death of many Grenadians and 12 Cuban civilians, who were there to help with the construction of an airport.

 

According to Don Rojas, Bishop’s press secretary, the US invasion had been planned as early as 1981 and the coup provided the perfect excuse:

 

‘The coup provided a pretext for the invasion to take place at that particular moment. In other words, taking advantage of an opportunity of internal destabilization as a result of the coup and confusion within the Grenadian society.

 

The invasion, however, had been planned by the Reagan administration as far back as 1981. In fact, there was mock invasion, military exercises on the island of Viequas off the island of Puerto Rico. Viequas happens to be similar in topography to Grenada. This had been in the works, so to speak, for at least two years before October 1983.’

 

Grenada under the New Jewel movement

 

The aim of the revolutionary movement, which received aid both from Cuba and the Soviet Union, was to create a modern agricultural programme based on a system of co-operatives, people’s assemblies, free health and education for all and low-cost housing. Workers’ and women’s rights, as well as the struggle against racism and Apartheid, were Bishop’s core principles.

 

Women’s rights were furthered through the formation of the National Women’s Organization, which participated in policy decisions along with other social groups. Women were given equal pay and paid maternity leave, and sex discrimination was made illegal.

 

The Grenadian revolution only lasted four years, but in that brief period the New Jewel movement transformed the country from a neo-colonialist state to a Pan-African revolutionary state.

Thomas Sankara seized power in 1983 in a popular Pan-African coup in what was then Upper Volta (he changed the name of the country to Burkina Faso, which means ‘land of honest men’). Like Bishop, Sankara had a vision to change the way things were, to show that there are other ways of socioeconomic and political organization which are in the interest of the people rather than international corporations and Western governments.

 

The revolution sought to create an anti-imperialist social democracy in one of the world’s poorest countries. Issues such as land rights, labour rights, agriculture, education and women’s rights were at the forefront of the revolution’s aims. Sankara stated: ‘There is no true social revolution without the liberation of women.’ It was one of his principal priorities to ban female genital mutilation; he promoted contraception and discouraged polygamy.

 

Sankara also embarked on a massive nationalization project which no doubt infuriated the business élite and the French government. In 1987 Sankara was assassinated after only four years in power, in an ‘imperialist’ coup by his former comrade, Blaise Compaoré. Compaoré, who overturned most of Sankara’s policies, remains in power today. 
 

 

Who killed Thomas Sankara?

 

The truth of who was behind the assassination is still illusive. It has been suggested that former Liberian warlord Charles Taylor may have been involved. In a 2009 documentary, Italian film maker Silvestro Montanaro implicated the US and the French governments as well as Compaoré and Taylor in Sankara’s assassination.

 

This brief excerpt from the documentary shows Taylor as working for the CIA to destabilize African liberation movements and this is what his former aide said:

 

PRINCE: Right, after I spoke, the president of Burkina Faso faced all kinds of problems, and I do not want to end up there again. Besides, if you really want to know what happened in Burkina Faso, why don’t you go there and ask President Blaise Compaoré… You are part of the international media, you are like a doctor, to whom the truth must be told. Therefore, go to Burkina Faso… [bursts of laughter].

 

NARRATOR: Then, with the camera ostensibly off…

 

PRINCE: There was an international plot to get rid of this man, and if I tell you how this happened, are you aware the secret services could kill you?

 

SILVESTRO: An international plot. Because the truth would harm the current president Blaise Compaoré. In 1987, when Sankara was murdered, Compaoré was considered his best friend. Immediately after Sankara’s death, Compaoré said ‘I was ill’.

 

NARRATOR: Momo and Allen recount to me what exactly happened.

 

ALLEN: Gambian President Yahya Jammeh, Blaise Compaoré, Thomas Sankara, Domingo Guengeré, and Foday Sankoh, as well as the man from Chad, whose name I can’t recall, had all been trained in Libya and were all friends. They are the ones who actually organized the Burkina revolution and installed Sankara as president. Once in power, he set about putting in place his plans. The next thing you know, the US had infiltrated the liberation movements and set about overthrowing Sankara, who was leaning too far left. The Americans were not happy with Sankara. He was talking of nationalizing his country’s resources to benefit his people. He was a socialist so he had to go.’

