INFO: new book—Slave Songs and the Birth of African American Poetry: Lauri Ramey: Books > from Macmillan

Slave Songs and the Birth of African American Poetry

Palgrave Macmillan, March 2010
ISBN: 978-0-230-10034-3, ISBN10: 0-230-10034-1,
5 1/2 x 8 1/2 inches, 216 pages,

 

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In this insightful and provocative volume, Ramey reveals spirituals and slave songs to be a crucial element in American literature. This book shows slave songs' intrinsic value as lyric poetry, sheds light on their roots and originality, and draws new conclusions on an art form long considered a touchstone of cultural imagination.

 

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Praise

"The corpus of slave songs is enormous, and their impact on African American literature has long been acknowledged. But little has been written about the connection between these songs and American literature. Slave songs are usually marginalized in, or omitted altogether from, literary anthologies and studies of verse. Even classic, if now dated, works examining the songs--including Lawrence Levine's Black Culture and Black Consciousness (CH, Jul'77) and Dena Epstein's Sinful Tunes and Spirituals (CH, Sep'78)--fail to discuss the poetic aspects of the songs. Ramey (CSU, Los Angeles) attempts to fill this glaring void with this erudite yet readable volume. The author provides provocative analyses of some of the individual songs (e.g., "Poor Pilgrim" and "Steal Away"). More importantly, she sheds light on their originality and their African roots, including the call-and-response tradition. In so doing, she makes a strong argument for studying these important pieces in light of their lyric poetic qualities. This is a book for all who are interested in African American literature and in poetry more broadly."--Choice

Slave Songs and the Birth of African American Poetry is an invaluable resource for the American literature classroom. It will make it much easier to teach American poetry and African American poetry in a broader cultural context, and will open up all kinds of interesting new lines of discussion.”--Shelley Fisher Fishkin, Professor of English and Director of American Studies, Stanford University  

"Ramey argues that spirituals and slave songs are central to the literary legacy of the U.S., both in their own right as a form that goes to the heart of the American experience and as a major reference of the American imagination, through their influence on black and white writers alike. This book restores the spiritual to its rightful place in the American literary canon and will certainly stimulate scholarly interest in the spiritual as art form."-- F. Abiola Irele, Harvard University

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About the Author(s)

Lauri Ramey

 

Lauri Ramey is Professor of African American Literature and Culture, Creative Writing and American Studies, California State University at Los Angeles. She is the author of Black British Writing, with R. Victoria Arana; Every Goodbye Ain’t Gone: Innovative Poetry by African Americans, with Aldon Lynn Nielsen; and The Heritage Series of Black Poetry, 1962-1975: A Research Compendium.

 

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Table of Contents

The Slave Songs and the Lyric Poetry Traditions * The Theology of the Lyric Tradition in the Slave Songs * Slave Songs as American Poetry * Border Crossing with the Slave Songs      

 

INFO: Haki Madhubuti—Civil rights icon, lauded professor 'forced' out at CSU > from CHICAGO SUN-TIMES

Civil rights icon, professor Madhubuti 'forced' out at CSU

CHICAGO STATE | Renowned professor resigns abruptly Friday, saying he was targeted by university President Wayne Watson after pointed criticism over his appointment

 

April 3, 2010

Citing vengefulness on the part of his new boss, Chicago literary and civil rights icon Haki Madhubuti on Friday resigned as an educator at Chicago State University after 26 years.

"This is a difficult time for me. Because of circumstances beyond my control, I have been forced to seek early retirement," Madhubuti said in a statement issued to attendees of the Gwendolyn Brooks Conference for Black Literature and Creative Writing.

"On June 22 , 2009, I issued an open letter to the university community in regards to the appointment of our current president, Dr. Wayne Watson," said the Third World Press founder and Chicago Public Schools charter operator. "I questioned in no uncertain language the flawed and undemocratic process in which he was selected. I was as fully aware when I issued the letter as I am now that all actions have consequences."

First reported by Chicago Sun-Times columnist Mary Mitchell, Madhubuti said his split from the university came after Watson, who took the helm of the South Side institution last year, demoted him.

Madhubuti said Watson demanded he teach four courses a semester -- contrary to his contract -- removed him from the paid staff of the Gwendolyn Brooks Center he founded, and reduced him to volunteer status with the master's program in creative writing that he co-founded.

"I am convinced that this move against me is personal and vindictive," Madhubuti said. "Although I did agree to increase my course load, I rejected the points that removed me from the structures I founded and co-founded at the university."

Many of the 200 attendees at Friday's induction ceremonies for the center's International Literary Hall of Fame for Writers of African Descent expressed regret that the distinguished professor was leaving under such ugliness.

In her Thursday column, Mitchell reported Watson denied Madhubuti was being forced out, although Watson declined to discuss details of the departure.

"That is his decision. I am only asking him to teach," Watson told Mitchell.

Madhubuti has filed a grievance against the university.

Madhubuti rose to international fame as a fiery poet who gave voice to the pain of the 1960s civil rights movement and founded the renowned black publishing firm that distributed black authors deemed untouchable by the mainstream publishers in the early '60s.

The prolific poet and longtime educator also operates three Chicago public charter schools and a private preschool he founded with his wife.

"Haki Madhubuti, he is an institution," said acclaimed author, biographer and researcher Maryemma Graham, a university of Kansas English professor inducted into the center's hall of fame Friday. "The Chicago State MFA program and Gwendolyn Brooks Center has become as powerful and renowned as it has in part because of his presence. That will never change."

The views expressed in these blog posts are those of the author and not of the Chicago Sun-Times.

User Image
orion wrote:
He and his w.i.f.e. Carol have made a good living out of this psuedo field of academics called Educational Social Policy - mostly white guilt studies.

name: Carol D Lee
e-mail: cdlee@northwestern.edu
title: Professor
department: Education & Social Policy
preferred address: ANNENBERG 2120 Campus Drive
331
EV 2610
telephone number: +1 847 467 1807

Just checked the public records on the Shabazz School. I wonder if they would pay the teachers at their school to only teach one class.
Some of the salaries are fairly heatlthy:
http://www.guidestar.org/FinDocuments/2008/364/229/2008-364229273-04c45bc6-9.pdf

4/3/2010 8:26 PM CDT on suntimes.com
User Image
orion wrote:
Don Lee (Haki) really cares about Chicago students from the safety of his Country Club Hills residence (check public records).
4/3/2010 8:12 PM CDT on suntimes.com
User Image
ca_dreaming wrote:
I get the essential question. And I agree. But it is important to focus on this retention question. A statement that no one challenges becomes the truth. Its not true.
4/3/2010 7:37 PM CDT on suntimes.com
User Image
harryp wrote:
ca_dreaming,

Forget the numbers. Get back to the basic question: Is it wise for CSU to be paying Madhubuti $100,000+ a year to teach ONE class?

Of course not. And they finally realized that, and asked him to take on a larger work load... which "insulted" him somehow, and he decided to tell the world that he was "forced" to retire.

4/3/2010 7:10 PM CDT on suntimes.com
User Image
justiceforpodanielfaulkner wrote:
This article doesn't really tell me much.
What is this mans degree in ?
What department does he teach in ?
What classes does he teach ?
Can't he easily get another position at another college / university ?
Was he tenured at this college ?
4/3/2010 7:03 PM CDT on suntimes.com
User Image
ca_dreaming wrote:
HarryP -the sources are out of context. They are measuring something that CSU has little of, first time full time freshman.

However if you take the statistics that you have, and make the institutions with great stats break out their measurements on their first time full time black freshmen, they do worse than CSU.

Context matters.

4/3/2010 6:56 PM CDT on suntimes.com
User Image
ejo wrote:
How easily he transitioned from railing against the system to suckling off its teat in a no work university position. Is he just noticing Chicago State swirling down the toilet or did his revolutionary gaze find no work at 110k a year a little too good to pass up?
4/3/2010 6:16 PM CDT on suntimes.com
User Image
master of my domain wrote:
Aside from lazy professor, the other fraud here is the headline of the article where the claim is made he was forced out. He was given actual work to do in return for his fat paycheck. He chose not to do the work. He resigned. Now, in typical leftist-entitlement fashion, he's filed a grievance. This guy wouldn't make a pimple on a good teacher's a*s.
4/3/2010 5:29 PM CDT on suntimes.com
User Image
harryp wrote:
ca_dreaming,

I fully realize that everything you read is not necessarily true, but my numbers come from many sources, not just one. You may not like them, but the numbers are real. Unless you think that all of the various sources are all lying?

If you don't believe me, do your own research. Go to google, type in "Chicago State University graduation rate," and click on the links that you see. Feel free to look around and see for yourself.

4/3/2010 4:53 PM CDT on suntimes.com
User Image
ca_dreaming wrote:
Harryp

I still say that you are wrong about the numbers and what they mean. Everything you read is not true.

4/3/2010 4:34 PM CDT on suntimes.com
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==========================

 

Haki Madhubuti Resigns As Professor, Leaves CSU

 

2010_04_02_haki.jpg
Image via
After teaching at Chicago State University for 26 years, Haki Madhubuti decided to resign as a professor on Friday. Madhubuti, a celebrated poet who has founded Third World Press and oversees three charter schools and a private school in Chicago, stated that the primary reason for his resignation was due to the strained relationship between him and the president of CSU, Wayne Watson. Madhubuti had said in his remarks at the annual Gwendolyn Brooks Conference for Black Literature and Creative Writing on Friday that he had no choice but to leave and was 'forced out" of his position at CSU:

 

"Madhubuti said Watson demanded he teach four courses a semester -- contrary to his contract -- removed him from the paid staff of the Gwendolyn Brooks Center he founded, and reduced him to volunteer status with the master's program in creative writing that he co-founded."

Watson has stated that he simply wanted Madhubuti to devote more time to actually teaching students and that the decision to resign was Madhubuti's own, denying that he made Madhubuti leave his post at CSU. Regardless, it is a huge loss for the creative writing program at CSU. The relationship between Madhubuti and Watson did not start off as a good one, as Madhubuti wrote an open letter criticizing and questioning the way Watson was selected as the new president of CSU last summer.