 

Burkina critics of Sankara claim he became authoritarian, closing down trade unions and banning strikes.  But in defence of Sankara, ‘you cannot carry out fundamental change without a certain amount of madness’.  This is the kind of madness African leadership is missing today.

 

‘I would like to leave behind me the conviction that if we maintain a certain amount of caution and organization we deserve victory. You cannot carry out fundamental change without a certain amount of madness. In this case, it comes from nonconformity, the courage to turn your back on the old formulas, the courage to invent the future. It took the madmen of yesterday for us to be able to act with extreme clarity today. I want to be one of those madmen. We must dare to invent the future.’ Thomas Sankara, 1985

 

 

INFO: The Miners' Rescue: A View from Chile > Selected portside Post

The Miners' Rescue: A View from Chile

 

(Posted on Fri, 15 Oct 2010 23:59:26 -0400)

Dan Morgan, Santiago, Chile, published by Portside October 15, 2010.

After the 5th of August, for 17 days the whole country held its breath, hoping that 33 miners trapped in the San José mine would be found, and found alive. Nothing was certain. As the test boreholes advanced, so did the horror at the scandalous news that emerged, day by day, of the criminal negligence that led to the disaster. For this was no accident, it was a disaster waiting to happen.

Now they have all been rescued, in good condition, and the news coverage was of the most trivial kind. President Sebastián Piñera has had a field day, luckily he was there to greet the men before he left on a European tour, and his government has avoided any blame for the scandalous, probably corrupt, lack of regulation of this dangerous mine.

The relief when the men were found alive was wonderful. Quickly, resources were mobilised to establish communication, and good supplies of food, clean water and advice, through the 15cm. diameter borehole. TV commentators, and the nation's president, made belittling, condescending remarks about the shift of 33 men in the San José mine. Worries that they might have lapsed into depressed apathy, or become 'dispersed', revealed a complete lack of knowledge of the working class (and especially of underground miners, who depend on each other daily for survival).

Even though this obviously dangerous mine had a high turnover of workers, they of course organised themselves, eating a tiny ration of food every 48 hours, so that it lasted 12 days, in humid, hot conditions.

On contact, their first question was about one of the collective who had left with a truck-load of mineral just before the roof-fall. He got out in time, and the trapped men gave a great cheer when they heard this.

The list of scandals is too long to give completely, but the main ones are:

* The company involved, a 'medium' sized one, has had a chain of accidents in the three mines it operated in the area, starting in 2001. They include 3 fatalities, 2 in the San José mine itself which is subject to rockbursts, not just roof falls.

* Two miners have lost legs, one on July 3rd this year. A car-sized block of rock fell, and the miner considers himself 'lucky' because he was not killed. Work was suspended for a few days after this accident but the local health ministry authorised work to re- start. The Labour Inspectorate reported on the 9th July, but the Minister says their report was delivered only on August 6th, the day after the disaster.

* The Safety Consultant employed by the mine resigned 6 months ago, in frustration at the violations of safety standards. He spoke of roof bolts that should have been 3 metres long, with 1 meter spacing but were only 2.5 metres long and with 2 metre spacing and no roof mesh, among other factors.

* The government inspection body, SERNAGEOMIN (National Service of Geology and Mining), closed the mine twice, partially in 2006, and, after a fatal accident in 2007, definitively. The ex Regional Director of the service has said that the mine "should never have re-opened" due to the uncontrollable explosions of rock that caused the fatality.

* After he left the post (why? we know not), the acting Deputy Director of the service (only in that post for 2 weeks, while his superior was away) gave permission to re-open the mine in May 2008. He did this *without reading the reports on the mine*, because his superiors told him to!! The permission was given conditionally, after the owners gave commitments to improve ventilation, gates and *escape routes*. These commitments were never carried out, and no inspections were made to verify them.

* SERNAGEOMIN is not primarily a safety inspectorate. It was given responsibility for safety, displacing the Labour Inspectors who work in all other industries, under Pinochet's dictatorship. It has 16 inspectors for 8,000 mines, and just 2 for the 2,000 in this desert Atacama region.