 

HAITI: What Haitians Want From Americans (and What They Don't) > from t r u t h o u t

What Haitians Want From Americans (and What They Don't)

by: Beverly Bell, t r u t h o u t | Report

photo
In a displaced persons camp, Port-au-Prince. (Photo: Conner Gorry / t r u t h o u t )

We asked Haitians in civil society organizations, on the streets, in buses, "What do you want from the US? What help can Americans give Haiti?" Here are some of their answers.

Roseanne Auguste, community health worker with the Association for the Promotion of Integrated Family Health:

The US people don't know us enough. The first thing that Haitians need from the American people is for them to know our history better. They just see us as boat people. Especially Black Americans, we need them to know the other parts of our history, like that we defeated Napoleon. This would let them know that we're the same people.

By contrast, Haitians know what they like in the US They don't agree with American policies, but they have no problem with the American people. Rap music, Haitians appreciate it a lot: Tupac, Akon, Wyclef - even though he's originally from Haiti. The Haitian people feel strongly about Michael Jordan, a Black man who beat up on the other players. On the back of taptaps [painted buses] you see Michael Jackson, the Obamas. It doesn't matter that Obama is a machine of the establishment; the fact that he's a Black American, they identify with him.

There have to be more exchanges between grassroots organizations in the US and Haiti. If the American people knew more about Haitians, if they had a chance to meet more often people-to-people, they'd see we have lots to share. We could build another world together.

 

Marie Berthine Bonheur, community organizer:

Do the US soldiers come to bulldoze? No way. We have a people who are traumatized. Is that a situation that you respond to with arms and batons? We're not at war with anyone. They would do better to come help us get rid of this crumbled cement everywhere. We need equipment to help us demolish these building. Help us have schools and hospitals. We need engineers who can help us rebuild, and psychologists and doctors.

We don't need soldiers. They just increase our suffering, our pain, our worries. 

 

Adelaire Bernave Prioché, geologist and teacher:

This country has a problem with skilled people, like all Third World countries. Once people get trained, they go to other countries.

This country needs youth to be trained in all domains. First, the Americans could help with this, for example with geologists. We lost so many teachers, we need people to teach. Second, we need massive investment to create employment to let people stay in Haiti.

 

Christophe Denis, law student:

The way the US is distributing aid ... a line of people waiting for rice and then across the street, a line of street merchants who can't sell their food. Are they sacrificing a class of people in the framework of aid?

Instead of supporting international trade to come in and crush us, reinforce our capacity for production and reinforce our self-sufficiency. The international commerce is just helping a small percentage. All that's produced in Haiti, it has to be strengthened.

 

Jesila Casseus, street vendor:

We want partnerships, people putting their hands with ours in the cassava pot to reconstruct our country. We don't want orders. We won't accept another slavery. We don't want dominion over us, we don't want to be turned into a protectorate.

Partnerships, okay. But NGOs are coming and sucking the country. They're taking our money and sending it back to where they came from. They're taking our riches and making us poorer.

 

Judith Simeon, organizer with peasant organizations and grassroots women's groups:

The American policy towards Haiti: none of the Haitian people want it. It's no good. The peasant economy was destroyed with the killing of Creole pigs [in the early 1980s, when USAID and other international agencies killed the entire pig population, allegedly in response to an outbreak of African Swine Fever]. That was the biggest crime of the American government. After that, the free market, neoliberalism - without thinking about the consequences - has crushed peasant agriculture and the rest of the economy even more. As for the rice that's coming in as international aid, what happens to the people in [the rice-growing area of] the Artibonite? Their production is destroyed.

If you're helping someone, you have to respect that person first. I can't tell you how it felt to watch the American soldiers distributing aid by throwing rice and water on the ground and having people run after it, like we saw on TV. That's not how you respect someone.

I can't suggest what else the US people should do. If you don't respect the dignity of a people, you can't help them. All this racist sentiment and action, we don't need that.

 

Chavannes Jean-Baptiste, director of the Peasant Movement of Papay:

When we speak of American imperialists, we make a distinction between government and people. We believe that a lot of people are conscious of what has happened to Haiti and don't want the imperialist project of the American government. There are a lot of things that we can do together. There are people here thinking seriously about alternative development in Haiti. There are many ways that progressive American people can help with that.

We need people in the US to tell the American government that what they are giving is not what we need. Why do we need 20,000 US soldiers? We don't. In Clinton's plan, there are free trade zones. We don't want that. We don't need them sending in American firms to reconstruct Port-au-Prince, either, which will just lead to its returning as the center of everything in the country. Rural areas could start producing construction materials that we need to rebuild. We need fruit plantations, we need irrigation systems, we need local agriculture industry.

American progressives could lead delegations to come see the country, so that when they return, they could help us reject the imperialist plan. Go out to the countryside, see that people have hope that they can change their lives. In the chain of solidarity, instead of sending food, send organic seeds, send tools, help with the management of water. A group in the US can work with a group in Haiti and help it build a cistern, dig a well, reforest, build silos to create seed banks of local seeds. Support groups that are reconstructing rural Haiti, that are creating work in the mountains. Help us establish rural universities. Help people who have left [earthquake-hit areas and gone to the country] be able to sustain themselves.

We need American people to say, "we stand with the popular project for the rebuilding of Haiti." We need it to be permanent, for Americans to continue to accompany the Haitian people, because the reconstruction of a Haiti is something that will take years.

This is the time to thank many groups for showing how much they are with the Haitian people, for doing all they can, for collecting medical supplies. There's been an extraordinary demonstration of solidarity.

 

Rony Joseph, policeman:

We need help reconstructing: roads, infrastructure, schools. We need a country that is modern. If you look at the world, you see globalization happening. Everyone has things that Haiti doesn't have.

You know, foreign countries are helping us a lot today, but I think they have an interest in it, too. When we have a problem in Haiti, the US and Canada get very concerned and start helping. Otherwise we might end up on their doorstep.

 

Creative Commons License
This work by Truthout is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 3.0 United States License.


 

Beverly Bell has worked with Haitian social movements for over 30 years. She is the author of "Walking on Fire: Haitian Women's Stories of Survival and Resistance." She coordinates Other Worlds, which promotes social and economic alternatives, and is an associate fellow of the Institute for Policy Studies.

 

===========================

Veteran Haitian journalist provides 'A Voice for the Voiceless'

 

 

Haitians

Haitians

Farmers, fisher folk, street vendors and other enterprising Haitians, though not physically present at the international donor conference, had their say in the new Haiti the donors are supporting. Michele Montas, former UN spokesperson and Haitian national, and a team spent several weeks in the countryside gathering the views of those seldom heard from about what they wanted in the new nation. A Voice for the Voiceless Forum found out that the earthquake has shattered the image of the capital Port-au-Prince as the place of aspiration.  UN Radio's Diane Bailey spoke to Michelle Montas.

 


MONTAS:  We talked to peasant women, we talked to people who had to flee Port-au-Prince to go to the countryside, and we asked them 'What Haiti do you want? What type of country do you want to rebuild?' We didn't expect the reaction we had: an extremely enthusiastic reaction. For instance, for one focus group there were supposed to be 10 people in each focus group and 20 people would come, 30 people would come. We couldn't say no to them so we worked with them, we listened to them. And they were so eager to talk and to say what they thought and how they would want their country to be shaped. And several conclusions came out of that study.

BAILEY: Conclusions, or was there consensus?

MONTAS: We found out that there were a number of things that were similar. One of them is a strong call for, some people call it, decentralization. They gave it different names, but the idea is that there should be more power given to people living outside of Port-au-Prince. You know, Haiti has always been a country with an enormous "head," which was Port-au-Prince, the capital. They always called it the Republic of Port-au-Prince because everything was around Port-au-Prince. And then suddenly we are asking people, 'What do you think?' And they answered, and their answer was 'There should be more.' A lot of the people we had died because they could not find services where we are, they couldn't find secondary schools in their province towns, they couldn't find health services, they couldn't find,  basic structures that the state is supposed to offer, so they had to come to Port-au-Prince to get it.  We want schools where we are.  We want work where we are and we do not want to come to Port-au-Prince to do so to get that.

DIANE: And that is not in the government blueprint, or is it?

MONTAS: It is also in the government blueprint. However, the content given by the people of what decentralization means is different. In the way the government expresses it is more services; in the way it is expressed by most of the focus groups was we want to control what is happening to our lives. There was also a form of consensus around the aid they receive. They say: We don't want to be given food. We want to earn that food. We want to work. We want to have the money that will allow us to choose what we want to do with that money in terms of sending our kids to school, in terms of buying the food we want. And there was also a very strong accent put everywhere we went on the idea that Haiti should be more self-sufficient.

BAILEY: And what did that do to-

MONTAS: -and they would come into Haiti without having to pay tariffs.  That whole attitude of the International Monetary Fund a few years back was you have to open the borders; you have to open to food coming from anywhere. So the food would come and would destroy the production of the Haitian rice grower who could no longer sell his production of rice which became more expensive because he had buy entrance, which was inexpensive. So there was no way they could keep out the competition, so a lot of peasants gave up their work in the country tilling the land to go to Port-au-Prince.

BAILEY: And yet in the consolidated appeal, agriculture is the one area that is the least well-funded. What is the reluctance of international donors to fund agriculture in Haiti?

MONTAS: Well, it's very difficult to say. I think  the international community has a tendency to focus on areas where traditionally the industrial world has focused on. Building factories, cheap labor; use the labor of Haiti - and this is not the way the Haitian people see it.

BAILEY: What would the funding for agriculture do? The people who are interested in resuming farming, what would they like the focus on agriculture to do?