* Political pressures to allow the re-opening of the mine in 2008 have been hinted at but details have not yet emerged.

* The owners promised to ladder the ventilation shaft (which is like a big chimney) but never did so. The trapped miners could have climbed out, in the first 48 hours, but had no ladders to do so. This shaft is now blocked, as is the main tunnel, by a piece of rock as big as a football pitch and about 35 metres high.

* These same owners were given a prize in 2004 for their "Contribution to Mining" by the National Society of Mine Owners, SONAMI.

The political dividends of the rescue process have been great for the government; Piñera has visited several times, and the Ministers for Mining Lawrence Golborne (previously a supermarket chain manager) and Health, Mañalich have been frequent visitors. News of the first contact was delayed until Piñera could arrive to give it, turning it into a media show. He has promised to punish any guilty parties, and has sacked three officials of SERNAGEOMIN, including its director. He also named a commission to propose improvements in labour safety, but with no trade union members of course. Composed of 'experts', many with strong links to employers' organisations, we will not expect any controls that will interfere 'too much' with the great profit motive.

The Interior Minister has now said that there will be no more accidents due to safety norms being ignored! We can only hope that this will be the case.

*The Owners*

The mine was owned by a Hungarian émigré for many years, and his son now owns it jointly with the General Manager. They both live in Santiago, 550 miles away but the 'Manager' deigns to visit once a week, usually. He is a former Unilever manager (obviously what is known in Britain as a 'Unilever bastard') noted for his arrogance, and ignorance of mining or safety standards. He has never spoken to the trade union president, or any of the workers. The other owner is seen maybe once every two weeks; he had taken a back seat since the manager was appointed a few years ago. They deny any wrong-doing, of any kind, and there is evidence that they are trying to move money out of the country, or to other people, to avoid paying compensation.

They had not made pension or health insurance payments for the workers for several months before the disaster, but Alejandro Bohn, the 'Manager' increased the capital in his personal investment company by over 500,000 pounds in January this year[1] .

Meanwhile, to attract workers to this dangerous mine, they were paid less than 600 pounds a month on average. The cost of living is perhaps half what it is in Britain but this is still a pittance for dusty, dangerous work. Many workers, though, are paid 130 pounds a month, the minimum wage, and even skilled workers often make only 3 or 4 hundred. This shows the class huge differences in Chile.

Mining

Mining, almost all copper mining, accounts for only 11% of GDP but 49% of exports[2] . Chile produces 35% of total world production of copper.

Of a population of 16 million, and a total workforce of 7.5 million, only 200,000 work in mining, most of them in big open-cast mines. Of the 4 big mines forming the state copper company, CODELCO, only one is underground.

As most new big copper deposits have been given away to foreign transnationals, CODELCO now only produces about 30% of the copper, and with recent high prices, BHP Billiton, Anglo-American, Xstrata and Rio Tinto made more profits both in 2007 and in 2008 than their total investment. Safety standards should be better in the big mines but a report of 27th August puts some doubt on this. The highly controversial Pascua Lama gold mine[3]recently started high in the Andes, owned by the Canadian transnational Barrick, had no refuge in its first tunnel, only day-time health cover, etc., etc. and a bulldozer recently turned over.

*Trade Unions*

Trade Unions in Chile have to be based on a company, so are usually small. Regional and national organisation has to be by way of federations. The small union of this company started action about safety back in 2004, presenting a 'legal protection' suit in the local courts, demanding both mines be closed permanently. No result. Six letters were sent to various authorities. No Action.

Traditionally, copper miners were the 'labour aristocracy' of Chile, relatively well-paid and with social benefits. In CODELCO paternalism partly persists but the new 'managerial' government has appointed a manager from BHP Billiton, the biggest mining company in the world, to shake it up and reduce costs. Worries are that he will prepare it for possible privatisation in whole or part. Workers' benefits are of course a prime target.

All the big mining companies, including CODELCO, have employed a 'divide and rule' strategy for the workforce, with a core of workers directly employed and with permanent contracts, and a large number of sub- contracted workers, at much lower wages.