MONTAS: Well, tools; The ability to have a more modern agriculture. The ability to have entrance at a lesser cost than what they have - fertilizer in particular, seeds. They want to be able to - not to be in constant competition with the food coming in from the outside. They want to also have the possibility to export. Haiti used to export quite a few things. And because there is, not only in terms of the agriculture itself, but in terms of  the transformation of things, like mangos into juice. The mangos are exported as fruits. Well, if there was a value added by producing the juice in Haiti and canning it in Haiti, and sending it out with that help to the agricultural sector, they feel that they would be on a stronger foot.

BAILEY: Now I assume that you were part of the focus groups. You went and saw them. Is there anything that really stands out for you?

MONTAS: Well, I think it's several people really. There was a very strong demand for an end to exclusion. And there was that human factor, which is really what struck me the most. People wanted to be treated equally, they wanted to be treated with dignity, and the word dignity came back so much in those discussions with people from different walks of life. There has to be services given to the people who have gone to the countryside, who actually, for them to stay there they would need to get services and right now we see something which is worrisome and that was expressed by many of the people in the focus groups - people coming back to Port-au-Prince because that's where the services are, that's where the food is being given, and that's where the jobs are starting to be given, you know. And there should be cash for work programmes outside of Port-au-Prince, there should be factories being set up outside of Port-au-Prince. There also has to be support through credit to the small business owners. That situation was mentioned by the people who participated saying, "we need credit", "we need the ability too" because the banks can no longer give you credit; they're just in a situation where they cannot.

Michele Montas, Michele Montas, former UN spokesperson and Haitian national, talking about the Haitian vision of the future to UN Radio's Diane Bailey.

Duration: 6'23"

GO TO WEBSITE TO HEAR THE AUDIO INTERVIEW

 

 

OP-ED: "The Only Way to Survive is By Taking Care of One Another" -- L Grace Lee Boggs | > from AlterNet

VISION  
comments_image15 COMMENTS

"The Only Way to Survive is By Taking Care of One Another" -- Legendary Activist, Philosopher Grace Lee Boggs

Do we really want to be equal with the people who ripped us off?
April 3, 2010  |  

 

Amy Goodman: The legendary Detroit activist and community organizer Grace Lee Boggs has been involved with the civil rights, Black Power, labor, environmental justice, and feminist movements over the past seven decades. She was born to Chinese immigrant parents in 1915. In 1992, she co-founded the Detroit Summer youth program to rebuild and renew her city. Her 95th birthday is June 27th, the day after the close of the U.S. Social Forum in Detroit. [The following is a short clip of Boggs talking].

glb-photo

Grace Lee Boggs: We’ve got to redefine democracy, that we have been stuck in concepts of representative democracy, that we believe that it’s getting other people to do things for us that we progress. And I think that we’ve reached the point now where we’re stuck with a whole lot of concepts, so that when Michael Moore speaks about the number of people who make all this money and other people who don’t, it sounds as if we’re struggling for equality with them. Who wants to be equal to these guys? I think we have to be thinking much more profoundly.

Actually, if you go back to what Marx said in The Communist Manifesto over a hundred years ago, when in talking about the constant revolutions in technology, he ended that paragraph by saying, “All that is sacred is profaned, all that is solid melts into air, and men and women are forced to face with sober senses our conditions of life and our relations with our kind.” We’re at that sort of turning point in human history.

And I think that, talking about recovery, talking about democracy, we too easily get sucked into old notions of what we want. So we’re expecting protest. I’m not expecting so many protests. I don’t mind protests, and I encourage them at times. But what happened in 2001 in Porto Alegre, Brazil, when people gathered to say another world is necessary, another world is possible, and another world is happening, I think that that’s what’s happening.

In Detroit, in particular, people are beginning to say the only way to survive is by taking care of one another, by recreating our relationships to one another, that we have created a society, over the last period, in particular, where each of us is pursuing self-interest. We have devolved as human beings.

Learn more at the Boggs Center site.

Amy Goodman is the host of the nationally syndicated radio news program, Democracy Now!.

 

VIDEO: "Sunny Days" + "Blue Uniform" by Sauti Sol (from Kenya)

Sauti Sol

Sauti Sol

The multi-talented Sauti Sol is nothing you have ever experienced before. The African acoustic band consists of 4 members; Bien-Aime Baraza, Willis Chimano, Delvin Mudigi and Polycarp Otieno who met in high school and originally started as an accapella group. When they cleared their O-levels in the year 2005 they decided to take up music professionally.

The band is inspired by the choices, consequences and challenges that the Kenyan youth face and the need to revamp the music industry with a different unique sound that cuts across all age groups. Musically, they are inspired by Fadhili Williams, Daudi Kabaka and other established African artists such as Salif Keita and Lokua Kanza. Alliance Francaise in Nairobi has been their haven. They were finalists of the Spotlight on Kenyan Music 2006.

They have had several shows at the Alliance Francaise since 2006, and in 2008 April held their first solo-concert at the same venue. The response has been magnificent and overwhelming. Their music is uniquely soothing and well rounded. Currently the band is working on its highly anticipated debut album produced by Wawesh under the Kenyan “Penya” Label, which will be released on the 12th of December 2008 at the Kenya National Museum.

The album is a fusion of African sound with and urban feel; most of the songs are extremely well received when performed live among Sauti's continuously growing fan-base. The album is called “Mwanzo” and features 14 songs, all with their own infectuous vibe and message. Sauti Sol are also part of the Imekubaliwa Creative Artists Network together with upcoming artists like Stan, Dela and Tiffany.

 

Sauti Sol - Sunny Days

Imekubaliwa  August 21, 2009 — The third single from Sauti Sol's debut album "Mwanzo". Camera & director: Jim Chuchu. Script and editing: Lisa Forsberg. Co-director and producer: Nynke Nauta

Sauti Sol - Blue Uniform

Imekubaliwa  July 16, 2009 — The second single from Sauti Sol's debut album "Mwanzo". Directed and edited by: Lisa Forsberg. Camera and assistant director: Jim Chuchu. Produced by: Nynke Nauta. Label: Penya. www.myspace.com/sautisol

INFO: The Face of Emmett Till (Updated) > from Daily Kos: State of the Nation + Emmett S(Till) rap

Samuel Baza Awuley (born in 1982), known by the stage name Blitz the Ambassador, is a Ghanaian-Americanhip-hop artist and visual artist based in Brooklyn, USA.(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blitz_the_Ambassador)

Emmett (S​)​Till

l)  Emmett (S)Till Cover Art

  • =================================================

The Face of Emmett Till (UPDATED)

Thu May 14, 2009 at 01:38:45 AM PDT

Emmett Till & his mother

So I lived in southern Mississippi. Emmett Till, this 14-year old black boy, who'd gone to Tallahatchie County, Money, Mississippi in the Delta, to visit his great uncle for summer holiday, from Chicago, was lynched. And as a child of 12, I can not remember having felt more vulnerable, more frightened, more--but at the same time more angry. And I can remember my 12-year old anger very, very much.

And when I met people like Judy and SNCC in 1962, '63, all of us remembered the photograph of Emmett Till's face, lying in the coffin, on the cover of Jet Magazine. [...] And when I met Mrs. Mamie Bradley, Emmett Till's mother, many years later, I asked her, "Why did you not have the undertaker do some cosmetic work on his face?" And her response was that, "I wanted the world to see what they did to my baby."

-- Joyce Ladner

Emmitt Till

On September 6, 1955, a little over a week after he was kidnapped, beaten, and murdered for whistling at a white woman, Emmett Till was laid to rest at Burr Oak Cemetery in Alsip, Illinois. By the time his journey to the grave had ended, Till's body had been seen by as many as 50,000 people who personally came to view his body at a Chicago funeral home. But before long, it would be seen by millions more, as photographs of his badly disfigured corpse circulated around the country, ultimately appearing on the cover of Jet magazine. The image of a 14-year-old boy with his eye gouged out and his head caved in was a shock to the senses of all who saw it; but it was also a rallying point for a generation of young African-Americans, and many whites as well, who saw in his mutilated face the suffering of a people, and who were inspired to end that suffering by organizing, by marching, and by voting.

The face of Emmett Till might not have inspired so many if it were not for the grim determination of his mother, Mamie Till Bradley. The funeral home where Till's body was displayed resisted allowing the casket to be opened, but Mrs. Bradley insisted, threatening to open the casket herself if need be. She wanted to see her son one last time before he left this world, but she wanted others to see him too. And so, because of her perseverance, the casket of Emmett Till was opened, his body was photographed for posterity, and the world saw what they did to Mrs. Bradley's baby.

For African-Americans in the South, the horrors reflected in the face of Emmett Till were a daily fact of life. But for African-Americans who had moved away from the South and its Jim Crow laws to places like Chicago, the face of Emmett Till was a reminder that the brutality of racism could not be left behind so easily.

Two months ago, I had a nice apartment in Chicago. I had a good job. I had a son. When something happened to the Negroes in the South I said, 'That's their business, not mine.' Now I know how wrong I was. The murder of my son has shown me that what happens to any of us, anywhere in the world, had better be the business of us all.

-- Mamie Till Bradley

As for white Americans, they were forced to take a serious look at the human toll of the injustice that they had participated in, or tolerated, or tried to ignore. Though many whites, particularly in the South, were unmoved by what they saw (or at least pretended to be), many more were deeply affected by it:

You know, I remember in interviewing people in the course of doing [Eyes on the Prize] that it was not only young black people who spoke about Till, but young white people as well, who had the idea that this is someone our age, you know, a pre-teen really, or young teen, and if you can see that happening to a young black child down in Mississippi, it's not only black kids who say, "Well, it's not that I can't be the teacher or nurse, but if they kill people, this is serious," and that young white people also said, "If they're killing people, it's not just a matter of some folks don't like colored people, this is horrible, and this can't be allowed to go on. I've got to do something about this."