So there are two main trade union organisations; one for the 'core' workers in CODELCO, now faced with battles to maintain their salaries and conditions, and a recently formed confederation of sub-contracted workers. This with leadership by the communist Cristian Cuevas, waged tough campaigns in the last three years to increase wages and try to force the companies like CODELCO, BHP, Anglo-American, Rio Tinto etc. to take responsibility for the sub-contractors' workers and ensure they are employed on the same conditions. The last government and parliament eventually passed a law which should have ensured this. So far, little has changed and more struggles will be necessary to enforce it.

In May this year sub-contracted miners struck at a major private mine, Collahuasi, in the Andes near Iquique. Police, and some reports say, troops, were sent in an army Hercules transport plane to evict them from their mining camp they had taken over, and 500 were sacked. At a recent employment fair in Santiago, a manager glibly announced that they had 350 vacancies!

*Safety*

In 2009 there were 191,000 recorded workplace accidents and 443 fatalities, compared with 285 murders (which, unlike the former, are always on the TV news). So every year work-related deaths are equivalent to February's earthquake and tsunami.

373 miners died in accidents in the last decade, and 31 so far this year. The mortality rate has fallen from 0.5% (!) in the '80s to 0.1% in 2009. In 2002, the President of the SONAMI that gave a prize to the owners of San José said: "The sector needs deregulation and more freedom....".

Aggravating the 'normal' greed of employers (and the 'normal' contempt for their workers shown by employers in Chile), another factor reducing safety standards is ideological: Even a government minister has spoken of being shocked at the 'excessive' concern for safety she found in the USA. "I leave some work for my guardian angel to do" she said. In a country where the more superstitious aspects of Catholicism are given great publicity in the mass media, they have effects at all levels of society. There was even talk of finding the miners being a 'miracle'. To his credit, the local bishop of Copiapó refuted this, and repeated the strong criticism he had made of the employers.

The slogan 'People Before Profits' often seems an abstract, vague one. Here is a case of blatant abuse of human life for profit, only possible in a culture where 'free enterprise' and 'creation of jobs (at any price)' come before everything else. The good news is that, despite the media painting Piñera as a saint for his good role in the rescue of the miners, the people are not buying it. In every sector of society people recognise that this businessmen´s government will not help them, and are beginning struggle of all kinds. Almost simultaneously with the miners, 34 indigenous Mapuches won big concessions for their struggle for land and rights, after their hunger strike. Trade unions in the public and private sectors, including the hard-hit salmon producers in the south, are taking action.

Dan Morgan, Santiago, Chile, October 2010.

------------------------------

[1] The rich in Chile usually have a personal company, into which their earnings are paid. Thus they are treated as a company, and not a person, and can avoid paying much tax. What they do pay is at 17%.

[2] Exports 38,000 mm (million) USD in 2008, of which 36,000 mm were of copper and by-products. Total exports of goods and services were 77,000 mm USD.

[3] It will destroy 2 glaciers, but only small ones, so why worry? Also, it will almost certainly produce serious contamination with arsenic, cyanide and/or mercury, used in gold mining, of a river used for all purposes by farming communities in one valley.

_____________________________________________

Portside aims to provide material of interest to people on the left that will help them to interpret the world and to change it.

Submit via email: moderator@portside.org Submit via the Web: portside.org/submit Frequently asked questions: portside.org/faq Subscribe: portside.org/subscribe Unsubscribe: portside.org/unsubscribe Account assistance: portside.org/contact Search the archives: portside.org/archive

 

VIDEO: October marks forty years since violence in Quebec erupted | Art Threat

October marks forty years since violence in Quebec erupted

Friday Film Pick: Action - The October Crisis of 1970

by Ezra Winton on October 15, 2010 · http://artthreat.net/?p=5484">View Comments

This week’s Friday Film Pick is a feature-length NFB documentary that looks in detail at the history and events leading up to and including the October Crisis of 1970. Action: The October Crisis of 1970 is a 1973 film by Robin Spry uses news and documentary footage and the old signature NFB style of Voice of God to recount the days when Quebec’s separatist group, the FLQ, used violence (including bombings and murder) as tactics for Quebec independence from Canada. A state of emergency was declared, the army brought in, and all hell broke loose. Forty years on, it may be quieter—separatists have turned to litigious and parliamentary tactics—in Quebec, but this history will never be forgotten.