-- Juan Williams

Despite the publicity and anger generated by the photographs of Emmett Till, the people who murdered him were never brought to justice. A little over two weeks after Till was laid to rest, an all-white, all-male jury acquitted the only two men ever formally charged with his murder: Roy Bryant, the husband of the woman who Till whistled at, and Bryant's half-brother, J.W. Milam. Both men would later admit to murdering Till, safe from prosecution due to double jeopardy protection. They're dead now, and while as many as 12 other people may have participated in the crime, no one else has been charged in connection with Till's murder.

But though Emmett Till and his family never received justice from the state of Mississippi, the wave of activism spawned by those who were inspired by the sight of his mutilated body brought justice of a different sort. The face of Emmett Till would inspire Rosa Parks not to give up her seat on a public bus in Montgomery, Alabama later that year. It would inspire nine African-American schoolchildren to desegregate Little Rock Central High School in 1957. It would inspire sit-ins in Greensboro in 1960, and Freedom Riders in 1961. It would inspire voter registration drives, and a letter from a Birmingham jail cell. It would inspire over 300,000 people to march on Washington, and millions to dream of a day when people would "not be judged by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character." It would inspire the Freedom Summer of 1964, and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. And more than 50 years after the death of Emmett Till, in a country where racism still endures but without the power that it once had, it would inspire millions of voters, black and white, to reject the prejudices and fears of the past, and elect the son of a white woman from Kansas and a black man from Kenya to be the 44th President of the United States.

Today, as we consider the decision of that same President to block the release of hundreds of photographs showing the torture and abuse of detainees in Afghanistan and Iraq, I hope that those of us who are defending his decision will consider the example of Emmett Till, and of how seeing with open eyes the horrors that he endured brought about change in the hearts and minds of so many. Bush, Cheney, and their subordinates may have given the order to torture detainees, but it was the apathy, fear, and ignorance of millions of Americans that laid the groundwork for these abuses to take place. We as a nation need to be confronted with our failures and to take ownership of them, so we can set a positive example for young Americans to prevent such abuses from happening in the future. And we need to show those outside America that we can and will live up to our democratic values, so that we'll be taken seriously when we attempt to share those values with the rest of the world. This isn't about the next election--it's about the next generation, and about what kind of America they will build on the ashes of what we allowed to be ruined.

**********************************************

UPDATE: Wow, I'm really overwhelmed by the response that this diary has generated!  I posted this really late last night (I'm a hopeless insomniac), and when I turned my computer off the diary still hadn't generated any response and I figured that it would disappear into obscurity like the handful of other diaries I've posted.  So you can imagine my utter shock when I pulled up the web site, only to see my diary on the rec list with hundreds of comments.  Needless to say, my first response was to run from the computer, and hide under my bed...

Usually, my diaries only get a few comments, and I like to respond to as many of them as possible.  In this case, unfortunately, I doubt that's going to be an option.  However, I have perused the comments and saw a lot of really good dialogue both supportive and critical.  I'm planning on posting a follow-up diary tonight to respond to your comments generally, since the idea of responding to them individually seems a bit intimidating due to the sheer volume.  I hope that doesn't seem like a dodge to those of you who have been critical of my diary, because I think there has been some valid criticisms raised and they deserve a response.

In the interim, in response to suggestions made by some of you below, I've decided to add a picture of Emmett Till that was taken before his death, to show what his face looked like before it was disfigured by his murderers.  In retrospect, I regret not anticipating the possibility that the photo of Till in his coffin dehumanized him to a certain extent, and not foreseeing the need to give us all a glimpse of the young man that Emmett Till was before he was so brutally killed.

Thank you all for taking the time to read and respond.

 

PUB: BLR Literary Prize Guidelines | Bellevue Literary Review

BLR Literary Prize Guidelines

$1000 Marica and Jan Vilcek Prize for Poetry ~ Judged by Marie Ponsot

$1000 Goldenberg Prize for Fiction ~ Judged by Andre Dubus III

$1000 Carter V. Cooper Memorial Prize for Nonfiction ~ Judged by Jerome Groopman

Judge Bios  


BLR Prize Guidelines:  

  1. BLR Prize awards outstanding writing related to themes of health, healing, illness, the mind, and the body. First prize is $1000 (in each genre) and publication in the Spring 2011 issue of the BLR.
  2. Prose limited to 5000 words. Up to 3 poems (maximum 5 pages). Submissions that exceed these limits will be disqualified.
  3. Deadline July 1, 2010. Winners will be announced by December 31, 2010.
  4. Entry fee is $15 per submission. For an additional $5, you will receive a one-year subscription to the BLR. (Maximum: two submissions per person).
  5. Manuscripts are submitted electronically as a Microsoft Word document. (Save with a *.doc extension). Please combine all poems into one document and use first poem as title.
  6. Do not put your name on the manuscript document. (This will be entered separately on our website.) No cover letter needed.
  7. Work previously published* in print or electronically will not be considered. (Please see footnote below for specific definition of “published.”)
  8. Simultaneous submissions are permitted, but we ask that you notify us immediately if your work is accepted elsewhere. (This will avoid potentially awkward situations.) We regret that there can be no refunds or substitutions for withdrawn work.
  9. Students/friends/colleagues/relations of a judge are not permitted to enter submissions to that judge's genre.
  10. BLR acquires first-time North American rights. After publication, all rights revert to the author and the work may be reprinted as long as appropriate acknowledgement to BLR is made. All entries will also be considered for regular publication.
  11. Due to administrative costs, if no entry fee is received, manuscript will be placed with general submissions.  The entry fee may be paid online, by check, or by phone.

Online:
To pay through our secure site, please click here.  

By mail: Send check and printout of confirmation email to:
Bellevue Literary Review
Dept of Medicine, Rm OBV-612
NYU School of Medicine
550 First Avenue
New York, NY 10016

By phone: 212-263-3973 

  • Submit manuscript here. Thank you!!
  •  


     Please note that there are separate systems for submission and payment.  The account/login information that you set up in one does not automatically transfer to the other system.  You will need to register in both.  Apologies for the inconvenience.

     

    PUB: Essex Poetry festival - open poetry competition Page

    Essex Poetry Festival 10th Open Poetry Competition

    Sole Adjudicator  Kathryn Simmonds

    First Prize £1000

    Second £500, Third £250

    and 3 runner-up prizes of £50

    Prize giving will be in October
    at the Essex Poetry Festival
    Winners & runners-up will be invited
    to read their winning poems at the festival.

    Prize winning poems will be published on website.

     

    Closing date 30th July 2010

     

    Rules

     

    1. Poems may be up to 40 lines, and on any subject.
    2. Entries must be the poet’s own unpublished work.   They should not be on offer elsewhere during this competition. Copyright remains with the author.
    3. The entry fee is £6 per poem or £20 for 5 poems. PLEASE MAKE CHEQUES PAYABLE TO
      ‘POETRY IN PRACTICE’
    4. Each poem should be typed on one side of A4 paper with the title of the poem at the top of the sheet. The competitor's name must NOT appear on the poem.
    5. All entries must be accompanied by A4 covering sheet with the authors name, address, contact details(email & phone) & titles of poems,
      or use ready made entry form.
    6. Poems cannot be returned, so please don’t send original manuscripts
    7. The adjudicator’s decision is final.

     

    Please read the rules carefully, and then send entries to the address below.

    Essex Poetry Festival Competition
    15 Seeleys,
    Old Harlow,
    Essex
    CM17 0AD

    PUB: The Idaho Prize for Poetry from Lost Horse Press

    The Idaho Prize for Poetry

    About the Prize

    The final judge for the 2010 Idaho Prize for Poetry is Thomas Lux.

    The Idaho Prize is an annual, national competition offering $1,000 plus publication by Lost Horse Press for a book-length poetry manuscript. Manuscripts are accepted for review before May 15 of each year, and on 15 August, a winner is announced.

    In addition to announcements in national publications, the winning book and author will be featured on the Lost Horse Press website, along with a list of the finalists.

    Lost Horse Press adheres to the CLMP Code of Ethics:

    CLMP's community of independent literary publishers believes that ethical contests serve our shared goal: to connect writers and readers by publishing exceptional writing. We believe that intent to act ethically, clarity of guidelines, and transparency of process form the foundation of an ethical contest. To that end, we agree to 1) conduct our contests as ethically as possible and to address any unethical behavior on the part of our readers, judges, or editors; 2) to provide clear and specific contest guidelines—defining conflict of interest for all parties involved; and 3) to make the mechanics of our selection process available to the public. This Code recognizes that different contest models produce different results, but that each model can be run ethically. We have adopted this Code to reinforce our integrity and dedication as a publishing community and to ensure that our contests contribute to a vibrant literary heritage.

    ALL US POETS ELIGIBLE!

    Contest Deadline: Entries must be postmarked by May 15th
    Winners Announced: August 15th
    $1,000 cash prize, plus publication by Lost Horse Press
    Entry fee: $25 check or money order only, please.

    Send submissions to:

    The Idaho Prize
    Lost Horse Press
    105 Lost Horse Lane
    Sandpoint, Idaho 83864

    Send manuscripts of 48 or more pages of poetry, no more than one poem per page, no smaller than 12 point type in an easily readable font. Poems may have appeared in journals and chapbooks, but not in full-length, single-author collections.

    Name, address, phone number, e-mail address, and title of poetry collection must appear on the cover letter only. The goal is “blind” judging. Author’s name should not appear anywhere in manuscript except the cover letter.

    No restriction on content, style, or subject—we’re looking for the best manuscript.

    All checks or money orders for entry fee—$25—should be made payable to Lost Horse Press. Submissions without a reading fee enclosed will not be considered. A $50 fee will be charged for returned checks.

    Include SASE (number #10 business envelope) with sufficient postage for notification of finalists and winner. Manuscripts will be recycled. We are sorry but manuscripts cannot be returned.

    If manuscripts arrive postage due, they will be returned.

    Use white, lightweight paper. Quality paper won’t impress readers the way a quality manuscript will.

    Typed and printed on one side of the paper only. No handwriting should appear anywhere on the manuscript.

    Entries submitted by e-mail or fax are not permitted and will be disqualified.